test-economy-beplcpdffe-con03a	Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. regulation gambling sites trustworthy responsible business internet users trusted brands age verification problem gamblers legal safe service word of mouth government verification mitigate harms unfair odds internet gambling regulatory framework age verification problem gambling trusted brands fair odds consumer protection safe gambling government verification legal services regulation gambling sites user trust age verification problem gamblers odds manipulation consumer protection government oversight safe betting legal services regulation mitigate harms gambling sites trustworthy business trusted brands age verification problem gamblers unfair odds government verification legal service safe service regulation gambling/sites sites operation trustworthy business problem gamblers age verification government verification legal service safe service user trust consumer choice unfair odds reputation malicious actions word of mouth consumer protection public awareness regulated gambling safe gambling sites gambling site trust age verification for gambling sites problem gamblers and regulation regulated online casinos government verified gambling sites legal gambling services consumer protection in gambling unregulated gambling risks trustworthy gambling sites preventing underage gambling protecting problem gamblers gambling site reputation impact of regulation on gambling sites online gambling safety regulated gaming industry preventing unfair odds changes regulation gambling sites trustworthy responsible business user age verification problem gamblers legal service safe service consumer protection word of mouth unfair odds government verification mitigate harms online gambling brands trust regulation gambling sites trustworthy responsibility ageverification problemgamblers odds consumerprotection governmentverification legal safe search optimization regulatory terms gambling site trust user verification age validation problem gambling prevention fair odds consumer protection legal online gambling safe gaming environment government verification responsible business practices regulation gambling sites user trust age verification problem gamblers unfair odds consumer protection legal service safe betting trustworthy business government oversight mitigate harms
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro01a	Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims Union of Concerned Scientists U.S. Department of Agriculture nut allergies antibiotic resistance genetic modification technique environmental risks genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased research GMO crops US Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks nut allergies antibiotic resistance genetic modification technique genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims Union of Concerned Scientists USDA environmental risks nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance scientific technique genetic modification safety genetic engineering food safety biotech industry regulatory issues health risks scientific testing GMO crops food allergens genetic modification techniques genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims Union of Concerned Scientists U.S. Department of Agriculture genetic modification nut allergies antibiotic resistance scientific technique environmental risks genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings GMO crops US Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists nut allergies environmental risks DNA modification antibiotic resistance genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims Union of Concerned Scientists USDA evaluation environmental risks nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance genetic modification safety genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased research GMO crops U.S. Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance scientific technique genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased research USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance genetic modification safety genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased research GMO crops U.S. Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased research GMO crops Union of Concerned Scientists USDA evaluation environmental risks nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro02a	Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain EU speed response policy institutions UK freedom challenges external Britain EU response speed external policy independence quick adaptation changing circumstances decision-making process Britain EU speed responsiveness policy-making freedom external policy UK economic efficiency quick response international relations decision-making process Britain independence EU decision-making UK policy flexibility quick policy response EU institutional speed Brexit advantages rapid policy adjustment European Union responsiveness UK external affairs independent foreign policy Britain EU speed response policy membership institutions freedom external affairs challenges Britain speed response policy flexibility EU responsiveness slow external policy institutional speed UK policy creation faster decision-making responding to challenges institutional input EU decision-making process UK policy independence Britain EU speed faster response policy creation EU external policy slow decision-making institutional responsiveness faster policymaking UK independence quickly adaptable Britain EU speed response policy membership freedom external affairs challenges agreement Britain EU speed response policy membership institutions flexibility challenges external affairs benefits UK EU policy membership vote speed government institutions flexibility diplomacy foreign关系
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro01a	Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. cyber warfare cyber attacks digital domain warfare 21st century military modernization Stuxnet Iran USA virus sabotage Kosovo war air defense systems hacking state-sponsored acts of aggression retaliatory attacks crucial services international law cyber warfare digital attacks state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber terrorism international cyber laws cyber espionage cyber defense cyber conflict cyber security cyber tactics cyber strategy cyber ethics cyber strategy examples cyber conflict history cyber warfare examples cyber attack definitions cyber threat landscape cyber intelligence cyber resilience cyber warfare consequences cyber security measures cyber warfare tactics cyber conflict analysis cyber security policies cybersecurity digital warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks international law cyber conflict cyber terrorism cyber espionage cyber defense cyber sabotage cybercrime cyber domain cyber tactics cyber strategy cyber operations cyber vulnerabilities cyber resilience cyber ethics cyber regulations cyber norms cyber incidents cyber threat intelligence cyber policy cyber security cyber strategy cyber threats cyber warfare cyber operations cyber tactics cyber defense cyber security measures cyber resilience strategies cyber norms development cyber regulation frameworks cyber threat landscape cyber incident response cyber security policies cyber threat actors cyber security trends cyber cyber warfare digital attacks state-sponsored hacking international security cyber domain military cyber operations cyber defense cyber strategy cyber threats cyber espionage cyber terrorism cyber conflict cyber attacks on infrastructure cyber weapons cyber intelligence cyber crime cyber security cyber policy cyber tactics cyber strategy development cyber threat intelligence cyber incident response cyber resilience cyber law cyber ethics cyber warfare examples cyber attack incidents cyber attack consequences cyber attack prevention cyber attack detection cyber attack mitigation cyber attack response cyber attack recovery cyber attack classification cyber attack impact analysis cyber attack risk management cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation act of war digital warfare 21st century state actors Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme retaliation cyber espionage Kosovo war air defence systems state vulnerability cyber weapons warfare definitions international law cyber strategy cyber warfare digital attacks state-sponsored hacking military cyber operations cyber espionage cyber terrorism digital domain warfare cyber conflict cyber domain cyber security cyber defense cyber strategy cyber tactics cyber operations cyber intelligence cyber vulnerabilities cyber threats cyber incidents cyber attacks examples cyber warfare history cyber war definition cyber conflict analysis cyber strategy development cyber defense measures cyber security measures cyber resilience cyber policy cyber ethics cyber law cyber regulations cyber standards cyber norms cyber sovereignty cyber deterrence cyber attribution cyber incident response cyber threat intelligence cyber threat hunting cyber attacks digital warfare military modernization digital developments acts of war Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme US-Israel attack state-sponsored cyber attacks Kosovo war hacking air defence systems cyber espionage cyber sabotage international law cyber conflict cyber domain cyber security cyber strategy cyber defense cyber operations cyber terrorism cyber crime cyber warfare cyber threats cyber vulnerabilities cyber resilience cyber incidents cyber tactics cyber tactics and strategies cyber operations and strategies cyber conflict and warfare cyber security and defense cyber policy cyber strategy and policy cyber warfare and policy cyber warfare digital domain state-sponsored attacks cyber espionage cyber sabotage international law military modernization Stuxnet cyber conflict cyber domain cyber aggression cyber defense cyber attacks in warfare cyber domain warfare cyber strategy cyber operations cyber threats cyber security cyber resilience cyber deterrence cyber intelligence cyber strategy development cyber tactics cyber countermeasures cyber policy cyber regulations cyber norms cyber ethics cyber warfare definition cyber war examples cyber warfare history cyber conflict analysis cyber attack impact cyber security measures cyber defense mechanisms cyber warfare implications cyber cyber warfare digital attacks state-sponsored cyber attacks military modernization international law cyber espionage Stuxnet virus cyber security cyber sabotage cyber terrorism cyber defense cyber conflict cyber aggression cyber domain cyber strategy cyber ethics cyber intelligence cyber policy cyber strategy development cyber operations cyber tactics cyber warfare history cyber threats cyber resilience cyber deterrence cyber sanctions cyber norms cyber sovereignty cyber attribution cyber incidents cyber intelligence gathering cyber threat landscape cyber vulnerabilities cyber incident response cyber security measures cyber warfare doctrine cyber warfare tactics cyber warfare cyber warfare digital domain state-sponsored attacks cyber attacks examples international law cyber espionage cyber sabotage military cyber operations cyber conflict cyber security digital warfare cyber terrorism cyber defense cyber strategy cyber policy cyber threats cybercrime cyber vulnerabilities cyber resilience cyber ethics cyber deterrence cyber intelligence cyber strategy development cyber incident response cyber threat intelligence cyber security measures cyber attack vectors cyber attack mitigation cyber security risks cyber security frameworks cyber security regulations cyber security standards cyber security best practices cyber security technology cyber security training cyber security certification
test-education-udfakusma-con01a	Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. universities_profitability educational_free_market university_fees reinvestment_research societal_benefit university_services profit_mechanisms_education profit_mechanisms_research university_attractiveness state_funding_effectiveness profitability university education research market fees reinvestment infrastructure student enrollment profit sharing societal benefit academic funding business model educational services university revenue research grants tuition fees institutional success competitive advantage university_profitability educational_service_markets academic_research_funding student_enrollment_strategies university_financial_models reinvestment_in_education public_vs_private_universities university_infrastructure_development higher_education_economics profit_making_in_academia profitability educational market reinvestment societal benefit research funding student enrollment fee structure academic freedom resource allocation university operations Universities profit research education free market student fees reinvestment society search optimization relevant expansion phrases universities profit educational services market analogy research benefits reinvestment societal impact university revenue student attraction fee structure educational market profit reinvestment university success metrics profitability academic services market analogy research funding educational market student enrollment fee structures reinvestment societal benefits university finances profitability educational market reinvestment societal benefit research funding student enrollment university operations free market principles infrastructure development universities_profitability educational_service market_analogy reinvestment_profit academic_research_funding university_business_model free_market_principles public_university_fees societal_benefit_profit search outcomes beneficial expansion terms recommendations query enhancement universities profitability educational services research funding free market student enrollment fees profit reinvestment societal benefit university infrastructure education costs market competition profit motives public vs private universities research impact educational economics university finance academic profits
test-international-appghblsba-pro04a	South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image Sub-Saharan Africa South African Development Community South African Customs Union People's Charter Movement trade unions UN Africa Union social structure regional integration economic aid sustainable development political union sovereignty issues human rights Basotho people South Africa Lesotho annexation South African Development Community South African Customs Union Basotho people People’s Charter Movement Sub-Saharan Africa integration UN recognition Africa Union support trade unions regional stability economic aid international image sustainable development social structures signature collection popular movements South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image Sub-Saharan Africa South African Development Community South African Customs Union People's Charter Movement trade unions UN Africa Union economic integration social structures regional cooperation UN resolution African Union decision trade agreements governance human rights economic aid political stability regional development international relations diplomatic initiatives South Africa influence international stage Lesotho annexation better image SUB-Saharan Africa integration popular movement People's Charter Movement dire conditions Basotho people UN AU SA Development Community South African Customs Union trade unions sustainable development regional stability South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability image South African Development Community South African Customs Union People's Charter Movement trade unions dire conditions UN Africa Union sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa global stage South Africa influence international stage stability image Lesotho annexation Sub-Saharan Africa sustainability African Union UN People’s Charter Movement trade unions popularity integration CUSTOMS Union dire conditions Basotho people South Africa Lesotho annexation stability international image Sub-Saharan Africa South African Development Community South African Customs Union People’s Charter Movement trade unions UN Africa Union economic integration social structure regional influence trade relations humanitarian aid South Africa Lesotho international influence stability UN Africa Union annexation Sub-Saharan Africa social structure People’s Charter Movement South African Development Community South African Customs Union trade unions regional integration sustainable development international image economic aid South Africa Lesotho annexation international relations African Union UN sustainability economic integration trade unions People's Charter Movement sub-Saharan Africa influence stability image South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability regional integration Sub-Saharan Africa UN Africa Union People’s Charter Movement South African Development Community South African Customs Union
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro02a	Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 schools education lifestyle changes health education behavioral modification parental influence lawmaker involvement youth development knowledge application New York Times healthier behavior lawmaker involvement lifestyle changes youth development knowledge application behavior modification parental influence school environments role expansion school health behavioral modification knowledge application youth development education policy lifestyle influence school environments parental role behavior creation healthy choices lawmaker involvement lifestyle changes student reinvention healthier behavior lawmaker intervention youth behavior modification parental influence decline school environments knowledge application lifestyle changes educational mandate expansion schools lifestyle changes health education behavioral modification lawmakers parental influence knowledge application environment youth development New York Times school health policies student behavior modification healthy school environments lifestyle education adolescent development education reform school-based interventions mental health support physical activity programs nutrition education education lifestyle changes behavioral modification knowledge transfer healthier behaviors school environments youth development lawmaker influence lifestyle interventions health education role of schools school health policies behavioral education knowledge application youth development environmental influences lawmaker involvement lifestyle modifications school environments parental influence decrease continuous reinvention school health policies educational reform behavior modification youth development lifestyle education school environment impact student well-being healthy behaviors parental influence decline behavior change strategies school as a role model lawmaker intervention knowledge application skills lifelong learning socialization processes educational psychology public health initiatives school health policies youth behavior modification school environments healthy lifestyle education school as role model education reform student well-being behavior transfer lifelong learning parental influence decline lawmaker intervention educational environments student self-reinvention health education integration
test-education-tuhwastua-con01a	It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. university admissions standardized tests objective comparison applicant variability grading systems educational standards test fairness academic assessment admissions criteria college entrance exams standardized testing fairness in education university application process grade consistency instructor influence curriculum impact school quality test standardization admission metrics educational inequalities university_admissions standardized_tests grading_systems applicant_comparison test_flaws SAT_alternatives education_quality academic_whimsy college_application_process standardizedtests universityadmissions applicantcomparison applicationprocess academicperformance equalityineducation instructorsubjectivity curriculumvariability schoolquality objectivityinassessment testpreparation strategies highereducationselection criticalthinkingassessments academicstandardization admissioncriteria discriminationinscholarshipawards studentdiversity educationalopportunity equityincollegeentrance university admissions standardized tests SAT flaws objective comparison admissions criteria test reliability academic standards college application process grading inconsistencies educational inequality University admissions standardized tests SAT flaws objective comparison applicant diversity grading variability educational quality standardized tests university admissions objective comparison applicant variability grading systems educational quality admission criteria test reliability college applications academic performance institutional biases fairness in education selection processes testing inconsistencies educational standards admissions criteria analysis search accuracy query expansion university admissions standardized tests objective comparison grading variability instructor influence curriculum impact school quality applicant comparison SAT flaws educational assessment fairness in testing college applications academic standards admissions criteria test uniformity university admissions standardized tests SAT flaws objective comparison applicant variability academic standards college entrance exams grading inconsistencies institutional biases standardized tests university admissions objective comparison grading variability educational standards test reliability college applications admission criteria academic performance subjective grading standardized testing fairness in education admission processes educational assessment university selection student evaluation admissions policies search optimization university admissions standardized tests comparison fairness criteria evaluation academic performance assessment inequality college entrance selection process objective subjective grading consistency variability bias standardized testing fairness issues
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 symbols oppression gender religion equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy veil discrimination Belgium France dress inequality liberal societies oppression gender equality religious symbols Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy ban full Muslim veil France inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression of women democratic society dress rules gender discrimination symbols oppression gender equality religion Hijab discrimination Muslim veil ban inequality democracy Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries France Belgium discrimination liberal societies oppression gender equality religious symbols Muslim Hijab cultural oppression discrimination inequality democracy veil ban Western values Islamic dress gender discrimination women's rights social justice religious freedom feminist perspectives human rights cultural clash symbols oppression gender religion equality Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy discrimination Belgium France Muslim dress inequality liberal societies oppression religious symbols gender equality Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy Muslim veil discrimination inequality ban liberal societies symbols oppression religious symbols equality divide gender Hijab Muslim women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy veil ban discrimination liberal societies equality oppression gender inequality discrimination fighting Muslim dress women rights symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide gender Muslim Hijab discrimination Belgium full Muslim veil France democratic society inequality liberal societies veil ban oppression gender equality religious symbols Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy banning hijab discrimination Belgium France full veil gender inequality liberal societies oppression symbols gender equality religious symbols Hijab discrimination inequality Western countries democratic society veil ban Muslim dress feminism human rights cultural conflict
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro01a	PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC China Taiwanese relations one-China policy Taiwan Strait sovereignty economic power population international recognition 1992 consensus PRC China One China policy Taiwan ROC 1992 consensus political recognition economic disparity population difference territorial size PRC China One-China Policy Taiwan 1992 Consensus Purchasing Power Parity Population Comparison Territory Size Comparison International Recognition PRC China One-China policy Taiwan 1992 consensus Purchasing power parity Population comparison Territory size Recognition of states PRC China Taiwanese civil war 1992 consensus one China policy Taiwan population difference economic disparity recognition sovereignty PRC China civil war 1992 consensus one China policy Taiwan ROC population economy purchasing powerparity recognition PRC China People's Republic of China ROC Republic of China Taiwanese one China policy 1992 consensus Taiwan recognition sovereignty population economy purchasing power parity PRC China Taiwanese recognition 1992 consensus one China policy civil war population difference economic disparity political status PRC China Taiwanese reunification one-China policy 1992 consensus Taiwan Strait economic disparity population difference sovereignty international recognition political status PRC China Taiwan One-China policy 1992 consensus political recognition economic disparity population difference territorial size
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con03a	Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. immunity politicians doublestandard victims perpetrators retribution jusice fairness crimes philanthropist community free system individuals important criminal pillar punishment equality immunity politicians doublestandard victims retribution justice inequality criminal philanthropist power legal system freedom equality crime punishment immunity politicians doublestandard victim perpetrator retribution justice system injustice equality philanthropist community legal prosecution fairness double standard political immunity justice system victims' rights equal treatment retribution philanthropist prosecution criminal justice fairness immunity politicians doublestandard victim perpetrator retribution justice inequality freedom fairness philanthropist pillar community criminal commission prosecution external factor importance equality relevance justice doublestandard accountability equality prosecution philanthropist politician victim perpetrator retribution court commission freedom fairness immunity politicians double标准 victim perpetrator retribution justice系统 平等 法律面前人人平等 wealthy philanthropist community pillar crime commission external因素 free immunity politicians doublestandard victims perpetrator retribution jusice system equality philanthropist community freedom criminal court external factor commission free fair individuals importance pillar denied day crime power inequality punishment law unjust equality legal system privilege immunity politicians doublestandard victim perpetrator retribution justice system crime philanthropist politicalrole free fair individuals treatedalike community criminal pillar denied dayincourt commission external foundation suffering justice system fairness criminal prosecution victim's rights political influence double standard legal equality retrial civil rights public trust legislative immunity
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro04a	An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, ICC enforcement credibility fugitive arrest international criminal justice effective legal institution cooperation international police division analogy European leadership Henry Kissinger quote ICC enforcement credibility international criminal court fugitive arrest division of authority European leadership cooperation effectiveness legal institution international justice international police forces international criminal court international cooperation credibility arrest capability effective legal institution international justice division analogy political cooperation military cooperation international police forces human rights legal enforcement European Union leadership role power dynamics international law trial success conviction rate global governance international relations ICC reform law enforcement justice system effective institutions Europe cooperation ICJ United Nations peacekeeping legal authority international crimes divisions analogy international criminal court enforcement arm credibility divisions analogy mocking effectiveness resource provision international cooperation apprehension convictions acceptance legal institution political cooperation Europe international police forces Henry H. Perritt Marcin Sobczyk ICC enforcement organizational credibility international criminal justice division arrest capability cooperative countries effective legal institution political and military cooperation international police forces international criminal court enforcement arm credibility effectiveness trials convictions cooperation fugitive arrest division European leadership political cooperation international criminals ICC enforcement organizational credibility international criminal justice division of authority European leadership international cooperation legal effectiveness prosecution success political influence legal institution reliability ICC enforcement credibility international criminal justice divisions metaphor critical mass effective legal institution cooperation among countries international police forces European leadership apprehension of fugitives conviction rates international security legal acceptance political influence resource provision international collaboration ICC enforcement credibility international criminal court fugitive arrest effective legal institution international cooperation international criminal justice Henry H. Perritt Henry Kissinger European leadership ICC enforcement credibility fugitive arrest international criminal justice legal institution effectiveness cooperation among countries political and military collaboration European leadership international police forces Henry Kissinger quote
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro01a	Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 cluster bombs civilians military indiscriminate land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces duds children demining unacceptable harm morden warfare urban warfare peacekeeping initial assault blasting radius populous areas safety mine clearance innocent civilians indiscriminate attacks child casualties war crimes unintended victims detonation risks cluster munitions cluster bomblets post-conflict demining mine action cluster weapons cluster ordnance cluster munition convention cluster bombs civilian harm indiscriminate attacks land mines zagreb bombing military ethics dud bomblets child casualties demining operations wartime civilian casualties city warfare cluster bombs civilians indiscriminate land mines duds military civilian areas peacekeeping initial assaults zagreb martic croat forces demining children harm modern warfare vacant areas international law ban treaty cluster munitions unacceptable harm cluster bombs civilian harm indiscriminate bombing in cities initial assault on civilian areas military and civilian casualties dud bomblets attractive to children demining cluster bomblets civilian casualties post-conflict cluster munitions的危害 城市中的平民伤亡 初始攻击中的平民地区 非区分性轰炸 未爆子弹的危险 清除未爆子弹的危险 战争结束后平民伤亡 Cluster Bombs Civilians Military Targets Indiscriminate Nature Land Mines Zagreb Martic Croat Forces Dud Bomblets Children Populous Areas Demining Civilian Populations Initial Assaults Combat Zones City Warfare Peacekeeping Unacceptable Harm cluster bombs civilians harm military targets indiscriminate nature land mines dud bomblets populous areas children demining warfare scenario Zagreb Martic Croat forces dangerous process civilian populations cluster bombs civilians military indiscriminate nature land mines zagreb martin bombardment duds children demining civilian casualties widespread harm peacekeeping initial assault civilian areas urban warfare unintended targets post-conflict dangers cluster bombs civilians modern warfare civilian areas combat formations indiscriminate nature land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces duds bomblets children demining safe disposal harm peacekeeping purposes initial assaults attack radius post-conflict dangers international law ban treaty cluster munitions convention cluster bombs civilians indiscriminate nature military targets land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces dud bomblets populous areas children demining civilian casualties initial assaults city warfare peacekeeping cluster weapon remnants safe demining techniques post-conflict disarmament cluster bombs civilian harm indiscriminate weaponry land mines Zagreb attack dud bomblets demining civilian casualties modern warfare urban warfare child casualties
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con02a	Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. internet human rights commodity accessibility affordability media technology telecommunications television freedom expression democracy inequality charges rights availability digital divide infrastructure censorship information communication human rights internet access television telephone commodification affordability digital divide human rights violations media technology democratic communication international news charging for services access restrictions freedom of expression human rights internet commodification media technology telephone rights tv rights internet access charging for access internet shutdowns internet freedom humanitarian technology information dissemination communication rights internet inequality internet censorship telecommunications rights internet accessibility free internet net neutrality internet democracy internet regulation internet pricing internet access human rights media technology telecommunications democratization freedom of expression global communication charging for services digital divide technological advancements human right debate information availability telecommunications history Internet access commodity human right availability wealth telecommunications media technology democracy human rights violations international communication internet access human rights media technology commodity charges freedom of expression democratization telecommunications television human right status information accessibility inequality technological advancement human rights internet access commodity inalienable rights democratization media advances TV telephones international news human rights violations express opinions internet rights human rights debate digital divide access availability telecommunications history media technology human right commodities internet access costs human rights internet access commodity democratization media technology telephone TV costs availability international news communication free access equality opinion expression rights violations information dissemination human rights internet accessibility charging for internet internet cutoffs digital divide media technology TV telephones expression rights human rights violations democratization internet commodity internet pricing internet inequality
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro01a	All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. nuclear deterrence right to self-defense international system conventional weapons power imbalance small states rational actor theory existential threat geopolitics weapons proliferation georgia invasion north korea nuclear strategy sovereignty equality in defense nuclear deterrence international treaties state sovereignty conventional weapons defense capability small states nuclear weapons equalization of states rational use existential threat proliferation nuclear strategy nuclear deterrence right to self-defense international treaties conventional weapons small states power imbalance geopolitical stability national security existential threat rational actors weapon proliferation geopolitical conflicts security studies international relations nuclear non-proliferation global balance of power small nations defense states rights geopolitical strategies nuclear strategy geopolitical stability arms control nuclear proliferation security issues national sovereignty international law geopolitical tensions nuclear disarmament geopolitical power dynamics nuclear weapons policy defense mechanisms nuclear proliferation risks nuclear disarmament efforts nuclear deterrence right to defend nation-state international system conventional weapons power imbalance poor states small states wealthy states foreign attack international treaties nuclear weapons nuclear proliferation existential threat rational behavior nuclear strategy geopolitics nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaties organizations defense capability equalization geopolitical stability security arms control nuclear proliferation risks nuclear weapons use nuclear policy global security geopolitical tensions geopolitical power geostrategic importance geostrategic stability nuclear disarmament debate nuclear deterrence national security international relations strategic defense conventional weapons poor nations small states rational actors existential threats geopolitics north korea defense ukraine nuclear option nuclear deterrence international system state sovereignty conventional weapons defense rights poor states small states wealthy states equalization rational behavior existential threat weapon proliferation Cold War state security strategic stability geopolitical equality nuclear non-proliferation international relations national security arms control nuclear strategy nuclear deterrence international system state sovereignty conventional weapons power imbalance small states wealth defense nuclear proliferation existential threat rational behavior geopolitics national security international law security studies deterrence theory geopolitical stability conflict prevention nuclear deterrence countries right to defend international treaties conventional weapons poor states small states wealthy states national security international relations geopolitics existential threat rationality nuclear proliferation equality of states nuclear weapons usage defense strategy Georgia invasion Russia North Korea nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation risks nuclear non-proliferation states rights nuclear weapons ethics nuclear deterrence right to self-defense international treaties poor states small states wealthy states rationality nuclear weapons existential threat geopolitics international relations country security strategic defense global equality military capacity conventional weapons Georgia invasion Russia North Korea nuclear proliferation weapon control states rights geopolitical stability nuclear deterrence country defense international treaties state sovereignty conventional weapons power imbalance geopolitical stability existential threat rationality nuclear proliferation security equality in power small states nuclear strategy nuclear disarmament
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league international leadership Afghanistan rogue states tactical nuclear weapons ratification security arms control reset policy Middle East military aid transparency denuclearization terrorism NATO Russia Iranian nuclear program diplomacy security issues proliferation nuclear non-proliferation nuclear materials Israel nuclear force global security nuclear strategy nuclear weapons nuclear security Senate sanctions international relations diplomatic relations foreign policy geopol New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman rogue states arms control treaty ratification international leadership nuclear proliferation middle east Senators nuclear force transparency stability Iranian nuclear weapons terrorists rogue states north korea nuclear material arms control agreement friends national interest reset relations improved relations Russian cooperation iranian nuclear ambitions cancelled sale Russia anti-aircraft missile system materiel flow NewSTART treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Sugarman Foxman Afghanistan rogue nuclear-states materiel terrorism arms-control agreement Vice-President Biden ratification sanctions NATO Russia security proliferation reset relations Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Powell colin Washington Post Wall Street Journal national-security global-security loose nukes Middle East New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman nuclear weapons Iranian nuclear threat national security Senate ratification arms control rogue states nuclear terrorism transparency stability Russian support Iran sanctions anti-aircraft missiles NATO-Russia relations European security nuclear non-proliferation loose nukes Afghanistan terrorist threats nuclear force international leadership New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Anti-Defamation League Russia rogue states arms control transparency stability Iranian nuclear weapons program North Korea terrorists nuclear force security ratification reset relations Middle East Israel Afghanistan international terrorism loose nukes materiel sanctions nuclear material vice president diplomacy negotiations proliferation nuclear material security anti-aircraft missile system nuclear material transfer NATO-Russia Council Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation arms control treaty ratification rogue states security reset relations anti-defamation league alice sugarman abraham foxman nuclear proliferation afghanistan international terrorism north korea materiel security iranian nuclear weapons loose nukes Russian assistance nuclear force anti-aircraft missile system atlantic magazine washington post wall street journal national security military strategy diplomatic relations New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation arms control Russian support rogue states terrorism anti-defamation league Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell nuclear force international leadership Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Afghanistan materiel flow nuclear weapons Israel national security Soviet Union ratification nuclear material transparency stability reset relations European security NATO-Russia Council New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation arms control treaty ratification rogue states anti-defamation league Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman nuclear weapons middle east Senators Senator reservation nuclear force nuclear proliferation transparency security Russia Iranian nuclear threat Israel Afghanistan terrorists reset relations NATO-Russia Council lisbon materiel vice president joe biden george p. shultz henry a. kissinger colin l. New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation arms control rogue states Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman nuclear proliferation international leadership anti-defamation league Senate ratification middle east Al-Qaeda Afghanistan NATO Russia Joseph Biden reset policy anti-missile systems sanctions Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty loose nukes transparency stable strategic nuclear relationship international terrorism geopolitical stability security issues nuclear weapon development diplomatic relations global security Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Russian support Anti-Defamation League rogue states terrorists arms control treaty ratification nuclear force nuclear weapons security issues Afghanistan international terrorism nuclear materials reset relations European security anti-aircraft missile system materiel flow nuclear non-proliferation Senate reservations"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook social media distraction learning students education academic performance social networks studies scholarship community college psychological impact digital distraction study habits educational progress technology student success social interaction attention span digital divide online behavior educational psychology internet usage cognitive function cyberbullying screen time digital literacy social media impact educational distractions student performance academic success technology in education social networking effects study interruptions learning environment digital divide psychological impact internet addiction online behavior educational outcomes social interaction cognitive function attention span mental health academic integrity digital literacy time management self-discipline technological advancements digital natives generational differences educational technology e-learning remote education online learning virtual classrooms social media addiction cyberbullying information overload digital footprint privacy concerns educational psychology pedagogical methods teaching strategies school policies parental involvement teacher training social media distraction education student behavior academic performance digital divide technology impact learning environment psychological effects online habits educational outcomes social networking information overload attention span study habits academic success college admissions scholarship eligibility community colleges future prospects youth culture psychological studies internet addiction digital literacy media consumption cognitive function mental health time management procrastination cyberbullying digital natives generational differences Facebook impact on learning social media distraction academic performance decline student social network usage education outcomes digital distractions in education social media and grades technology in education social media effects on students social networks and learning online socializing and education social media versus education social networking impact on learning social media and academic success social media and study habits Facebook learning distraction social media education student performance scholarly articles psychological impact academic progress social networks GPA scholarships community college study habits Facebook impact learning social media distraction education social networks effect students social media and grades social media influence study social media educational progress social media scholarships social media community college social media study habits social networking education social media versus education social media academic performance social media vs studying social media impact learning social media and academic success social media and education outcomes Facebook learning distraction educational progress social networks student grades scholarship community college future prospects social media impact psychological effects Facebook impact learning distracting social media educational progress social networking studies student grades scholarship impact community college personal prospects social media education balance psychological association impacts Facebook student learning social media distraction educational progress social networks academic performance scholarships community college future prospects socializing study habits psychological impacts educational technology digital divide internet usage attention span cognitive abilities educational attainment social media impact digital distraction academic performance educational technology student behavior internet addiction study habits online interaction psychological effects social network usage learning environment scholarship eligibility community college enrollment future opportunities socializing benefits time management cognitive function digital literacy screen time concentration levels academic success educational disruption digital divide cyberbullying peer influence attention span mental health educational psychology digital natives internet safety social media policies educational technology trends social networking studies digital citizenship technology addiction information overload learning motivation student engagement digital detox social media etiquette
test-law-umtlilhotac-con01a	ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. international criminal court jury professional judges witness protection safeguards international tribunals disadvantages of televising international criminal court disadvantages domestic criminal trial jury professional judges witness protection safeguards televising trials international tribunals international criminal court disadvantages of televising trials witness protection judicial proceedings international tribunals jury system legal systems comparison courtroom procedures media coverage judicial intimidation trial safeguards international criminal court jury system legal disadvantages international tribunal trial broadcasting witness protection safeguards television coverage legal systems comparison ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising trials jury professional judges witness protection international tribunals courtroom procedures judicial independence media coverage ICC advantages international criminal court legal systems comparison disadvantages of televising trials absence of jury professional judges witness protection judicial integrity international tribunals courtroom proceedings judicial proceedings televised legal proceedings security ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising trials jury professional judges witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising trials jury professional judges intimidation witness protection international tribunals safeguards ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising trials international tribunals jury professional judges witness protection safeguards international criminal court jury system professional judges witness protection televised trials international tribunals legal systems comparison disadvantages of televising trials
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con03a	Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, public decency freedom of speech south africa criticism of government widespread offence artwork removal public display lewdness controversy national division public decency freedom of speech South Africa Brett Murray The Spear Peter Robins Amandla Zuma artwork controversy censorship public domain graphic content offensive art lewd depiction controversial art art censorship public display public decency freedom of speech South Africa critical art offensive art government criticism pubic display controversy art censorship public domain cultural sensitivity murder in cold blood lewd depiction president zuma art controversy public decency freedom of speech south africa critical art offensive art public domain controversial art art censorship artistic expression public decency laws art and politics Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence Artwork Removal Pubic Display Brett Murray The Spear President Zuma Lewd Depiction Critical Message Offensive Art Public Domain Controversy public decency freedom of speech critical art south africa art controversy public domain offense art removal brett murray president zuma public decency freedom of speech critical art offensive art public domain message conveys controversy artwork removal government criticism lewd depiction personal offense public display art criticism South Africa art decency standards Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Critical Government Public Domain Widespread Offence Brett Murray The Spear President Zuma Artwork Removal Lewd Depiction Offence Prevention public decency freedom of speech South Africa government criticism critical art public domain controversial art art censorship exposed genitalia political art art controversy President Zuma Brett Murray Amandla magazine public decency freedom of speech critical art political art artistic expression public display controversial art offensive art art censorship museum ethics artist intent popular opinion cultural sensitivity policy制定
test-international-iighbopcc-pro01a	The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, climate change binding agreements non-binding agreements emission targets voluntary commitments housing insulation subsidies carbon targets government pledges international climate negotiations binding agreements voluntary targets climate change emission reduction government policies housing insulation carbon targets environmental commitments international climate negotiations climate change cutting emissions non-binding agreement binding targets government commitments voluntary targets subsidies for housing carbon targets environmental policy greenhouse gases policy effectiveness international agreements negotiations effectiveness climate agreements binding targets non-binding commitments government policies emission reductions voluntary targets housing insulation carbon targets climate talks climate change advisers climate change targets binding agreements emissions cutting emissions government commitment voluntary targets subsidies housing insulation carbon targets negotiations international agreements binding targets voluntary targets emissions cutting government commitments climate agreements housing insulation carbon targets climate talks environmental policies climate change emissions reduction binding agreements voluntary targets government commitments housing insulation carbon targets environmental policy international climate talks greenhouse gas reductions binding targets non-binding agreements emissions cutting voluntary targets climate talks government commitment carbon targets housing insulation subsidies environmental policy international climate negotiations emissions binding agreements voluntary targets climate change government commitments carbon reduction housing insulation environmental policy international climate negotiations non-binding条约 减排目标 气候协议 环境政策实施 emissions reduction binding agreements non-binding agreements climate targets government commitment housing insulation carbon targets voluntary commitments environmental policies
test-science-eassgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights morality brain size social behavior communication ethics consciousness death awareness moral consideration trade-offs animal rights moral considerations brain size social behavior communication self-awareness ethical trade-offs greater good moral philosophy animals humanity morality consciousness social behavior communication rights ethics intelligence death trade-offs great ape personhood animals rights human morality cognitive abilities ethical considerations moral trade-offs sentient beings moral worth rights justification animal ethics cognitive justice animals human rights morality intelligence social behavior communication mortality ethics moral consideration trade-offs animal rights moral considerations brain size social behavior communication abilities self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs greater good moral worth animal rights moral considerations brain size social behavior communication consciousness death awareness ethical trade-offs greater good sentient beings animals moral considerations human rights brain size social groups communication moral worth characteristics great moral trade-off benefit humans animals human rights moral considerations brain size social groups communication mortality consciousness ethical trade-offs greater good speciesism ethical considerations moral philosophy animal rights cognitive abilities social behavior consciousness death awareness utilitarianism ethical trade-offs greater good
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro02a	Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 workplace religious symbols legal consistency discrimination in religion Christian symbols in workplace state religion faith demonstration job protection religious attire establishment clause workplace rights Sikh kirpan equal treatment conscience rights workplace religious symbols consistency in legislation religious discrimination establishment of religion national symbols legal protections for religion conscientious objection equal rights religious attire workplace rights legal precedents religious freedom legal consistency workplace accommodations religious symbols in public legal definitions of discrimination religious attire policies religious symbols in the UK workplace religious freedom legal protections for religious expression religious symbols in employment legal interpretations of religious freedom workplace religious practices legal aspects of religious attire religious freedom in the workplace legal rights of religious minorities religious freedom case law workplace religious accommodation legal rights of religious individuals workplace religious symbols consistency in legislation religious discrimination Christian symbolism established churches monarch as head of church conscientious objection workplace attire NHS policy Heathrow airport kirpan policy religious rights British law hypocrisy in religious practices national brand consistency search utility relevant expansion phrases query other religions prescribed clothing British law hypocrisy Christian protection legislative consistency discrimination workplace religious symbols established faith state religion monarch Church of England national brands employee profession conscience NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan small dagger religious symbols respect American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum search efficiency expand query religious symbols workplace attire British law discrimination Christianity established religion state church monarch head of church outward demonstrations faith symbols Sikh kirpan NHS Heathrow airport equal treatment conscience legal consistency hypocrisy religious freedom legislative uniformity search performance relevant expansion phrases query religions prescribed clothing British law hypocrisy legislation consistency discrimination workplace attire Christianity established faith state religion monarch Church of England national brand outward religious demonstrations professional conduct faith symbols conscientious objection job loss religious symbols acceptance NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan individual rights religious freedom legislative commitment American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum search accuracy expansion terms enrich query workplace attire religious symbols consistency discrimination British law Christian cross conscientious objection national brand workplace accommodation religious freedom legal protection Sikh kirpan equal rights workplace diversity public sector equality faith expressions employment rights symbolic attire cultural sensitivity religious uniformity workplace policy legal interpretation religious discrimination workplace discrimination employee rights legal consistency religious symbols in workplace establishment church faith demonstration workplace accommodations religious freedom in employment legal protections for religion public sector religious practices workplace religious attire religious symbols legality religious attire search efficacy expansion keywords workplace attire religious symbols British law Christian cross workplace discrimination national brand conscience NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan religious accommodation legal consistency hypocrisy established faith state religion monarch Church of England minority rights religious freedom employment rights public sector religious symbols policy equal treatment legal protection cultural sensitivity ethical consideration discrimination definition symbolic representation professional ethics personal belief employment law religious symbols in public service minority faiths legal interpretation legal principle workplace diversity ethical uniformity legal consistency argument search optimization keyword expansion legal consistency religious symbols workplace attire Christian cross discrimination established faith national symbols religious rights workplace discrimination employment law faith expression religious diversity workplace equality constitutional rights faith-based legislation religious freedom equal protection workplace accommodation cultural sensitivity religious attire legal precedent faith-based protections workplace policy religious minorities workplace inclusion ethical considerations religious tolerance legal ethics public sector employment faith in society religious symbols in work legal consistency analysis religious rights enforcement search outcomes beneficial expansion terms legal protections workplace attire religious symbols Christianity consistency discrimination national brand faith expression state religion established church monarch head of the church conscientious objection job loss religious freedom workplace accommodation NHS Heathrow airport Sikhism kirpan equal treatment religious minorities legal dictionary religious rights symbolic representation public sector airport security faith-based employment legal enforcement religious liberty workplace discrimination
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers military targets ICC enforcement battlefield normalization war crimes convictions militarization alternate survival strategies africa central asia child soldiers military targets ICC enforcement ban on child soldiers civilian protection war crimes child survival strategic objectives militarization armed conflict Africa Central Asia child soldiers military targets ICC international law civilian protection war crimes ban enforcement conflict zones child protection alternatives to combat armed conflict warfare patterns Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets resolution enforcement ICC ban implementation war crimes convictions child protection child survival strategic objectives militarization warfare consequences Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC international law war crimes convictions community safety militarization conflict zones child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC war crimes convictions child survival strategic objectives militarization warfare community targeting Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets international criminal court ban enforcement war crimes convictions civilian protection army tactics child survival warfare militarization child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC international law war crimes convictions militarization child protection conflict zones European ideals civilian targeting survival strategies Africa Asia child soldiers military targets ICC enforcement ban on child soldiers civilian targeting war crimes convictions international law army tactics militarization child protection conflict zones warfare strategies Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC war crimes convictions international law child protection conflict zones african warfare central asian conflicts
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con03a	It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 vulnerable populations tax policies health equity fat tax poor nutrition food accessibility economic constraints public health policy WHO guidelines junk food healthy produce food affordability fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints junk food healthy produce WHO population health food accessibility regressive policy nutritionally balanceddiet equity fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints junk food poor health WHO accessibility fresh produce calories nutritionally unbalanced regressive policy fat tax vulnerable population health equity poor nutrition fresh produce economic constraints WHO unhealthy food calorie intake diet quality regressive policy fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints health equity junk food population health fresh produce WHO political economy public health policy fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints healthy produce junk food population health WHO accessibility public health food affordability unbalanced diet equity perspective public policy vulnerable populations population health fat tax economic constraints public health WHO food accessibility unhealthy food poor diet calorie intake healthy produce food affordability nutrition regressive policies equity vulnerable population poor economic constraints junk food healthy fresh produce fat tax WHO regressive policy accessibility nutritionally unbalanced vulnerable populations economic constraints nutritional equity food affordability health policy fat tax public health government intervention social inequality junk food consumption economic impact dietary choices fresh produce access vulnerable populations economic constraints health policy fat tax nutritional imbalance equity fresh produce government intervention public health food accessibility
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro02a	Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified food ecosystem danger GM foods environmental impact crop diversity traditional ecosystem disease resistance monoculture butterfly population Bacillus Thuringiensis cross-pollination natural gene pool terminator gene consumer choice GMOs sustainable agriculture biodiversity loss gene flow ecological disruption genetically modified food ecosystem biodiversity monoculture crop diversity gene flow cross-pollination terminator gene environmental impact GM crops GMOs Bacillus Thuringiensis non-target species butterfly population consumer rights genetic pollution sustainable agriculture genetic modification environmental impact biodiversity crop diversity ecosystem disruption gene flow cross-pollination GMO risks Terminator gene biodiversity loss pesticide resistance ecological balance food safety genetic pollution ecological consequences agricultural practices non-target species conservation concerns genetically modified food dangers environmental impact genetically modified crops ecosystem diversity loss gene flow gm crops terminator gene ethics biodiversity reduction agricultural practices cross pollination gm crops non target species toxicity consumer rights genetic modification gm crop pollution natural gene pools genetically modified food ecosystem environmental danger crop diversity monoculture disease susceptibility butterfly population decline Bacillus thuringiensis cross-pollination gene pollution consumer choice terminator gene moral considerations genetic modification impact genetically modified food eco-system danger environmental risk crop diversity decline traditional ecosystem disease impact butterfly population GMO escape herbicide effects cross-pollination consumer choice terminator gene moral concerns gene pool pollution labeling issues genetically modified food ecosystem environmental danger crop diversity monoculture pest control biodiversity loss cross-pollination terminator gene consumer rights gene flow GMO agricultural impact ecological balance biodiversity conservation genetic engineering ecological risk non-target species ecological sustainability genetically modified food eco-system danger environmental impact crop diversity disease resistance ecosystem balance butterfly population decline GMO escape broad-spectrum herbicides Bacillus Thuringiensis cross-pollination terminator gene consumer choice gene pool pollution moral concerns GMO access genetically modified food ecosystem environmental impact crop diversity monoculture biodiversity loss cross-pollination GMO terminator gene gene flow consumer choice agricultural biotechnology ecological balance genetic modification ecological risks biodiversity sustainable agriculture biotechnology food safety genetic engineering environmental ethics genetically modified food danger to ecosystems environmental impact crop diversity butterfly population pesticide resistance pollution of gene pool terminator gene morality cross-pollination consumer choice sustainability
test-law-ilppppghb-con02a	"The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules self-determination European Union citizenship freedom of movement discrimination national boundaries majority culture minority rights Northern Ireland catholic community international law human rights enforcement universal human rights treaties international organizations supranational rules self-determination citizens' rights EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination minority rights international treaty national boundaries oppressive nation state minority cultures universal human rights treaties international organizations supranational rules self-determination citizen rights EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination majority culture international boundary minorities catholicism Northern Ireland universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules self-determination EU citizenship freedom of movement international boundary majority culture discrimination minorities Northern Ireland catholic Citizenship Act European Union rights oppressive nation state minority rights universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules self-determination majority culture EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination international treaty Catholics Northern Ireland universal human rights treaties international organisations supra-national rules EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination minority rights self-determination national boundaries international law European Union citizenship rights cultural rights national state sovereignty universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules self-determination citizens' rights EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination international treaty minorities Northern Ireland Catholics universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules EU citizenship freedom of movement citizens' rights majority culture discrimination national boundaries minorities catholicism Northern Ireland self-determination universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules citizen rights self-determination multinational rights EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination minorities Northern Ireland universal human rights treaties international organizations supra-national rules self-determination EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination international boundary majority culture minority rights national state catholic oppressive nation state European citizenship common rights"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con04a	Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? online gambling types stock market gambling comparison risk-taking activities legal gambling investment risks financial speculation expertise in gambling stock market knowledge online casino alternatives economic forecasting regulatory differences financial gambling online gambling types stock market vs gambling risk-taking in markets legality of gambling investment strategies financial speculation economic forecasting regulatory differences online betting financial markets horse racing betting share trading currency trading derivatives trading gambling laws investor vs gambler mindset online casino poker sports betting risk management financial markets investment strategy regulatory framework economic indicators speculative behavior hedging speculation financial derivatives legal gambling stock exchange bond market currency trading derivative products investor vs gambler ethical considerations financial risk probability theory regulatory differences economic prediction skill versus luck market analysis financial instruments casino games lottery pari-mutuel betting futures contracts options trading day trading portfolio management hedge funds mutual funds ETFs stock options futures exchanges gambling addiction financial literacy market volatility regulatory body online gambling types gambling vs investing risk assessment skills legal financial trading stock market gambling comparison betting expertise economic understanding trading online casino legality financial markets gambling investor vs gambler mindset online gambling stock market risk-taking legality expertise investment economics outcomes legality comparison financial markets betting casino games securities derivatives horse racing speculation regulation finance gambling types trading investor gambling laws financial derivatives market analysis economic predictions online gambling types stock market gambling comparison risk-taking in investments bond trading currency speculation derivatives trading gambling expertise stock market knowledge legal gambling casino alternatives financial betting speculative investments economic forecasting betting versus investing gambling regulations online financial risks online gambling forms stock market vs gambling risk-taking activities legality of gambling trading securities investor expertise economic understanding betting on races financial derivatives regulatory differences casino games poker online financial markets speculative investments online gambling stock market horse-racing trading bonds trading shares currency derivatives economic understanding legal risks gambling expertise online risk-taking online gambling types of gambling stock market investing risk-taking activities legality of gambling financial markets speculative behavior expertise in gambling economic forecasting trading strategies regulatory differences online gambling types gambling vs investing risk management strategies financial markets overview legal gambling stock market gambling comparison economic forecasting investment vs gambling online betting alternatives financial speculation regulatory differences
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro02a	Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. cyber warfare cybersecurity state security financial services government websites power grids military attack act of war economic disruption confidential information internet dependence critical infrastructure russia-georgia incident usa cyber attack 2007 pentagon policy cybersecurity criticalinfrastructure financialservices governmentwebsites powergrids confidentialinformation actofwar armedattack economicdisruption militaryoperation 2007usacase 2008georgiaca usapentagonpolicy cybersecurity digital warfare state vulnerability economic impact national security cyber espionage critical infrastructure military response international conflict cyber defense strategic importance cyber terrorism cyber warfare definition cyber attack consequences cyber attacks impact economic disruption government vulnerability military action equivalence digital warfare state security threats critical infrastructure targets information theft consequences international cyber conflicts legal implications of cyber attacks Pentagon policy on cyber attacks cyber attacks state damage economic disruption government services financial services confidential information power grids military attack act of war 2007 USA cyber attack 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict Pentagon decision cyber attacks state damage economic disruption government services financial services national security armed attack military action digital warfare large scale attacks state vulnerability cyber conflict cyber security Pentagon decision state functions critical infrastructure cyber warfare cyber espionage cyber terrorism international security cyber defense cyber resilience cyber threats cyber attacks state security economic disruption government services financial services confidential information power grids military attack act of war state vulnerabilities cyber warfare large scale attacks USA 2007 Georgia 2008 Pentagon definition cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services economic disruption confidential information country security power grids infrastructure government operation act of war Pentagon Russia Georgia cyber attacks state security economic disruption government services financial services military attack act of war large scale attacks critical infrastructure Pentagon state dependence cyber warfare cyber espionage power grid attacks digital warfare international security cyber threats state vulnerabilities cybersecurity digital warfare national security critical infrastructure economic impact espionage military conflict strategic threats international relations technological vulnerabilities
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro03a	EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff tailor external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership trade groupings South Korea free trade agreements economy size trade goods value negotiate terms conditions EU economic policy Britain customs union common external tariff free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership South Korea trade agreements economic size trade value negotiation flexibility regional blocks customs union tariff free trade agreements campaigning groups Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership regional blocks South Korea World Trade Organisation economic preference trade policy negotiation rights international trade economic size merchandise trade customs union tariff free trade agreements negotiation power regional blocks South Korea Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP economic preference binding trade policy UK customs union EU economic preference trade groupings merchandise exports imports World Trade Organisation EU economic preference customs union common external tariff trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP trade groupings South Korea regional blocks free trade agreements trade in goods World Trade Organisation EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership South Korea trade World Trade Organisation customs union economic preference common external tariff free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership regional blocks negotiation rights trade policy South Korea World Trade Organisation merchandise trade EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff free trade policy negotiate trade agreements larger trade groupings Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership UK trade groupings South Korea free trade agreements economy exports imports World Trade Organisation EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership South Korea free trade agreements World Trade Organisation customs union tariff free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership economic preference regional blocks trade negotiations South Korea economic size merchandise trade campaigning groups
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro04a	Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, compensation cultural appropriation major step journalistic reference native american arts and crafts reversing damage minority communities sales protection legislation rulings exploitative behavior resources recognition economic impact justice traditional designs market share fake goods indian arts and crafts indigenous rights Navajo Urban Outfitters compensation cultural appropriation major step justice minority communities resources native american arts and crafts counterfeit goods sales protection recognition traditional designs stronger legislation Cultural appropriation compensation indigenous rights justice minority communities traditional designs legislation counterfeit goods market value recognition economic benefits Native American Arts and Crafts Navajo Urban Outfitters Indigenous cultures exploitation damages legal protections compensation cultural appropriation major step jumpstart recovery reverse damage restitution misappropriation sales protection legislation rulings minority communities justice recognition traditional designs exploitative behavior Native American Arts and Crafts fake goods market value cultural recognition benefits counterfeit goods Compensation cultural appropriation damaged resources victims exploitative behaviour Navajo Urban Outfitters stronger legislation rulings majority communities minority communities traditional designs recognition counterfeit goods market Native American Arts and Crafts Indian Arts and Crafts fake goods Cultural Appropriation Compensation Justice Minority Communities Recognition Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Legislation Exploitation Market Value Trademark Protection Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damaged Reversal Exploitative Behavior Quantifiable Compensation Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Victimization Minority Communities Recognition Traditional Designs Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Market Protection Cultural Appropriation Compensation Victim Resources Major Step Towards Justice Minority Communities Legislation Rulings Navajo Urban Outfitters Cultural Recognition Counterfeit Goods Native American Arts and Crafts Market Protection Justice Traditional Designs Cultural appropriation compensation minority communities justice economic impact indigenous rights legislation counterfeit goods traditional designs recognition market value Cultural Appropriation Compensation Minority Communities Legislation Recognition Justice Navajo Urban Outfitters Cultural Recognition Economic Justice Native American Arts and Crafts Fake Goods
test-education-udfakusma-con02a	Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. open access private funding research funding government support cost sharing university funding model publishing business research profitability research results academic funding funding growth research collaboration scientific research university finance public funding privatization of research higher education funding grant writing scientific innovation funding models private_funding cost_sharing research_results government_support academic_research business_investment open_access university_finance research_funding_trends scientific_research academic_collaboration public_private_partnership research_projects_funding research_grants funding_sources research_commercialization free access private funding universities research projects government funding cost sharing third parties profit motives research funding trends corporate sponsorship academic publishing open access university revenue sources research commercialization scientific research funding university finances public-private partnerships academic research funding research grant competition private funding cost sharing government funding research results open access academic funding university revenue corporate sponsorship research profitability research projects funding university funding sources research funding trends private funding government funding research projects cost sharing university revenue academic openness commercial research funding growth research results university funding public-private partnership private funding government support research projects cost sharing open access business funding academic research university funding research results funding growth search accuracy query expansion university funding private funding government funding research projects cost sharing private businesses academic publishing open access scientific research funding trends corporate sponsorship research collaboration funding sources research impact academic industry partnerships funding growth public-private partnership free access research funding private funding government funding cost sharing university revenue modeling open access damage private investment business research profit motive research results funding growth academic funding tap private dollars private funding government funding cost sharing research projects academic openness business funding university funding research profitability open access academic funding trends private funding government funding cost sharing research results academic funding university financing research profitability open access third-party funding research funding trends
test-education-tuhwastua-con02a	Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. alternative_factors admissions_process SAT benchmark comparison universities government_statistics non_standardized_assessment extracurricular_activities volunteer_work references poorer_students minority_students test_preparation objective_measures subjective_factors equality_access education_system admissions criteria standardized testing college admission socioeconomic impact educational equity admission metrics alternative assessments university admissions test score disparities diversity in admissions educational benchmarks subjective evaluation extracurricular importance reference accessibility academic benchmarking standardized test criticism admissions statistics educational opportunity disparity alternative_admissions_factors sat_benefits subjective_assessment extracurricular_activities volunteer_work reference_access poorer_school_districts minority_students test_equity economic_disadvantage university_admissions government_statistics school_progress objective_measures education_system benchmark_comparisons alternative_admissions_factors standardized_tests_benefits subjectivity_in_assessment extracurricular_activities volunteer_work socioeconomic_disadvantages school_district_opportunities SAT_reliability admission_statistics educational_equity benchmark_comparisons admissions process SATs alternative factors standardized testing benchmarking objective evaluation education system non-standardized assessment university admissions government statistics school progress subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work high income students poor school districts minority students test performance opportunities admissions officials admissions process alternative factors SAT popularity standardized assessment objective measures university admissions government statistics educational benchmarks non-standardized assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work socioeconomic disparities admissions criteria standardized testing college admissions academic evaluation reference availability test fairness admissions inequality admissions process factors SATs objectivity benchmark education system universities government statistics school progress extracurricular activities volunteer work references equality poor students minority students admissions process alternative factors SATs standardized testing objective evaluation benchmark educational assessment government statistics school performance extracurricular activities volunteer work socioeconomic status academic opportunities admissions benefits test scores subjective factors equal opportunity minority students high income students school districts reference access alternative_factors admissions_process SAT criteria objective_measures comparison benchmark subjective_factors extracurricular_activities volunteer_work references equality school_districts poverty minority_students opportunities education_system universities government_statistics standardized_assessment non-standardized_assessment objectivity alternative_factors admissions_process benefits_of_SAT objectivity_in_admissions social_equity_in_assessment non_standardized_tests extracurricular_activities volunteer_work reference_access population_disparities SAT_score_importance university_admissions_criteria government_school_statistics equality_in_education poorer_school_districts middle_income_students higher_income_students admissions_officials criteria_for_admissions
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro03a	Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 nutrition student performance junk food academic achievement healthy lifestyle physical exercise obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism behavior problems hidden costs evidence based research ethnic groups nutrition healthy lifestyle academic performance study results junk food obesity epidemic ethnic groups socioeconomic status standardized testing scores absenteeism student health upward mobility behavior problems hidden costs nutrition students evidence healthy lifestyle memory concentration academic performance junk food schools grades ethnic groups obesity epidemic socioeconomic status test scores absenteeism staff attention behavior problems hidden costs CDC Society for Education nutrition student performance healthy diet academic success junk food impact learning obesity and education ethnic groups and nutrition school meal programs economic benefits of healthy eating student absenteeism and health academic performance and nutrition socioeconomic status and health hidden costs of poor nutrition healthy lifestyle and cognitive function nutrition academic performance healthy lifestyle junk food student health obesity epidemic ethnic groups socioeconomic status standardized testing scores absenteeism staff time concentration behavior problems hidden costs nutrition academic performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise memory concentration junk food literacy numeracy obesity socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism student health ethnic groups overweight schools cost behavior problems hidden costs nutrition academic performance healthy lifestyle junk food obesity epidemic ethnic groups socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism staff time behavior problems concentration student health education costs evidence based research public health policy public schools food consumption patterns mental health physical exercise learning outcomes food security child development health education policy advocacy food industry impact public awareness campaigns food assistance programs child nutrition programs food policy food security food insecurity food access food deserts food environment food systems food justice food sovereignty food sovereignty nutrition academic performance healthier meals junk food obesity standardized testing school performance evidence student health ethnic groups socioeconomic status absenteeism behavior problems concentration upward mobility Society for the Advancement of Education CDC Graeme Paton The Telegraph nutrition academic performance junk food literacy numeracy health physical exercise memory concentration obesity socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism student health behavioral problems hidden costs nutrition academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy healthy meals schools obesity socioeconomic status absenteeism student health standardized testing behavior problems public health dietary habits cognitive function educational outcomes government policies ethnic groups
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro02a	Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, economic incentive diplomatic recognition PRC Taiwan Malawi infrastructure investment trade growth foreign investment economic benefit diplomatic relations Chinese companies economic diplomacy financial package trade agreements cotton industry economic incentives diplomatic recognition joint economic projects financial package infrastructure development trade growth economic benefits diplomatic relations Chinese investment political economy economic diplomacy Taiwan relations Malawi-China relations economic incentives diplomatic recognition China Taiwan country defection joint economic projects financial package infrastructure investment trade growth Economic benefits Malawi Economically beneficial switch diplomatic recognition benefits economic incentives for recognition joint economic projects with China PRC financial package Chinese investment in infrastructure trade growth with China economic benefits of switching recognition diplomatic relations economics Malawi-China economic cooperation Taiwan-Malawi relations change economic motivations for diplomacy Economically beneficial diplomatic recognition China economic incentive joint economic projects infrastructure development trade growth Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment economic incentive diplomatic recognition joint economic projects PRC Malawi ties with Taiwan financial package infrastructure investment trade growth Chinese investment Economic benefit economic incentives diplomatic recognition joint economic projects financial package infrastructure development trade growth political influence economic benefits China-Taiwan relations Malawi foreign policy economic incentives diplomatic recognition China Taiwan investment infrastructure trade bilateral relations economic benefits diplomacy country defection financial package economic projects infrastructure development trade growth economic incentives diplomatic switch foreign investment economic diplomacy diplomatic relations economic incentives diplomatic recognition PRC Malawi Taiwan investment infrastructure trade financial package economic benefits joint ventures [1] [2] [3] [4] Economically beneficial switching recognition diplomatic recognition benefits economic incentives for recognition joint economic projects Chinese investment in Africa economic benefits of recognizing China trade growth with China infrastructure development in Malawi Taiwan-Malawi relations economic diplomacy PRC financial packages economic incentives for countries China-Africa economic relations Malawi-China relations economic benefits of diplomatic shifts economic rewards for recognition economic benefits of diplomatic changes economic incentives analysis diplomatic recognition economics
test-health-hdond-pro01a	A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. organ donation policy implementation organ allocation waiting list prioritization criteria donor registry non-donor recipients organ scarcity transplant policy public health medical ethics organ donation recipient prioritization public organ system private donations organ scarcity transplant policy donor registry organ allocation ethical considerations medical ethics public health policy organ donation policy implementation transplant waiting list medical ethics public health donor registration organ allocation surgical procedures healthcare systems ethical considerations organ scarcity donor pledges public policy medical prioritization health care reform organ transplantation ethics in medicine health policy medical ethics in organ donation public health policy healthcare ethics medical prioritization systems organ distribution healthcare reform policies organ procurement healthcare systems management public health measures healthcare ethics policies medical ethics guidelines organ allocation policies healthcare ethics principles organ donation policies healthcare ethics standards organ organ donation policy kidney allocation social contract medical ethics public health priority ranking transplant waiting list organ scarcity donor registry non-donor classification donor registration life expectancy public system private donations organ swap serotype matching public health policy medical prioritization ethical considerations healthcare equity organ procurement search efficiency expand query organ donation policy prioritization public system private donations organ allocation donor registry non-donor classification scarcity management serotype preference waiting list life expectancy transplantation ethical considerations public health medical ethics search optimization recommendation system relevant queries keyword expansion query analysis organ allocation policy implementation donor registration non-donor classification organ priority surgical solutions transplant waiting list life expectancy public health policy private donations organ swapping medical ethics healthcare reform organ donation policy organ allocation system waiting list priority donor registry non-donor recipients transplant scarcity surgical ethics public health policy medical transplantation blood type compatibility life expectancy organ donation incentives donor registration requirements medical ethics transplant matching algorithms organ donation policy prioritization criteria public organ system private organ donations organ recipient ranking donor registration non-donor classification organ scarcity management serotype-specific organ allocation donor pledge mechanism organ transplant prioritization public health policy organ allocation fairness search optimization expansion terms enhance query organ donation policy implementation mechanisms prioritization recipients waiting list metrics priority ranking scarcity serotype kidney allocation criteria non-donor donor pledge transplant private donations swaps public system terminology suggestions improvement enhancement organ donation priority access transplant policy public system private donations donor registry waiting list serotype matching life expectancy organ scarcity public health policy medical ethics
test-international-ghwcitca-pro01a	Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, regulation cyber_conflict internet_conflict geneva_conventions armed_conflict weapons_treaties un_charter cyber_warfare act_of_war ICRC treaty legal_initiation_conflict consequences_prevention cyber warfare Geneva Conventions international treaties cyber conflict UN Charter cyber attacks Pentagon arms control land mine ban cyber regulations digital conflict conflict prevention cyber norms Geneva Conventions Cyber warfare Cyber conflict UN Charter Land Mine Ban Treaties International rules Conflict prevention Internet regulation Pentagon Acts of war Arenas_of_potential_conflict Cyber_conventions Limits_of_warfare International_treaties_on_cyberconflict Cyber_escalation Rules_for_cyber_conflict Geneva_Conventions Regulation_of_cyber_warfare UN_Charter Ban_on_landmines Pentagon_response_to_cyber_attacks Early_regulation_of_new_conflicts Arenas potential conflict regulation Geneva Conventions cyber-conflict treaties UN Charter weapons ban Land Mine Ban Pentagon cyber-attack acts of war cyber-conflict Geneva Conventions international treaties cyber warfare UN Charter Land Mine Ban conflict regulation cyber-attacks internet regulation escalation of conflict military response to cyber-attacks Geneva Conventions Cyber warfare Cyber-attacks Land Mine Ban UN Charter International treaties Conflict regulation Cyber-conflict Internet regulations Pentagon response Arenas potential conflict regulation Geneva Conventions cyber-conflict treaties weapons ban UN Charter Pentagon cyber warfare acts of war Arenas potential conflict regulation Geneva Conventions cyber-conflict treaties UN Charter Land Mine Ban internet armed conflict conduct weapons bans legal initiation cyber warfare Pentagon military response damage prevention states cyber-attacks Geneva Conventions Cyber warfare UN Charter Land Mine Ban Treaties International regulations Cyber-attacks Conflict prevention Internet regulation Military response
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro03a	An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, ICC enforcement indicted defendants Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo investigation under-resourced forces political interference peacekeepers Joseph Kony ICC enforcement indictees capture Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army DR Congo investigation international criminal court under-resourced forces political influence peacekeepers Joseph Kony ICC enforcement indicted individuals Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo peacekeepers resource allocation political interference war criminals international criminal court justice delivery human rights peacekeeping conflict zones legal enforcement international law under-resourced forces ICC enforcement arm defendants in trial Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo investigation under-resourced forces political priorities peacekeepers Joseph Kony LRA leaders Human Rights Watch ICC enforcement arm defendants trial indictment Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice capture effectiveness national forces resources political priorities peacekeepers Joseph Kony ICC enforcement arm defendant trial Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo investigation national forces resource focus political priorities peacekeepers Joseph Kony ICC enforcement arm indictment Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo under-resourced peacekeepers justice war criminals political influence capture indictees human rights international criminal court enforcement effectiveness ICC enforcement arm defendants in trial Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo investigation in-house enforcement under-resourced forces political influence peacekeepers Joseph Kony LRA leaders resource focus international criminal court ICC enforcement indictees capture Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo under-resourced forces political influence peacekeepers Joseph Kony LRA leaders human rights international criminal court war criminals justice system efficiency ICC enforcement arm under-resourced national forces capture indictees political influence on national forces focused resources Joseph Kony LRA leaders peacekeepers competency in enforcement Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir DR Congo investigation international criminal court effectiveness in capturing war criminals
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols school environments Hijab divisive classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science lessons Christian symbol Crucifixes Italy authorities public classrooms segregation machinery lessons impractical dangerous divisiveness in society authority decisions ban cases religious symbols schools division schools hijab controversies classroom divisiveness religious symbols education headscarf bans crucifix classroom Italian crucifix ban religious symbols in education school uniform policies religious symbolism impact school diversity management classroom inclusivity educational equality religious accommodations school discipline cultural diversity in schools religious attire in schools school religious policies student rights in schools school legal cases religion religious symbols school environments Hijab divisive in classrooms alienation bullying PE lessons swimming lessons technology lessons science lessons Crucifixes ban in classrooms Christian symbols segregation public classrooms Italian authorities symbol displays religious symbols controversy school environment issues Hijab classroom conflicts alienation in schools bullying over religious symbols practicality of headscarves safety concerns in schools crucifix bans religious symbols in education cultural diversity in schools school policies on religion impact of religious attire religious symbols and student rights religious neutrality in education multiculturalism in schools educational equality religious symbols and social cohesion religious attire regulations religious expression in schools religious symbols Hijab division schools classroom alienation bullying practicality safety PE swimming technology science Crucifix public classrooms segregation Italy authority ban public opinion education policy religious symbols school environments Hijab classroom division alienation bullying practicality issues Crucifix ban public classrooms sectarianism religious symbols school environments division Hijab classroom alienation bullying practicality safety physical education swimming technology science authority decisions Crucifix Christian symbol segregation public classrooms religious symbols schools division Hijab classroom alienation bullying practicality safety PE swimming technology science crucifix public classrooms segregation Italy school policies religious symbols school environments division in society Hijab alienation bullying PE swimming technology science lessons Crucifix Italy public classrooms ban authority Christian symbol segregates religious symbols Hijab division schools classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science crucifix public classrooms Italian authorities segregation
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con01a	Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. coca_production cocaine_extraction World_Health_Organization drug_dependence SINGLE_CONVENTION_ON_NARCOTIC_DRUGS Bolivia_coca_policy economic_correlation_legalization coca_leaf cocaine_narcotic global_cocaine_production coca_erosion cocaine_harms power_analysis Evo_Morales Coca_production Cocaine_extraction World_Health_Organization Drug_Dependence Single_Convention_on_Narcotic_Drugs 1961 Evo_Morales coca_legalization cocaine_harms coca_leaf potency coca_eradication cocaine_spread Bolivia_drug_policy legal_coca_consumption coca_and_cocaine_correlation Coca production cocaine extraction World Health Organization drug dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 coca leaf legalization Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales cocaine availability drug policies coca chewing narcotic scheduling coca production cocaine extraction World Health Organization drug dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca leaf legality Bolivia cocaine production coca eradication Evo Morales coca leaf legalization cocaine availability drug policy coca chewing coca cultivation Coca production cocaine availability World Health Organization drug dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca leaf scheduling Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales coca legality cocaine production societal harms Coca_production cocaine_extraction World_Health_Organization drug_dependence Narcotic_Drugs_Convention coca_leaf cocaine_narcotic coca_legalization cocaine_availability cocaine_harms coca_eradication Bolivia_cocaine_production Evo_Morales coca_legality cocaine_spread Coca_production Cocaine_extraction World_Health_Organization Drug_Dependence Single_Convention_on_Narcotic_Drugs 1961 Coca_leaf Narcotics Cocaine_narcotic Coca_legalization Bolivia_coca Cocaine_availability Cocaine_harms Unrestricted Coca Production Cocaine Availability Extracting Cocaine from Leaves World Health Organization Drug Dependence Expert Committee Narcotics Convention 1961 Social Harms of Cocaine Legalization of Coca Leaf Bolivia Cocaine Production Eradication Efforts Coca Consumption Cocaine Production Correlation coca_production cocaine_extraction World_Health_Organization Single_Convention_on_Narcotic_Drugs_1961 coca_leaf_legalization Bolivia_cocaine_production Evo_Morales coca_eradication cocaine_harms drug_policy research_cocaine coca_chewing coca production cocaine extraction World Health Organization drug dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 coca leaf legalization Bolivia Evo Morales coca eradication cocaine availability societal harms
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con03a	Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. internet rights enabling technologies human rights content access information availability transitory technology inalienable rights Cerf Vinton G. New York Times human rights internet access information enabler censorship technology rights infringement library communication digital divide universal declaration of human rights vinton cerf human rights internet information access right to information enabling technology Vinton G. Cerf digital divide content library access outdated technology right to knowledge internet governance digital rights freedom of information telecommunications digital inequality cyber rights internet access human rights information rights enabling technology right to information digital rights Cerf Vinton right to stare library access inalienable rights internet obsolescence internet access human rights enabling technology information library rights enforcement transitory technology Vinton G. Cerf human rights internet access content information enabling technology rights infringement information access transitory technology Vinton G. Cerf human rights internet access information rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times enabling technology right to information digital divide content availability library access technological change inalienable rights human rights internet access information access enabling technology right to information digital divide internet censorship technological advancement inalienable rights Vinton G. Cerf human rights internet access content information enabling technology Cerf Vinton G. New York Times human right to information transitory technology human rights internet access information access enabling technology right to information Vinton G. Cerf New York Times digital rights transitory technology access methods
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con04a	Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, masculinity issues painting symbolism power dynamics hypertrophy of masculinity capitalism and gender equity in gender relations symbolic representation presidential imagery Vladimir Putin masculinity paintings as cultural symbols hyper-masculinity criticism political masculinity analysis hypermasculinity violence power penis symbolism capitalism male privilege equity feminism youth culture president zuma masculine identity painting spear sexuality economic inequality masculinity hypermasculinity violence gender inequality President Zuma South Africa symbolism power dynamics sexuality masculinity studies social systems theory gender roles patriarchy equity art symbolism cultural representations capitalism leadership sexualization social constructs Masculinity issues hyper-masculinity power dynamics symbolism in art patriarchal society gender inequality President Zuma cultural representations masculinity and violence sexual imagery equitable living social systems theory gender roles cultural critique visual representation of power gender stereotypes male privilege art and politics Masculinity painting spear Zuma capitalism hyper-masculinity violence equity power penis symbolism Scheff masculinity issues power dynamics hypermasculinity violence symbolism capitalism painting spear Presидент Зумба gender equity patriarchy sexual symbolism violence and masculinity links penis symbolization Masculinity hypermasculinity President Zuma painting spear wealth capitalism gender equity violence social system Thomas J. Scheff power penis young men Masculinity painting spear Zuma hyper-masculinity wealth power violence equity symbols patriarchy capitalism popular culture gender roles sexual imagery sexual objectification [1] Scheff Thomas J. social systems inequality female empowerment male privilege masculine identity masculinity hypermasculinity violence President Zuma painting spear capitalism equity social system Thomas J. Scheff hyper-masculinity violence symbolism masculinity power capitalism President Zuma equity sexuality social system gender roles
test-international-iighbopcc-pro02a	Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, international treaty payalties for non-compliance non-binding agreement sovereign government compliance green policies UK climate action subsidies for renewables carbon capture and storage energy efficiency green investment bank backtracking on environmental commitments government policy stability international treaty non-binding agreement penalties for non-compliance binding agreement successor governments green policies renewables carbon capture and storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank government compliance climate change sovereign governments pledges enforcement backtracking governments international treaty non-compliance payments for non-compliance binding agreements government commitment successor governments green policies renewables carbon capture and storage energy efficiency green investment bank climate change political will sovereign governments pledges enforcement backtracking environmental policies UK climate action george monbiot international treaty penalties for non-compliance non-binding agreement government compliance successor governments green policies UK climate actions climate change commitments sovereign government adherence backtracking on promises renewable energy subsidies carbon capture and storage energy efficiency funding green investment bank international treaty penalties non-compliance binding agreement government succession backtracking green policies renewables carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank climate change sovereign governments pledges enforcement commitment sustainability international treaty penalties non-compliance non-binding agreement binding agreement government compliance successor generations backtracking UK green policies renewable energy carbon capture and storage energy efficiency green investment bank climate change commitments sovereignty life vs death international treaty non-binding agreement payalties for non-compliance sovereign government compliance binding agreement successor governments green policies renewables sustainability carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank government pledges climate change policy backtracking governments global agreements international treaty payments for non-compliance non-binding agreement successor liability green policies UK renewable energy carbon capture and storage funding cuts sustainable governance sovereign compliance pledge enforcement international treaty non-compliance penalties binding agreements government succession green policies renewable energy carbon capture domestic energy efficiency sovereign commitment climate change government pledges green investment bank backtracking environmental policy renewable subsidies international treaty non-binding agreement penalties for non-compliance government compliance binding agreement successor governments backtracking green policies renewables carbon capture and storage domestic energy efficiency Governments' pledges climate change sovereign governments life death
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con02a	Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. politicians crimes public trust irresponsibility unfit to serve domestic abuse fraudster atonement redeem immediate removal political ethics Politicians crimes unfit to serve public trust domestic abuse fraud public treasury criminal politicians removal from office atonement redemption reasonable citizens political corruption criminal offenses ethical standards governance integrity crimes by politicians political corruption unfit politicians public trust domestic abuse fraudsters in politics political redemption politician prosecution removal of unfit politicians ethical leaders criminal politicians unfit for office public trust domestic abusers fraudsters political crimes removal from office state governance ethical leaders criminal rehabilitation political misconduct public safety electoral responsibility criminal justice government ethics accountability in politics legal consequences political corruption civic duty moral fitness political integrity criminal records political scandals public opinion on crime political reform judicial system ethical leadership political behavior criminal politicians impact political crime consequences crimes politicians public trust irresponsibility domestic abuse fraud public treasury atonement redemption removal state welfare crimes by politicians unfit to serve public trust domestic abuser fraudster management of public treasury atonement redemption immediate removal state interests crimes by politicians unfit for office public trust domestic abuse fraudsters removal from office atonement redemption political offenses citizens' rights ethical leadership Politicians crimes fitness public trust domestic abuse fraud public treasury redemption atonement removal state governance Politicians crimes public trust domestic abuse fraud atonement redemption removal governance ethics accountability prosecution citizens' rights political corruption crimes by politicians political accountability unfit politicians public trust domestic abusers in politics fraudsters in government removal of unfit politicians criminal politicians political ethics politician misconduct public safety political integrity judicial oversight criminal justice in politics political responsibility voter rights ethical leadership political corruption political redemption criminal behavior in office political punishment political fitness political offenses political victims political abuse of power
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START treaty nuclear weapons verification security ratification Peace Russia US arms reduction verification measures Cold War suspicion cooperation Christian perspective military planning New START treaty nuclear weapons verification symbolic value world peace Russia United States diplomacy security arms reduction Verification measures cold war potential conflict peaceful relations international relations nuclear disarmament diplomatic agreements global security conflict prevention international cooperation security issues diplomatic negotiations nuclear deterrence foreign policy nuclear safety nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons reduction diplomatic progress diplomatic agreement trust building nuclear non-proliferation nuclear disarmament process nuclear weapons inspection nuclear arsenal verification nuclear disarm New START treaty nuclear weapons security ratification verification Russia US arms reduction Peace Cold War verification measures diplomacy 核武器条约 核裁军 安全 批准 验证 俄罗斯 美国 威慑 冷战 New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction symbolic value security concerns bilateral verification military planners trust building cold war legacy peace advocacy diplomatic relations nuclear disarmament verification measures international cooperation arms control treaty nuclear proliferation security threats world peace nuclear weapons stockpiles nuclear arsenal verification potential nuclear disasters cold war revival ratification importance nuclear deterrence global security partnership for peace nuclear build-up threats international security arms reduction treaty nuclear disarmament goals international stability nuclear non-proliferation diplomatic agreements verification protocols n New START treaty nuclear weapons safety verification ratification security diplomacy arms reduction Putin Kissinger peace verification trust cold war New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction verification measures US-Russia relations global security disarmament Cold War tensions international cooperation nuclear non-proliferation strategic stability peace advocacy Christian perspective diplomatic negotiations nuclear arsenal transparency bilateral agreements arms control treaties New START treaty nuclear weapons verification symbolic value Russia US peace cold war armament security diplomacy verification measures arson reduction detente trust cooperation New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction symbolic value verification measures bilateral security peaceful cooperation cold war tensions diplomatic agreements nuclear disarmament security threats international trust military planning nuclear arsenal verification civilian advocacy arms control treaty New START treaty nuclear weapons verification safety world peace security ratification US Russia Dmitry Medvedev Vladimir Putin diplomacy nuclear disarmament cold war nuclear proliferation international relations diplomatic negotiation peacekeeping arms control defense policy policy analysis nuclear strategy nuclear deterrence nuclear non-proliferation security studies diplomatic history nuclear disarmament treaty global security nuclear warfare nuclear strategy analysis nuclear weapons reduction diplomatic negotiation analysis diplomatic treaties nuclear weapons verification arms control New START treaty nuclear weapons stockpiles verification measures Russian-US relations peaceful world symbolic value cold war potential nuclear disasters international security military planning verification windows nuclear arsenal monitoring Christian perspective on nuclear weapons ratification support security cooperation"
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro05a	Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations developing world colonialism economic development poverty social challenges aid charity history relationship dignity wealth transfer reparations colonialism economic development poverty social challenges developed nations aid effectiveness charity historical recognition wealth transfer dignity international relations reparations developing world colonialism economic development poverty social challenges aid charity history relationship wealth transfer dignity reparations history colonialism impact economic development directed aid dignity in aid improving international relations poverty alleviation wealth transfer social challenges in developing nations history sensitivity in global politics aid effectiveness cultural considerations in foreign policy reparations colonialism economic development poverty social challenges aid charity historical context developed nations developing nations wealth transfer dignity international relations reparations history economic development gap colonial legacy aid effectiveness dignity in aid improving relationships historical sensitivity poverty alleviation social challenges developed nations responsibility charitable aid criticism recipient rejection wealth transfer mechanisms reparations colonialism economic development poverty social challenges aid charity developed world developing world historical context relationship improvement wealth transfer dignity reparations colonialism economic development poverty social challenges developed world aid charity dignity historical relationships reparations developing world colonialism economic development aid poverty social challenges charity dignity historical relationships reparations developing world colonialism economic development poverty social challenges aid charity history relationship wealth transfer dignity
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro01a	Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of faith Christianity tolerance religious beliefs UK law workplace jewelry religious diversity militant religion convenience legitimacy European Court of Human Rights Declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance workplace rights cross佩戴 religious jewelry diversity tolerance European Court of Human Rights religious freedom inconvenient rights legitimate practices Declaration of faith Christianity tolerance religious beliefs law workplace religious diversity cross jewelry rights infringement militant religion societal tolerance religious practices convenience vs validity European courts Declaration of faith Christian beliefs religious tolerance respect for beliefs law respecting religious actions cross jewelry workplace religious practices religious diversity tolerance in society legitimate religious practices inconvenient religious practices European Court of Human Rights religious freedom faith commitment religious symbols in public religious rights tolerance claims credibility religious discrimination religious expression in workplace Declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance UK law workplace rights religious jewelry cross symbolism religious diversity European Court of Human Rights religious freedom tolerance credibility inconvenience of rights search performance relevant expansion phrases Declaration of the faith key part Christianity respect UK tolerant religious beliefs law actions faith harmed rights society cross commitment religiously diverse militancy workplace harm offense female beliefs credibility right inconvenience European human rights legal protection religious symbols public display workplace accommodation tolerance diversity religious freedom legal challenge European Court of Human Rights search accuracy expansion terms enrich query declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance UK law workplace rights religious diversity cross jewelry militant religion workplace inappropriate respect beliefs societal credibility demonstration rights inconvenient practices tolerant society Declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance UK law cross jewelry workplace rights religious diversity societal credibility inconvenient rights tolerance definition religious tolerance legal respect for beliefs Christian symbols workplace religious dress religious diversity cross jewelry tolerance claims inconvenient rights European human rights religious freedom faith expression religious freedom tolerance cross jewelry workplace accommodations declaration of faith Christian symbols European Court of Human Rights diversity conscientious objection blasphemy laws
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro03a	"GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs biotechnology corporations shareholder returns terminator seeds pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos intellectual property cross contamination monsanto farmer dependence genetic modification pest resistance herbicide resistance suiting natural genes seed stock genetic patenting corporate law GMOs biotechnology companies shareholder returns terminator seeds pesticide resistance cross contamination intellectual property corporate responsibility potato farmers Monsanto United States patents disturbing manifestations natural gene modification anti-social behavior corporations' law pollution genetic modification suing farmers crop modifications health concerns profit motives GMOs biotechnology shareholder returns pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos cross contamination terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance Monsanto intellectual property farmer dependency genetic modification profit maximization corporate behavior historical evidence legislative framework food safety health concerns seed stock agricultural impact environmental concerns cross-pollination GMO dependency biotechnology companies legislative framework shareholder returns terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance cross contamination corporate history North American corporations intellectual property potato farmers Monsanto Federal law genetic modification profit motives agricultural biotechnology genetically modified crops environmental impact corporate influence biotech industry genetic patents corporate responsibility GMOs biotechnology shareholder returns terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance cross contamination intellectual property corporate dependence agricultural modifications genetic licensing environmental concerns historical corporate behavior agricultural monopolies seed ownership genetic modification ethics biotech companies agricultural biotechnology corporate influence on science GMOs dependency biotechnology legislative framework shareholder returns GM companies health profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance cross contamination intellectual property Monsanto patent farmer rights corporate ethics agricultural modification environmental impact GMOs biotechnology shareholder returns terminator seeds pesticide resistance cross contamination intellectual property corporate behavior agriculture genetically modified organisms genetic modification profit motives regulatory frameworks patent laws agricultural corporations environmental impact corporate ethics food safety genetic engineering GMOs biotechnology companies shareholder returns terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance cross contamination intellectual property Monsanto agricultural dependencies corporate influence genetic modification patent rights farmer lawsuits environmental impact agricultural practices GMOs biotechnology corporations shareholder returns pollution seed ownership terminator technology pest resistance herbicide resistance cross contamination intellectual property corporate law agricultural dependence farmer rights potato farming Monsanto suing farmers cross contamination patents capitalism in agriculture genetic modification historical behavior in business health concerns profit motives in biotech GMOs biotechnology corporations shareholder returns terminator seeds pest resistance historic corporate behavior genetic modification intellectual property potato farmers Monsanto cross contamination natural gene usage pollution corporate law seed stock restrictions profit maximization genetic modification ethics"
test-law-ilppppghb-con03a	Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. self-determination nationalism global citizenship ethnic conflicts separatist terrorism Yugoslavia racist ideologies nationalist ideologies global citizen destructive consequences importance of self-determination acceptance of self-determination encouraging nationalistic encouraging racial encouraging religious moving away from racism moving away from nationalism encouraging difference flying in the face of encouraging conflict self-determination nationalism global citizenship ethnic conflicts separatist terrorism Yugoslavia destructive consequences nationalistic ideologies racial ideologies religious ideologies global citizen human development conflict resolution ethnic tensions religious conflicts nationalist movements self-determination nation states destructive consequences global citizen nationalism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia separatist terrorism ideological tensions multicultural societies international relations identity politics political stability conflict resolution human rights sovereignty issues self-determination conflicts nationalism global citizenship racist ideologies nationalism differences global unity separatist terrorism examples yugoslavia ethnic conflicts self-determination nation states destabilization consequences global citizenship racism nationalism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia separatism terrorism difference ideologies conflict religious groups self-determination nation states destructive consequences global citizenship nationalism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia separatist terrorism racial ideologies religious ideologies global citizen nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups difference trumps all others encourages conflict stressing differences self-determination nation-states destructive consequences global citizenship racist ideologies nationalism separatist terrorism Yugoslavia ethnic conflicts difference religious groups self-determination nationalism racism religious conflicts Yugoslavia ethnic conflicts global citizenship separatist terrorism difference ideological principles conflict resolution self-determination nation-states destructive consequences global citizenship nationalism racism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia separatist terrorism nationalist ideologies global citizen ideological extremes international relations political instability cultural differences identity politics human development conflict resolution sovereignty identity crises multiethnic societies ethnic tensions religious conflicts state fragmentation peacebuilding international law human rights sovereignty challenges political science conflict theory identity theory political ideology nationalism trends self-determination nation states destructive consequences global citizenship nationalism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia separatist terrorism racial ideologies religious lines human development ideological extremes
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict recruitment propaganda domestic violence coerced abduct expendable minesweepers spies gullibility immunity financial rewards drugs addiction demobilizing healing ICC universal values cultural relativism legitimacy warlords resistance movements armed conflict child soldiers recruitment domestic violence coercion international criminal court relativism humanitarian law rehabilitation trauma military exploitation propaganda forced recruitment dehumanization Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict recruitment child soldiers propaganda domestic violence abduction abuse exploitation drugs relativity morality ICC universal values cultural resistance movements international law human rights demobilization rehabilitation prevention humanitarian crimes atrocities vulnerability exploitation coercion rehabilitation reintegration protection enforcement accountability ethics moral standards global report statistics cases impact psychological trauma education prevention policy legislation advocacy intervention support consequences long-term Punishing objectively harmful conduct child soldiers armed conflict recruitment methods propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage coercion exploitation drug abuse moral relativism ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimate resistance movements humanitarian law child protection rehabilitation international law Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict recruitment child soldiers propaganda social disintegration abduction abuse exploitation relativity morality universal values ICC cultural resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict child soldiers recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation drug addiction moral relativism international criminal court universal values cultural relativism resistance movements child soldiers international law harmful conduct armed conflict recruitment forced abduction propaganda social disintegration abuse exploitation relativism ICC universal values cultural relativism resistance movements demobilisation healing Punishing objectively harmful conduct child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage coercion abuse exploitation drug addiction moral relativism ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct children armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation inexperience gullibility immortality financial rewards drugs addiction demobilizing healing universal values International Criminal Court ICC cultural relativism resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict child soldiers recruitment propaganda domestic violence coerced exploited abuses ICC universal values cultural relativism resistance movements dehumanisation care treatment
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con02a	A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 obesity fat tax economic impact public health diet habits cultural factors fast food physical activity vending machines public awareness education socioeconomic disparities public policy health education obesity prevention food availability lifestyle changes nutrition education public transportation community health health inequalities obesity fat tax economic impact poor diets cultural habits fast food public health social factors health policy education vending machines physical activity recreational activities population health food accessibility tax obesity fat tax effectiveness public health economics dietary habits socioeconomic factors obesity prevention strategies fast food culture public awareness physical activity education impact public policy analysis nutritional education community health programs tax obesity fat tax effectiveness public health policy dietary habits socioeconomic factors obesity prevention fast food consumption health education vending machine nutrition physical activity in schools public awareness campaigns nutritional labeling community health initiatives urban planning and obesity economic incentives for healthy choices obesity fat tax effectiveness economic impact public health cultural factors diet fast food vending machines physical activity education socioeconomic status public awareness calorie expenditure nutrition social determinants health policy tax obesity fat tax effectiveness public health policies socioeconomic impacts consumer behavior fast food culture nutrition education physical activity public awareness food accessibility healthcare economics tax obesity public health economic impact dietary habits cultural factors fast food physical activity education vending machines public transportation nutrition health policy poverty behavioral economics health education community strategies obesity tax effectiveness fast_food dietary_habits public_health socioeconomic_factors education public_policy health_programs food_access calorie_burn cultural_impact tax obesity public health economic impact dietary habits cultural factors fast food public awareness vending machines physical exercise education social determinants obesity prevention fat tax LSE researchers health policy obesity tax effectiveness fast_food diet economic_factors public_health prevention_strategies cultural_habits education physical_activity public_transportation healthy_food vending_machines
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con05a	Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. government online gambling hypocrisy economic benefits political control public odds games national lottery racecourse government gambling hypocrisy government controlled gambling government benefits from gambling national lottery public racecourse betting online gambling regulation government online gambling control government gambling policies gambling economics government gambling profit governmental hypocrisy gambling regulation political motives economic incentives national lottery online gaming control policy inconsistency public gaming preferences governmental benefits casino economics gambling laws regulated gambling unregulated gambling public opinion on gambling government revenue from gambling gambling industry regulations government control over gambling gambling addiction impacts government ethics in policy-making government online gambling hypocrisy in gambling government controlled gambling benefits of online gambling government economic interests national lottery criticism public gambling rights government gambling profits regulation of online gambling government online gaming gambling laws critique government gambling policies online casino legality government gambling restrictions public opinion on gambling government gambling hypocrisy legal gambling control online gambling benefits political stance on gambling gambling economics public opinion on gambling government revenue from gambling national lottery public access to gambling gambling regulation conflicts government gambling profits gambling market competition government control limitations government gambling policies government gambling hypocrisy government controlled gambling government benefits from gambling government online gambling restrictions national lottery public racecourse betting government regulation of gambling government gambling profit public gambling preferences government gambling control online gambling benefits government gambling policies government gambling economics government gambling morality government gambling criticism government gambling policy gambling regulation government interests in gambling gambling hypocrisy online gambling benefits local economic impact government owned gambling public gambling access broken government control governmental hypocrisy online gambling benefits economic motives for gambling regulation public gambling rights government-controlled gambling national lottery public racecourse betting regulatory loopholes for online gambling government profit from gambling control over gambling online gambling advantages government stance on gambling economic impact of gambling governmental hypocrisy gambling regulations online gambling profits governmental interests local economies public gambling online gambling regulation national lottery gambling legislation government control over gambling public opinion on gambling governmental revenue from gambling gambling market competition government stance on online gambling government benefits gambling regulation government hypocrisy online gambling control public gambling access government economic interests government owned gambling legal gambling restrictions online gambling advantages government gaming profits gambling laws public gambling complaints government controlled gambling government gambling policies gambling industry government revenue sources gambling market analysis government vs online gambling
test-education-udfakusma-con03a	Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. open access university education incentives critical thinking online learning international students tuition fees resource availability academic engagement global education higher education policy digital learning platforms open access education universal education critical thinking online learning university benefits international students tuition fees open educational resources university competitiveness student motivation educational inequality digital divide lifelong learning academic freedom open access university education online learning critical thinking international students tuition fees educational resources student motivation universal implementation academic integrity digital divide higher education policy free knowledge lifelong learning remote education academic collaboration intellectual property digital humanities e-learning platforms open access critical engagement international students tuition fees universal implementation online education university resources learning motivation global education digital content student incentives academic qualifications higher education trends educational policies open educational resources online learning benefits university competition global academia educational inequality access to knowledge educational quality perceptions open access university education incentive to study online learning critical engagement global education international students tuition fees educational resources learning motivation open access university education critical thinking international students tuition fees online learning educational resources academic qualifications student motivation digital education global education higher learning knowledge sharing educational equity open access university education incentive to study critical engagement online learning international students tuition fees resource availability universal implementation educational benefits incentive study university open access critical thinking international students tuition fees e-learning resources damaging attract qualification learning content benefit countries institutions engagement online environment economic impact educational value academic freedom global education student motivation resource sharing degree relevance career prospects higher education potential drawbacks open access university education learning motivation critical thinking online learning international students tuition fees educational inequality digital resources academic engagement higher education policy global education market incentive university open access learning critical thinking online education international students tuition fees educational resources universally accessible student engagement qualification content learning global education academic environment digital education university competition open educational resources remote learning educational innovation student motivation higher education policy
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con05a	Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Ukraine Russia Yanukovych Putin NATO democracy customs union eastern Europe human rights North Atlantic Treaty Organization international relations geostrategy political influence Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin NATO democracy human rights customs union eastern neighbours EU policy Ukraine's NATO bid interactions Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Pu틴 NATO democracy human rights CUSTOMS UNION Ukraine's NATO bid European Union Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin NATO democracy human rights Customs Union NATO membership Vice President Biden Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin NATO democracy human rights customs union NATO membership European Union Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today Biden Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Pu틴 NATO democracy human rights customs union Moscow Kyiv Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Pu亭jin NATO CUSTOMS union democracy human rights European Union Vice President Biden USA Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin NATO customs union democracy human rights European Union North Atlantic Treaty Organization eastern neighbours Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin NATO customs union democracy human rights North Atlantic Treaty Organization eastern neighbors Interfax-Ukraine European Union Interfax-Ukraine Biden USA Today UKRAINE NATO bid Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin NATO democracy human rights Customs Union NATO membership international relations eastern neighbours geopolitics
test-health-hdond-pro02a	Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) prioritizing donors incentive to donate organ donation policy transplant prioritization organ scarcity social incentives registration rates donor registration life-saving policy equilibrium of donation organ donation prioritization policy lives saved donor incentives transplant rates registration rates scarcity elimination incentive creation equilibrium point organ donation policy analysis medical ethics transplant prioritization incentive programs life-saving measures donor registration scarcity reduction donor incentives public health policy healthcare economics organ donation policy analysis public health social incentives transplant priority life-saving measures donor registration rates organ scarcity reinforcement of donor behavior equilibrium point prioritizing donors incentive to donate policy benefits organ transplant savings lives saved donor registration scarcity elimination incentive theory equilibrium concept prioritize donors incentive to donate policy benefits organ transplant social impact donor registration scarcity elimination public health equilibrium demand organ donation policy analysis donor incentives transplant prioritization life saving beneficial policies medical ethics public health organ donation policy analysis donor incentives transplant prioritization life-saving measures public health medical ethics registration rates scarcity elimination incentive theory health policy organ donation policy analysis transplant prioritization donor incentives public health supply-demand equilibrium life-saving measures prioritize donors incentive registration organ transplant scarcity elimination donor policy lives saved donation rates equilibrium demand
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro01a	Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, human rights culture respect capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition development rule of law symbol principles Guinea Bissau Africa safety benchmark Mo Ibrahim Foundation Ibrahim Index of African Governance human rights abolition cultural development international law rule of law Guinea Bissau Mo Ibrahim Foundation African governance liberalism civil society legal benchmarks human rights violations democratic principles human rights culture respect humanitarian law civil society international law abolitionist nations safety rule of law African governance Guinea Bissau Mo Ibrahim Foundation legal benchmarks progress indicators liberal democracies cultural development legal principles symbolism global standards law enforcement equality justice violations standards principles international community benchmarking civil liberties legal framework policy analysis human rights violations culture of respect capital punishment liberal democracies international civil society benchmark of progress symbol of commitment African governance safety and rule of law Guinea Bissau abolitionist nations Ibrahim Index of African Governance human rights capital punishment international community liberalism democracy civil society rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index African governance safety abolition human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies civil society culture of respect rule of law Guinea Bissau abolitionist nations Ibrahim Index safety and rule of law symbolic commitment human rights capital punishment international community liberalism democracy civil society culture of respect rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index African governance safety abolition benchmarks symbols principles human rights culture respect capital punishment liberal democracies international civil society culture development rule of law benchmark progress symbol principles Guinea Bissau Africa Ibrahim Index safety abolitionist nations rule of law category Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies civil society culture of respect rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index African governance safety abolition progress symbol principles human rights culture respect capital punishment liberal democracies international community civil society rule of law Guinea Bissau Africa safety abolition symbol principles benchmark progress Ibrahim Index Mo Ibrahim Foundation
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalization head coverings Islam schools of thought interpretation Koran moderate interpretations Burka veiling banning Workers Power religious symbols division in society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings Islam Koran dress codes burqa veiling moderate Islam severe Islam banning hijab interpretation differences religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious oppression head coverings Islamic schools Koran Burka moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veils religious symbols division society religious symbols fuel division religious oppression women internalized religious oppression moderate Islamic interpretations severe Islamic interpretations Burka veil banning religious symbolism social impact religious symbolism legal impact religious symbols cultural impact religious symbols interpretation differences religious symbols in society Religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression head coverings Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations Burka veiling banning Worker Power religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression head coverings Islamic schools Koran dress prescriptions Burka veil moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil religious symbols division in society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings Islamic schools Koran interpretation Burka moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning head coverings religious symbols division in society Hijab social pressure religious oppression Muslim women head coverings schools of Islam Koran burka moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings Islamic schools Koran interpretation moderate Islam severe Islam Burqa banning veils religious symbols division within society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil Worker's Power
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro01a	It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. natural selection biological programming sacrifice offspring importance terminal illness organ donation ethical perspectives nursing care child protection humanism natural selection biological programming sacrifice for offspring organ donation terminal illness parental sacrifice life expectancy human nature child's existence nursing care ethical perspectives natural selection sacrifice biological programming organ donation pain tolerance generational sacrifice terminal illness parental sacrifice humanism nursing ethics childhood existence [1]Monforte-Royo Roqué sacrifice biological programming offspring importance terminal illness parental sacrifice generational duty organ donation human experience moral obligation life quality statistical mortality natural selection biological programming sacrifice offspring importance terminal illness organ donation humanist perspective statistical life expectancy natural selection biological programming intergenerational sacrifice terminal illness organ donation parental instinct life experience cause of existence moral obligation natural selection sacrifice offspring importance statistical lifespan biological programming organ donation suffering taking over illness cost-benefit analysis child existence protection obligation nursing care humanism natural selection biological programming intergenerational sacrifice organ donation parental wishes terminal illness quality of life statistical lifespan experiential advantage existence obligation natural selection biological programming intergenerational sacrifice terminal illness organ donation parental rights ethical considerations life experiences existence obligation natural selection biological programming offspring importance sacrifice for younger generation terminal illness organ donation process humanist perspective nursing care statistical lifespan differences child existence value of life
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con04a	Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. human rights internet access technological rights freedom of movement digital divide inalienable rights government responsibilities communication rights global internet coverage technological inequality human rights internet access technological rights communication rights freedom of movement inalienable rights inherent rights digital divide government responsibility technology accessibility universal access digital citizenship human rights law technological inequality global internet coverage digital rights human rights violations technology and society human rights internet access freedom of movement technological rights digital divide government responsibility inherent abilities universal access digital citizenship communication rights global connectivity human rights internet access freedom of movement technological dependency inalienable rights global internet coverage government responsibilities digital divide communication rights inherent abilities technology and human rights universal access digital inequality human rights internet access inalienable rights technology global access government responsibility communication rights freedom of movement digital divide inherent abilities technological necessity universal access human capabilities rights enforcement digital citizenship global inequality technological equity human rights internet access technological dependency freedom of movement global connectivity government responsibility digital divide communication rights inalienable rights inherent human abilities technological advancement universal access human dignity internet availability right to communicate digital rights global internet access government rights violations communication technology human rights advocacy technological barriers digital citizenship global communication online freedom technological inequality human rights enforcement internet freedom technological progress global internet usage digital equality human rights protection internet governance digital society human rights violations technological challenges digital rights management internet access rights human rights implications human rights internet access inalienable rights technological rights freedom of movement government responsibility global internet coverage digital divide communication rights inherent abilities human capabilities human rights internet access technology freedom of movement inherent rights government obligations digital divide communication rights global accessibility inalienable rights current technology limitations human rights internet access government violation technological rights inherent abilities freedom of movement global internet coverage inalienable rights communication rights global access disparities analogies in human rights human rights internet access freedom of movement technology inherent abilities global connectivity government responsibilities digital divide right to communication universal access inalienable rights current limitations technological dependency
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con02a	Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. legalize coca production international drug control Bolivia UN INCB cocaine production drug war narcotics control economic impact global market policy shift eradication efforts drug availability drug abuse commitment international community legalizing coca international drug control INCB UN narcotics Bolivia drug policy coca production cocaine availability global drug market eradication efforts drug abuse international community commitment war on drugs legalize coca production international drug control UN INCB bolivia narcotics economic impact cocaine availability drug policy global drug control system international community commitment economic incentives eradication efforts drug abuse legalizing coca drug policy international narcotics control global drug control system coca production Bolivian coca narco trafficking drug availability drug abuse anti-drug efforts international community commitment coca cultivation cocaine production UN INCB drug economy impact eradication efforts global market acceptance drug policy shift drug legalization consequences legalising coca production international narcotics control UN International Narcotics Control Board Bolivia drug policy coca cultivation global drug control system cocaine production drug abuse economic impact war on drugs international community commitment narcotic legalization market acceptance eradication efforts crop cultivation policy shift drug availability legalizing coca production international drug control UN INCB global drug control system coca cultivation economic implications narcotics control drug market international community commitment cocaine availability drug abuse impact country policies eradication efforts legalisation coca production international drug control UN INCB bolivia narcotics economic impact drug market eradication efforts drug availability policy shift international community commitment cocaine drug abuse legalising coca production international drug control system international narcotics control board Bolivia drug policy UN INCB statement coca leaf cultivation cocaine market economic impact of drugs international drug policy drug availability global drug control drug abuse impact narcotics control efforts international community commitment crop eradication drug economy legalizing coca international drug control UN INCB coca production Bolivian coca drug market drug availability eradication efforts global drug control drug policy drug abuse international community commitment cocaine production coca leaf drug legalization drug economics global market acceptance drug policy effectiveness drug policy shift drug policy impact legalizing coca international drug control UN INCB coca production war on drugs drug availability coca cultivation narco economy international community commitment coca to cocaine
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con01a	The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrence torture wiretapping effective governance voting rights populace deterring politicians legal enforcement power dynamics political accountability illegal actions politics prosecution accountability corruption law enforcement governance judicial system human rights ethics transparency democracy political crimes legal reform whistleblowing oversight legislation enforcement public interest judicial independence voter rights constitutional law prosecution politicians deterrence abuse of power legal accountability torture wiretapping voting rights deterring corruption power dynamics government oversight legal enforcement ethical governance expand related terms keyword extraction legal accountability political corruption deterrence law enforcement judicial system public trust human rights civil liberties election impact governance effectiveness constitutional violations government oversight judicial independence ethical standards legal reforms political transparency public opinion policy enforcement ethical governance judicial activism legal protections political integrity ethical conduct political scandal legal challenges ethical dilemmas political misconduct legal remedies ethical leadership political accountability judicial review ethical behavior political ethics legal challenges political integrity measures ethical governance frameworks legal reform initiatives political transparency measures ethical search efficiency expand query political accountability legal enforcement deterrent against corruption judicial independence public trust election outcomes illegal activities government transparency human rights violations politics legal accountability deterrence enforcement electoral limitations corruption human rights justice system ethical governance whistleblowing accountability mechanisms public trust transparency legal proceedings political crimes oversight ethical standards law enforcement ethical conduct judicial review public opinion moral responsibility legislative reforms prosecution politicians deterrence abuse of power torture wiretapping powerlessness effective enforcement voting limitations deterrents legal accountability political misconduct increase search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords prosecute politicians ultimate protection abuse of power threat of prosecution stay the hand transgressing laws aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping blunt instrument of voting deterrent against politicians legal prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrence voting torture wiretapping public influence power dynamics legal system corruption democracy government accountability legal enforcement ethical governance law enforcement legal reform political accountability political prosecution deterrence mechanisms legal accountability corruption prevention voter influence limitations judicial oversight illegal government actions public trust ethical governance legislative reform criminal charges against politicians
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro04a	Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. freedom of expression inconvenient truths tolerance human rights precedent setting apartheid segregation UN Declaration of Human Rights civil liberties employment rights symbolic speech offensive speech legal precedent intolerance workplace discrimination ethical considerations societal norms freedom of expression right inconvenience tolerance UK law precedent UN Declaration of Human Rights segregation apartheid liberty benign statements intolerant society freedom of expression human rights tolerance inconvenience precedent laws precedent setting UN Declaration of Human Rights jewelry offense tolerance in society civil liberties apartheid segregation rules sanctions livelihood liberty declaration of human rights expression rights offensive speech minor offenses freedom of expression inconvenient truths tolerance rights enforcement precedent setting UK human rights symbolic speech legal challenges public decency laws minority rights hate speech regulations historical context civil liberties UN human rights expressive conduct workplace discrimination moral absolutism freedom of expression right recognition inconvenience tolerance laws precedent human rights UN Declaration job loss liberty prejudice segregation apartheid freedom of expression relevant expansion phrases inconvenient rights defensive liberties historical perspective segregation apartheid tolerance precedence setting legal consequences human rights declaration freedom of expression right inconvenience tolerance UK law UN Declaration of Human Rights precedent liberty tolerance injustice prejudice apartheid segregation rulebreaking sanctions livelihood benign forthright freedom of expression right inconvenience tolerance precedence laws rights UN Declaration of Human Rights prejudice liberty inconvenience offensive statements small piece of jewelry severe consequences freedom of expression inconvenient truths tolerance human rights UN Declaration precedent liberty job loss offensive speech equality apartheid segregation minor offenses legal defense benign statements social tolerance freedom of expression inconvenient truths tolerance human rights precedent segregation apartheid UN Declaration of Human Rights civil liberties offensive speech job loss legal defense benign statements more forthright
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con01a	Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution Responsibility political correctness libel public domain artwork removal president Zuma The Spear Murray rape accusations court acquittal defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution liberal protections responsibility political art court rulings libel public domain Zuma Rape accusations Murray The Spear artwork defamation speech freedom of expression constitution liberal rights responsibility political art legal action paintings court cases government officials political scandal public perception media ethics art censorship legal standards free speech limits potential libel presidential reputation public figures legal protections artist rights cultural expressions legal challenges public opinion legal precedents legal defense art and politics legal remedies potential consequences legal implications art and society legal interpretation policy critique presidential ethics legal principles artistic freedom legal rights media defamation freedom of speech South African law constitution responsible speech legal protection libel public domain artwork removal legal action presidential dignity legal precedent press freedom judicial decision artistic expression legal consequences public figure rights free speech limits defamation freedom of speech South African law constitution responsibility libel artwork removal public domain character assassination court acquittal political art media ethics legal rights defamation freedom of speech South African law constitutional protections responsibility artistic expression legal consequences public domain libel legal action artistic censorship court ruling personal attacks political art judicial precedent defamation speech freedom South African constitution responsibility policy critique The Spear Murray Zuma rape accusations libel artwork removal court ruling public domain damage character Defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitution liberal policy The Spear Murray Zuma rape accusations court acquittal libel character assassination public domain artwork removal Defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution policy critique personal life The Spear Murray Zuma rape accusations libel character defamation suing for defamation artwork removal public domain damaging falsehood court ruling Defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitution responsibility policy court of law libel character assassination painting artwork removal suit Zuma rape liberal rights
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro02a	"Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . affirmative action equality of opportunity cyclical disadvantages past discrimination playing field legacy of disadvantage poverty trap African communities Brazil slavery economic inequality psychological impact discrimination history education opportunities employment opportunities community rejection poverty cycle economic equality family poverty ethnic discrimination social justice inequality impact opportunity gap historical denial affirmative action benefits affirmative action cyclical disadvantages past discrimination playing field legacy of disadvantage poverty trap psychological damage tangible effects education opportunities employment opportunities historical denial equality of opportunity African communities slavery discrimination examples Brazil affirmative action cyclical disadvantages playing field past discrimination legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty psychological damage tangible damage poverty trap education opportunities employment opportunities historical denial equality of opportunity black experience affirmative action benefits Brazil discrimination African communities slave legacy inequality social justice civil rights socioeconomic status systemic racism educational disparities employment discrimination policy analysis social mobility economic inequality human rights anti-discrimination laws affirmative action programs affirmative action benefits past discrimination effects equality of opportunity cyclical disadvantages poverty trap African American history Brazil affirmative action economic inequality educational opportunities discrimination legacy selection bias community rejection psychological damage employment discrimination historical denial of opportunity legacy of disadvantage affirmative action equality of opportunity cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field poverty trap African communities Brazil past discrimination education employment social justice legacy of disadvantage tangible consequences psychological damage historical denial of opportunity economic inequality affirmative action cyclical disadvantages playing field past discrimination psychological damage tangible consequences poverty trap educational opportunities employment denial historical denial equality of opportunity slavery legacy Brazil discrimination affirmative action benefits black experience community rejection poverty inequality affirmative action past discrimination playing field equality of opportunity poverty trap African communities Brazil slavery education opportunities employment opportunities cyclical disadvantages psychological damage tangible damage legacy of disadvantage community rejection equality enforcement selection bias opportunity assistance discrimination impact inequality resolution legacy effects structural inequality affirmative policies affirmative action equality of opportunity discrimination playing field poverty trap African communities Brazil historical denial of opportunity legacy of disadvantage affirmative action cyclical disadvantages past discrimination playing field psychological damage tangible damage poverty trap educational opportunities employment opportunities historical denial equality of opportunity Brazil slavery African communities discrimination socioeconomic inequality social justice policy impact systemic barriers legacy of disadvantage economic empowerment human rights social mobility affirmative action benefits discrimination effects affirmative action cyclical disadvantages playing field past discrimination legacy of disadvantage poverty trap psychological damage tangible consequences education opportunities employment opportunities poverty cycle historical denial equality of opportunity African communities slavery history discrimination impact socioeconomic inequality affirmative action benefits historical context social justice equal opportunities systemic discrimination affirmative action policies marginalized communities socioeconomic mobility racial inequality social stratification civil rights educational access employment discrimination socioeconomic status income inequality social mobility race relations social equity"
test-environment-assgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal testing ethics drug testing methods alternative testing methods drug development costs medical research benefits animal welfare in testing penicillin history drug approval process testing regulations public health impact scientific progress bioethics pharmaceutical industry challenges drug efficacy safety regulatory compliance in drug development medical innovation public health policy animal rights in research animal testing ethics drug testing methods alternatives to animal testing history of animal testing benefits of animal testing cost of drug testing drug safety ethical considerations in medical research penicillin development pharmaceutical industry regulations impact of drug testing costs animal testing ethics drug safety testing alternative testing methods drug development costs medical research benefits penicillin history drug testing regulations animal rights in testing long-term drug effects public health impacts animal testing benefits drug testing methods alternatives to animal testing ethical animal testing drug development process consequences of reduced animal testing impact of drug testing costs historical significance of animal testing safety of tested drugs pharmaceutical industry regulation public health importance of animal testing benefits of new drugs role of animal testing in medical advancements animal testing drug testing medical research drug development ethical considerations alternative testing methods penicillin history drug costs public health scientific advancements animal testing ethics drug testing alternatives medical research benefits penicillin impact drug development costs animal rights in testing long-term drug safety benefits of animal testing drug approval process consequences of reduced animal testing public health and animal testing ethical dilemmas in pharmaceuticals animal testing drug testing medical research drug development ethical concerns penicillin drug costs drug safety alternative testing methods animal rights public health scientific testing regulatory standards pharmaceutical industry clinical trials biomedical research toxicity testing efficacy testing regulatory approval vaccine testing gene therapy stem cell research animal testing drug testing medical research drug development penicillin benefits drug costs drug safety alternative testing methods ethical considerations public health pharmaceutical industry scientific advancements animal welfare regulatory requirements clinical trials health outcomes innovation in testing drug approval process medical ethics public health policy drug efficacy bioethics animal rights drug regulation patient safety health economics biomedical research experimental drugs medical breakthroughs vaccine testing genetic research oncology trials neurological studies immunology research public health impact clinical trial ethics drug side effects treatment efficacy health animal testing ethics drug testing alternatives medical research benefits penicillin impact drug development costs animal welfare in testing long-term drug safety pharmaceutical testing methods public health vs animal rights scientific advancements through animal testing animal testing benefits drug testing methods alternatives to animal testing ethical concerns animal testing drug development process safety of drugs historical impact animal testing costs of drug testing public health impact animal testing
test-economy-thsptr-con01a	Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. individuals' property income index deserving achievement value marketplace society progressive taxation system assumes property rights poor wealthy sacred worth producing goods services desirable competence employer state punish proportionally work socially just forced labor appropriated manifestly injustice seligman nozick progressive taxation property rights income tax wealth distribution social worth forced labor justice economic theory wealth inequality individual contribution societal value taxation fairness Nozick's entitlement theory Seligman's argument property rights income tax progressive taxation wealth distribution individual worth social contribution justice taxation fairness forced labor economic inequality individuals' property income measurement deserving achievement value contribution progressive taxation property rights poor vs wealthy wealth ownership state punishment social worth forced labor unjust taxation economic justice Seligman theory Nozick philosophy individuals' property income deserving achievement value contributed society progressive taxation system property rights poor wealthy sacred ownership injustice individual's worth social goods services competence desirability employer state punishment proportionally forced labor appropriated manifestly unjust economic inequality Seligman Nozick individuals' property income indexing deserving achievement value contribution market place progressive taxation property rights wealth disparity sacred rights social worth disproportionate taxation forced labor wealth acquisition state's role economic justice ethical taxation Seligman theory Nozick's critique property rights income tax progressive taxation wealth distribution individual worth social contribution justice economic inequality forced labor ethical taxation Seligman Nozick individuals' property income measurement market contribution progressive taxation property rights wealth inequality societal worth forced labor tax injustice Seligman theory Nozick philosophy individuals' property income index deserving achievement value marketplace society progressive taxation system property rights poor wealthy sacred less proportionate ownership wealth dent inequality justice income worth social desirability employer state punishment proportionally forced labour appropriation regime equality seligman nozick individuals' property income deserving achievement value contributed societal marketplace progressive taxation property rights poor wealthy injustice individual's income societal worth producing goods desirability employer state punishment forced labor wealth appropriation equality justice wealth distribution social justice libertarianism economic inequality Earned Income Tax Credit wealth tax progressive tax system redistribution theory social contract market failures
test-education-udfakusma-con04a	Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. open access academic publishing costs scholarly journals gold open access green open access article processing charges self-archiving academic workload technology integration university funding openaccess costs academicpublishing academia technology universities research publishingindustry goldopenaccess greenopenaccess oaimplementation fundingmodels academicworkload paywall repository electronicpublishing academictechskills authorpayment publicationcosts openaccessdebate open access article publication charges Gold open access Green open access scholarly journals cost academic workload technological integration open access funding academic publishing costs self-archiving academic time investment journal article production open access implementation university funding academic technology support academic resource allocation scholarly communication open access policies author-pays model open access sustainability academic publishing challenges academic digital transition open access advocacy open access journal publishing costs academic workload self-archiving article processing charges scholarly journals electronic publishing open access repositories university funding academic technology digital transformation research dissemination academic labor open access mandates scholarly communication academic publishing trends open access implementation academic resource allocation technology adoption open access benefits open access challenges search efficiency expand query journal articles editing costs open access Gold OA Green OA academic workload technology implementation scholarly journals article publication charges open access repositories university funding academic publishing costs self-archiving academic time technological challenges search performance relevant expansion phrases journal articles editors typesetters reviewing costs publishing open access Gold Green article publication charges universities cost on author academics lectures lecture notes bibliographies technology technology use online publication academic workload open access research paying for technology open access gold open access green open access scholarly journals article publication charges academic publishing costs self-archiving university funding academic workload technology integration academic labor open access research electronic publishing academic journals cost scholarly communication academic publishing trends academic resource management digital transformation in academia academic publishing ethics academic publishing impact search efficacy expansion keywords journal articles writers editors typesetters reviewing publishing costs open access Gold open access Green open access article publication charges self-archiving academic workload technology academic publishing scholarly journals electronic publishing open access research university funding academic resources digital transformation academic technology open access implementation academic burden open access journal articles costs publishing academic writing editing typesetting reviewing author payments Gold open access Green open access university funding academic labor technological integration electronic publishing repositories lectures lecture notes bibliographies paywall removal accessibility academic workload gratis silver open access open access journal publishing costs academic workload technology adoption research dissemination author payment model gold open access green open access funding university costs publishing charges electronic publishing academic resources lectures lecture notes bibliographies gratis access peer review editorial costs typesetting review process online content technological burden unpaid labor policy implementation financial implications resource management academic publishing open access initiatives article publication charges self-archiving research visibility publication costs accessibility open science open scholarship authorship rights publisher roles
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro01a	The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, UK foreign policy EU sovereignty common foreign policy trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit impact negotiation freedom influence UK UK foreign policy EU foreign policy sovereignty trade commissioner exclusive power negotiating options influence European Union Brexit impact diplomatic autonomy UK foreign policy EU sovereignty exclusive powers trade commissioner negotiation flexibility EU foreign policy Brexit impact independent diplomacy trade negotiations EU influence UK sovereignty independent foreign policy EU foreign policy EU sovereignty UK sovereignty trade commissioner exclusive power foreign policy negotiation EU trade policy UK influence EU negotiations UK freedom EU sovereignty loss foreign policy independence UK foreign policy EU foreign policy sovereignty trade commissioner exclusive power negotiating options influence EU trade policy UK independence independent foreign policy relevant expansion phrases EU foreign policy sovereignty issues EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office influence and freedom negotiation options European Union(EXIT) UK foreign policy EU foreign policy sovereignty independent negotiation trade commissioner exclusive power European Union Brexit influence maneuvering power UK foreign policy EU foreign policy sovereignty independent policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power negotiation freedom UK influence UK foreign policy Britain sovereignty EU foreign policy economic negotiations trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office influence negotiation options European Commission trade policy independent foreign policy Britain EU foreign policy sovereignty EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office negotiation influence more options policy making trade policy
test-health-dhiacihwph-con01a	Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid generic drugs pharmaceutical patents reinvestment innovation research investment Access to Medicine Regime Canada pharmaceutical progress patent access generic drug manufacturers African drug policy research company incentives disease combating research generic drugs pharmaceutical industry patent access reinvestment innovation developing countries drug production research investment Canada's Access to Medicine Regime intellectual property pharmaceutical progress disease treatment compulsory licensing drug export Africa's pharmaceutical needs generic drugs pharmaceutical patents reinvestment innovation drug quality Access to Medicine Regime Canada research investment pharmaceutical industry Africa disease research patent access generics export generic drugs pharmaceutical industry patent access reinvestment innovation CAMR pharmaceutical progress research investment Africa disease combat dominance generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality pharmaceutical progress export patent access Canada's Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research companies patents investment research Africa disease combat incentives generic drugs pharmaceutical progress reinvestment innovation patent access CAMR research companies pharmaceutical industry drug exports Africa disease research generic drugs reinvestment innovation patented drugs pharmaceutical progress Access to Medicine Regime CAMR Canada pharmaceutical research industry investment Africa disease research dominance generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality pharmaceutical progress export patent access Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profits research companies patents investment research incentives Africa disease combating pharmaceutical industry generic drugs pharmaceutical industry patent access research investment innovation developing countries intellectual property drug quality medicine regime Africa disease treatment pharmaceutical progress dominance generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries pharmaceutical progress high quality export countries access patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) pharmaceutical research companies patents incentive research investment Africa disease
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro01a	Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 school curriculum childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school lunches media coverage civil society health programs government intervention educational policies personal finance sex education school resources budget cuts health alternatives complex obesity social factors policy making healthy choices school curriculum nutritional education physical education childhood obesity school lunch programs health policy media coverage civil society educational reform health programs government intervention biological factors social factors academic time health choices educational standards school resources budget cuts public health nutrition standards school environments healthful alternatives obesity epidemic complex factors responsible living financial education relationship education citizenship education health curricula school meal programs healthy options school funding community initiatives school curriculum nutritional education physical education childhood obesity media coverage civil society school lunches budget cuts healthy choices personal finance sex education citizenship education free milk programs obesity epidemic biological factors social factors government policies healthful alternatives good-tasting food complex nature school curriculum childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school lunches media coverage civil society personal finance education sex education citizenship education health programs free milk and fruit limited resources budget cuts Obesity Society policy makers biological factors social factors healthy choices educational environment complex obesity epidemic expert groups school environment healthy alternatives physical activity obesity prevention school meal programs healthy eating habits school health policies schools childhood obesity nutritional education physical education media coverage civil society curriculum personal finance sex education citizenship free milk fruit health programs limited resources budget cuts Obesity Society policy makers interplay biological factors social factors healthy choices educational environment school curriculum childhood obesity nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals school lunch budget cuts health education policy making student choices educational programs obesity epidemic biological factors social factors school environment healthy choices academic time nutrition standards healthful alternatives schools childhood obesity nutritional education physical education media coverage civil society school lunch curriculum personal finance sex education citizenship health programs budget cuts nutritional standards junk foods obesity epidemic complex factors healthy choices schools obesity education nutrition physical education media coverage civil society childhood obesity school curricula personal finance sex education citizenship free milk fruit calcium vitamins budget cuts healthy choices complex nature biological factors social factors governments healthy food alternatives expert groups Obesity Society U.S. children and teens academics Nutritional Standards Veggiecation New York Coalition for Healthy School Food ScienceDaily Eradicating America's obesity epidemic schools obesity nutrition education curriculum physical health media civil society initiatives cafeteria meals personal finance relationships citizenship milk fruit calcium vitamins resources budget alternatives environmental choices policy makers biology social factors epidemic prevention Veggiecation New York Coalition healthy educational partners solutions Washington childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school lunch programs health programs curriculum changes media coverage civil society resource limitations budget cuts obesity epidemic personal finance education sexual education citizenship education free meals healthy choices obesity prevention school environment
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro02a	The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. guilt responsibility survival PTSD suicide parental guilt life-saving ethical dilemma trauma psychological impact decision-making loss coping mechanisms moral burden mental health child mortality end-of-life care bereavement ethical considerations emotional distress clinical studies ethical dilemmas post-traumatic stress disorder guilt parental guilt survivor guilt post-traumatic stress syndrome suicides moral responsibility ethical dilemmas end-of-life care parental grief psychological trauma decision-making ethical considerations family trauma suicide prevention guilt management psychological impact end-of-life decisions guilt parental guilt post-traumatic stress syndrome PTSD suicide child death saving life mental health moral responsibility psychological impact grief coping mechanisms family trauma ethical dilemmas end-of-life care emotional burden Post-Traumatic-Stress-Syndrome guilt parenting suicide child-death hastening-death relevant-expansion-phrases clinical-studies review burden-of-guilt search efficiency expand query guilt burden relative lifesaving parent child suicide post-traumatic stress syndrome suicides Monforte-Royo psycho-oncology hastening death clinical studies grief parental guilt post-traumatic stress suicide risk emotional burden survival regrets coping mechanisms mental health impact psychological trauma loss guilt post-traumatic stress syndrome guilt parental guilt suicide risk child death decision-making ethics psychological impact bereavement trauma mental health suicide prevention grief counseling ethical dilemmas psychological distress coping mechanisms end-of-life care emotional burden moral injury guilt parental guilt saving a life post-traumatic stress syndrome suicides emotional burden ethical responsibility child death mental health impact decision-making ethics psychological trauma moral injury end-of-life care familial guilt trauma counseling ethical dilemmas mental health disorders grief guilt post-traumatic-stress-disorder suicide parental-guilt trauma mental-health coping-strategies end-of-life-care bereavement psychological-impact loss emotional-burden ethical-considerations patient-care palliative-care search outcomes beneficial expansion terms guilt suicide post-traumatic stress syndrome parental guilt child death clinical studies psychological impact mental health bereavement trauma counseling support ethics decision-making regret coping mechanisms
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization US military civilian leaders NATO verification mechanisms Russia Obama administration Biden administration senate approval nuclear weapons complex joint assessments missile defense cooperation Washington Treaty Article 5 territorial missile defense liability security medical concerns New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense military leaders civilian leaders Russia Obama administration Biden administration Jon Kyl nuclear modernization verification mechanisms NATO relations security concerns medical concerns New START treaty military defense missile defense nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization US defense policy Sen Jon Kyl NATO Russia verification arms reduction nuclear weapons nuclear security Senate approval civilian leaders Obama administration Biden administration Energy Department nuclear weapons complex military infrastructure missile defense system Article 5 NATO-Russian relations Lisbon ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile-defense exercises territorial missile defense nuclear capabilities security concerns medical concerns nuclear disarmament 21st century nuclear strategy New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization plan funding Nuclear Posture Review Senate ratification NATO missile defense cooperation verification mechanisms nuclear disarmament strategic stability security concerns medical concerns nuclear weapons reduction Russia-US relations New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization funding Russia US military NATO verification infrastructure Sen Jon Kyl article 5 NATO missile defense Joint ballistic missile threat assessment treaty negotiations Joe Biden geopolitical stability medical concerns New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization US military infrastructure funding Sen Jon Kyl NATO missile defense Article 5 missile defense cooperation New Start Treaty ratification verification mechanisms nuclear weapons safety security medical concerns Russian cooperation 21st Century nuclear strategy New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization funding NATO Russia verification mechanisms missile defense cooperation nuclear weapons reduction strategic nuclear forces treaty ratification senator Jon Kyl nuclear arsenal maintenance missile defense conversion nuclear weapon complex US-Russia relations nuclear arms control nuclear strategy disarmament nuclear non-proliferation nuclear weapons security nuclear medicine concerns New START treaty military modernization nuclear arsenal funding infrastructure Russia NATO missile defense verification mechanisms US-Russia relations security medical concerns New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization US military civilian leaders Russia NATO verification mechanisms security concerns medical concerns Article 5 Washington Treaty Obama administration Biden administration Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell Kyl missile defense system ballistic missile threat assessment treaty negotiation ratification process nuclear weapons complex Energy Department North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO-Russian relations Lisbon summit terrestrial missile defense over-abundance nuclear capabilities New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization funding Nuclear Weapons Complex ratification process missile defense plans NATO Russia missile defense cooperation strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations nuclear capability missile defense system nuclear arsenal maintenance missile defense budget missile defense infrastructure nuclear weapons complex funding nuclear weapons safety nuclear weapons medical concerns"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con03a	"Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing harmful proscribed 1950 report UN Commission health risks cocaine different products legislative reform drug policies Coca chewing harmful proscribed UN report 1950 health risks cocaine diversion legislative reform drug policies Coca_chewing harmful evidence ban 1950_UN_report UN_Comission_of_Inquiry coca_leaf health_harms diversion_cocaine unique_health_considerations drug_policy research evidence_basedmedicine Coca leaf health risks coca chewing ban history coca versus caffeine coca and cocaine UN coca leaf report coca health considerations coca prohibition justification Coca chewing harmful proscribed 1950 report UN Commission evidence health risks cocaine diversion drug policy Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing Coca叶危害 柠檬草与健康 禁止嚼古柯 古柯与可卡因关系 联合国关于古柯报告 古柯对健康的独特影响 古柯禁止合法性 Coca chewing harmful proscribed 1950 report UN Commission evidence health harms diversion cocaine legislative reform drug policies Coca chewing harm ban coca chewing UN report coca leaf coca leaf health risks coca vs caffeine coca and cocaine drug policy coca coca prohibition justification Coca_leaf harmful_effects prohibition ban cocaine potential_health_risks UN_report drug_policy evidence-based_decision Coca leaf health effects coca prohibition history coca vs caffeine coca leaf legal status cocaine production from coca"
test-health-hdond-pro03a	Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. organ donation reciprocity moral philosophy desert theory ethical principles deservingness social contract civil rights moral justification organ donation ethics moral reciprocity desert theory ethical principles altruism justice utilitarianism social contract moral philosophy medical ethics distributive justice organ_donation reciprocity_morality ethical_theory moral_principles desert_ethics social_contract utilitarianism altruism justice_system moral_hypotheticals moral_obligations ethical_considerations moral_philosophy organ donation moral philosophy reciprocity ethical principles deservingness social justice moral obligations ethical treatment hypothetical scenarios civil unrest moral value societal norms ethical desert moral principles altruism fairness moral reasoning moral implications organ allocation ethical dilemmas moral responsibility moral consistency organ donation reciprocity moral principle deserving ethical treatment hypothetical moral stance social justice desert theory moral implications civil unrest organ donation moral principles reciprocity deserving organs ethical considerations social justice deservingness ethical reasoning moral desert civil unrest organ donation reciprocity moral principle deserving ethical treatment hypothetical ethics practical ethics moral desert social justice incoherence injustice civil unrest organ_donation moral_reciprocity desert_ethics organ_distribution ethical_theory philosophy_of_medicine medical_ethics reciprocal义务 desert理论 器官分配公正性 organ donation reciprocity moral philosophy desert ethical treatment social justice altruism utilitarianism ethics morality organ allocation fair treatment moral principles organ donation moral philosophy reciprocity deservingness social justice ethical principles desert theory moral principle moral reciprocity organ allocation ethical considerations moral implications fairness in organ distribution moral consistency moral value moral philosophy concepts moral reasoning moral obligations
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro03a	The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, confession religious faith petty rules wearing cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer uniform British Airways policy change symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity Christian employee appeal tribunal crucifix nurse Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic silliness harm beliefs sincerity religious freedom cross佩戴争议 员工信仰权益 英国航空公司政策变更 职场宗教符号 健康与安全法规 公共安全风险 非歧视原则 信仰表达权 职业道德冲突 宗教符号佩戴限制 职员权益保护 信仰自由法律 就业歧视 工作场所多样性 宗教象征意义 信仰与工作冲突 confession religious faith petty rules wearing cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer uniform British Airways policy change symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity tribunal Christian nurse crucifix Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic silliness harm respect beliefs confession religious faith petty rules wearing cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer uniform British Airways policy change symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity individual beliefs bureaucratic silliness tribunal ruling Christian nurse crucifix workplace discrimination Archbishop of Canterbury confession religious faith petty rules wearing cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer uniform British Airways policy change symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity tribunal Christian nurse crucifix workplace sincerity beliefs Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic silliness harm individuals protections relevance expansion phrases search performance religious faith petty rules 佩戴十字架 belief determination personal identity universe perspective Nadia Eweida employer policy uniform symbol British Airways policy change health and safety absurdity sincerity profound issues bureaucratic silliness tribunal ruling Christian employee nurse crosswear Archbishop of Canterbury religious faith petty rules wearing the cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida British Airways policy change symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity employer case individual beliefs Archbishop of Canterbury wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness Christian employee cross ban appeal nurse crucifix tribunal ruling confession religious faith petty rules wearing the cross personal identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer's case uniform British Airways policy change symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity Christian airline employee appeal Nurse's case crucifix tribunal Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic silliness sincere beliefs profound issues respect beliefs harm to others wooden-headed religious freedom 佩戴十字架 信仰表达 雇主政策 平等权利 健康与安全法规 英国航空公司 信仰争议 裁决结果 工作制服 精神身份 公共职责 法律保护 信仰冲突 religious faith petty rules wearing cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer case uniform British Airways policy symbolic imagery health and safety absurdity bureaucratic silliness Christian employee cross ban appeal nurse crucifix tribunal ruling Archbishop of Canterbury
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con02a	Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation prejudice historical context South Africa Black people lascivious sexual threatening inferiority inhumane treatment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offense protests political grandstanding Sarah Baartman Daily Maverick Mail & Guardian infantilization prejudice historical context caricature Black people lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive art protest political grandstanding Sarah Baartman Daily Maverick Mail & Guardian Infantilisation Prejudice Historical Context African Art History Black Representation Carceral Culture Race Relations South African History Cultural Sensitivity Art Protest Political Commentary Art Censorship Visual Arts Art Criticism Cultural Appropriation African Art Art and Politics Art and Society Art and Culture infantilization prejudice historical context caricature Black people lascivious overtly sexual inferior beings inhumane treatment Zulu culture polygamy social standing offensive art protest political grandstanding Sarah Baartman Daily Maverick Mail & Guardian infantilisation power dynamics race sexuality history cultural sensitivity art controversy polygamy gender stereotypes public reaction cultural representation offense art criticism historical context social standing protest art gallery media response infantilisation prejudice historical context artwork South Africa Black people lascivious sexual inferior beings inhumane treatment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive art protest political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation Infantilisation Prejudice Historical Context African Art Art Criticism Black Representation Racism Cultural Sensitivity Offensive Art Protests South Africa Art Galleries Political Commentary Zulu Culture Polygamy Social Standing Artistic Expression Infantilisation Prejudice Historical Context Artwork Response South Africa Past Problems Caricature Black People Black Men Lascivious Sexual Threatening Inferior Beings Cultural Sensitivity Polygamy Social Standing Offensive Art Protest Political Grandstanding Daily Maverick Mail & Guardian infantilization prejudice historical context Black representation lasciviousness sexual threats inferiority inhumane treatment polygamy cultural sensitivity social standing offensive art public protests art censorship South African history artwork controversy Infantilisation Prejudice Historical Context Black Representation Racism South Africa Artivism Zulu Culture Polygamy Offense Triggering Art Censorship Protest Triggering Sarah Baartman
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 search effectiveness enforcement bans religious symbols police France public buildings enforcement simplicity schools scarf ban public security ban enforcement enforceable religious symbols police enforcement public buildings banning religious symbols French ban on religious symbols enforcement simplicity conspicuous religious apparel school uniform policy enforcement religious symbols police authority banning policies school regulations France law enforcement ease public buildings security enforcement search enforcement religious symbols ban public buildings France schools conspicuous policing authority utility simplification effectiveness societal norms security implementation monitoring regulation compliance restrictions governance legal enforcement social impact enforcement ban religious symbols police public buildings France education security compliance search optimization keyword expansion enforcement simplicity religious symbols ban public buildings France ban conspicuous religious apparel educational institutions police enforcement social implications enforcement religious symbols police public buildings France ban education enforcement methods social policies enforcement simplicity security guards enforcement ban police religious symbols schools enforceability public buildings France societies enforcement ease search optimization keyword expansion enforcement simplicity religious symbols public buildings France ban police role societal bans teacher enforcement security guards conspicuous religious apparel ban implementation law enforcement ease enforcement banning religious symbols police enforcement public buildings France ban conspicuous religious apparel school regulations authority enforcement
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro01a	"There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. moral obligation affirmative action discrimination societal compensation historical injustice education opportunities employment opportunities psychological harm physical harm community acceptance equality social justice civil rights racial discrimination affirmative action programs black experience USA theoretical morality tangible impacts community rights moral obligation affirmative action societal compensation discrimination impacts educational opportunities employment discrimination psychological harm moral responsibility community compensation social justice equal opportunity civil rights systemic inequality minority rights legal obligations historical injustice affirmative action programs compensatory justice racial discrimination educational disparities employment disparities social cohesion diversity initiatives reparations ethical considerations discrimination consequences community empowerment moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility discrimination African American community education opportunities employment opportunities compensation physical harm psychological harm social justice equality civil rights historical injustice educational equity workplace diversity reparations psychological safety community acceptance social psychology ethical theory discrimination types race relations social policy affirmative action benefits moral obligations in society discrimination impacts compensating victims of discrimination african american community rights equality and justice symbolic advantages for marginalized groups legal obligations of society education opportunities for minorities employment discrimination historical injustices and current policies moral obligation affirmative action discrimination compensation societal wrongs educational opportunities employment opportunities physical goods psychological feelings acceptance safety success happiness rejection community past discrimination physical and psychological harms moral responsibility symbolic advantages moral obligation affirmative action societal wrongs compensation discrimination African American education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harms psychological harms community acceptance safety symbolic advantages equality justice diversity inclusivity social responsibility moral obligation affirmative action discrimination African American community education employment compensation physical harms psychological harms societal responsibility equality justice acceptance safety moral obligation affirmative action discrimination African American community education opportunities employment opportunities compensation victims of discrimination physical harms psychological harms acceptance safety affirmative action programs symbolic advantages unjust treatment affirmative action moral obligation discrimination African American community compensation education opportunities employment opportunities psychological harms symbolic advantages past discrimination physical goods country acceptance safety理论道德义务 公平对待 社会正义 历史遗留问题 种族平等等关键词。 moral obligation discrimination African American community affirmative action compensation unjust treatment education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness past discrimination physical goods psychological feelings acceptance safety country moral responsibility symbolic advantages black experience"
test-environment-assgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animals moral consideration human rights intelligence social groups communication mortality consciousness death equality benefit moral trade-offs animal rights moral considerations brain size social behavior communication abilities self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs greater good human exceptionalism animals human rights brain social communication moral consideration awareness death ethics trade-offs greater good welfare ethical considerations moral philosophy human superiority animal rights brain capacity social behavior communication mortality awareness benefiting humans moral trade-offs greater good animals human rights moral consideration brain size social groups communication death awareness moral trade-off greater good [11] animal rights moral consideration brain size social groups communication self-awareness nature of death ethical trade-offs greater good human uniqueness animal rights morality brain size social behavior communication consciousness ethical considerations moral trade-offs greater good speciesism animals human_rights moral_consideration brain_size social_groups communication moral_trade_off greater_good intelligence deathAwareness animals human rights moral consideration characteristics trade-offs greater_good social_groups communication consciousness death ethical_debates [11] animals rights moral considerations cognitive abilities social behavior ethical trade-offs sentient beings welfare ethics moral philosophy animal cognition rights discourse
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con04a	Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. rehabilitation recidivism economic sense cutting programs taxpayer money justice policy short sentences long sentences dead investment prison costs offenders behind bars rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates cost of imprisonment prison reform taxpayer investment conservative justice policy offender rehabilitation economic impact of rehabilitation criminal recidivism justice system efficiency prisoner management strategies alternative sentencing options public safety priorities rehabilitation recidivism economic sense cutting rehabilitation programs government spending prisoners recidivism rates taxpayer money dead investment britain justice policy rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates cost of prison prison reform economic sense of imprisonment prisoner rehabilitation justice policy retributive justice short-term sentencing long-term sentencing taxpayer funding for prisons prison population management imprisonment vs rehabilitation benefit of rehabilitation programs social impact of incarceration prison budget allocation criminal justice system efficiency public spending on crime prevention rehabilitation program alternatives rehabilitation recidivism economic sense cost-effectiveness prisoners sentencing justice policy government expenditure taxpayer funds punishment vs rehabilitation crime rates offender rehabilitation short sentences long sentences public safety investment回报 社会成本 rehabilitation programs economic sense reduction recidivism unjustifiable expense prisoners serving time long sentences reoffending taxpayer money social investment justice policy conservative justice recidivism rates short sentences prison spending crime rehabilitation criminal justice system rehabilitation recidivism economic sense cutting programs prisoners streets re-offending government spending taxpayers money society short sentences long sentences jail time justice policy conservative justice dead investment rehabilitation efficacy expansion keywords recidivism unjustifiable expense government spending taxpayer money prisoners sentencing justice policy dead investment conservative justice retention rates crime prevention rehabilitation recidivism economic sense justice policy prison reform taxpayer money criminal rehabilitation reoffending prison spending conservative justice prison overcrowding criminal behavior justice system efficiency rehabilitation programs recidivism rates economic sense prison overcrowding taxpayer money justice policy conservative justice dead investment prisoner reoffending
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con03a	"The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych politics Ukrainian people democracy european union Dorosh Svitlana Timoshenko Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Nesterov Andrei Warsaw Voice boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine political situation Yanukovych presidency Polish stance on Euro 2012 European Union relations with Ukraine opposition leader views democratic aspirations in Ukraine international sports events and politics Russia-Ukraine relations European leaders' role in supporting democracy boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych politics Ukrainian people democracy European Union European leaders D Trump Front for Change Yatsenyuk Timoshenko Viktor Yanukovych European countries support boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych politics democracy European Union Ukrainian people Poland Timoshenko Yatsenyuk Front for Change boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Poland Yanukovych Tournament politics Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk Yatsenyuk Front for Change democracy European Union BBC boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Poland Yanukovych democracy European Union Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Artem Yatsenyuk Front for Change political influence European leaders sporting event international relations Donald Tusk boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych Tournament politics democracy European Union Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Artem Liba Front for Change Arseniy Yatsenyuk Poland Donald Tusk international relations boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change democracy European Union support visitors European leaders boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych democracy European Union Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change Poland European leaders Donald Tusk Putin Russia boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych Poland democracy European Union Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Armen Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders democratic aspirations politics"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con02a	Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa wars conflict regions non-state conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Conflicts conflict management warlike continent Africa conflicts 2012 conflicts African conflicts non-state conflicts UCDP data Armed Conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program conflict management 2020 conflict prediction conflicts Africa Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP non-state conflicts conflict management war continent armed conflicts regional conflicts global conflict trends warlike continent Africa conflicts 2012 conflicts African conflicts non-state conflicts Africa conflict management Africa conflict history UCDP data African warfare trends Africa war conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP non-state conflicts 2012 2011 2004 2020 warlike continent Africa conflicts non-state conflicts conflict management African conflicts UCDP data Africa conflict history African wars 2012 conflicts Africa conflict trends war frequency Africa wars conflict regions Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP non-state conflicts Armed Conflicts 2012 non-state warfare trends conflict management war frequency warlike continent Africa conflicts 2012 conflicts ongoing conflicts non-state conflicts conflicts decline Africa Asia conflicts comparison Africa conflicts history non-state conflicts increase conflicts management 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP data Africa wars conflict regions non-state conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP armed conflicts warlike continent conflict management ongoing conflicts conflict decline regional conflicts warfare conflict Africa Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP non-state conflicts armed conflicts
test-health-dhiacihwph-con02a	Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ generic drugs suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening price differences pharmaceutical trust developing world essential medicines generic drugs suicidal tendencies patented drugs Africa drug screening public health cost trustworthiness pharmaceutical safety developing world medication effectiveness healthcare disparities generic drugs suicide risk pharmaceutical regulation Africa drug market drug efficacy drug screening patented medications cost effectiveness public health concerns medication safety developing world drug access drug trustworthiness generic vs branded drugs drug approval processes drug quality control drug side effects drug pricing disparities cheaper drugs trustworthiness price difference generic vs patented drug efficacy cost correlation psychiatric side effects generics Africa drug regulation developing world medicine access suicide risk generics pharmaceutical quality control cheaper drugs trusted by consumers generic drugs patented drugs price differences drug effectiveness suicidal tendencies screening drugs public health crisis essential medicines developing world reliable generic drugs suicide risk generics Africa drug trust cost effective medicines patented drug superiority drug screening effectiveness generic drug safety developing world pharmaceuticals cheaper drugs trusted pharmaceuticals generic drugs patented drugs price differences drug effectiveness suicidal tendencies drug screening public health developing countries essential medicines drug safety consumer trust pharmaceutical regulations generic drugs patented drugs price difference pharmaceutical trust suicidal tendencies drug screening developing world essential medicines public health drug efficacy cost-effective options regulatory oversight medication safety consumer confidence drug regulation generic vs branded drugs drug quality medication affordability health disparities search optimization expansion terms pharmaceutical trust cost-effectiveness generic drugs suicide risk Africa drug market drug screening patented drugs consumer skepticism developing world medicine public health cheaper drugs safety concerns generic drugs patented drugs drug efficacy pharmaceutical trust Africa drug screening suicidal tendencies public health essential medicines drug regulations
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro01a	Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, imperative relocation Seychelles sovereignty small island states Kiribati relocation Fiji land purchase statelessness displacement rising oceans last resort relocation international land acquisition Seychelles relocation island nations displacement climate migration Kiribati relocation strategy small island states sovereignty Fiji land purchase statelessness rising oceans moving population relocation strategy sovereign nation small island states climate displacement land purchase international relocation Kiribati relocation Fiji land sale environmental migration relocating population sovereign nation Kiribati relocation Fiji land purchase small island states rising oceans statelessness displacement environmental migration climate change adaptation international land acquisition sovereignty preservation population relocation strategies moving population relocate sovereign nation Kiribati Fiji purchasing land ocean rise small island states sustainability climate migration search optimization keyword expansion relocation strategies sovereign nation preservation climate migration land purchase Kiribati relocation Fiji land deal small island states climate displacement ocean rise impacts moving relocation sovereignty small island states Kiribati Fiji land purchase climate migration statelessness displacement rising oceans moving population relocation strategy sovereign nation small island states Kiribati Fiji last resort ocean rise statelessness displacement land purchase sovereignty environmental migration moving population relocation strategy sovereign nation small island states climate displacement Kiribati relocation Fiji land purchase last resort resettlement ocean rise impacts statelessness environmental migration Seychelles relocation international land acquisition Moving relocation sovereign nation population relocation Kiribati Fiji small island states rising oceans statelessness displacement land purchase sovereignty environmental migration
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con01a	Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. torture circumstances routine ban doubt security Abu Grahib force threat information suspect charge decision justification experience mass-murder rape torture ban abuse security legal standards Abu Grahib human rights justification mass murder rape ethics torture ethics torture legality abuse prevention security dilemmas international law human rights Abu Ghraib torture justification ethical judgments legal banning force application information gathering moral implications security pressures human rights violations torture debate ethical dilemmas military ethics legal standards torture ethics banning torture torture justification torture consequences torture legality torture abuse torture prevention ethical considerations human rights legal implications torture policy torture debate moral implications torture history torture psychology torture training torture law torture standards torture oversight torture ethics philosophy torture and justice torture and morality torture ban circumstances routine abuse Abu_Grahib security justification legality moral_consequences torture ban circumstances routine abuse justification security Abu_Grahib human_rights legality moral ethics policy interrogation torture_morality legal_ban moral_dilemma international_law human_rights_violation ethical_torture prohibition force information_solicitation security_pressure moral_consensus torture circumstances routine ban doubt confusion personal judgement status quo illegal force threat information security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder rape torture ethics ban torture abuse definition security dilemmas Abu Grahib legal implications moral boundaries human rights force justification ethical judgments torture consequences torture banning ethical dilemmas security measures abuse legal standards Abu Grahib interrogation methods human rights international law moral judgment torture ethics ban torture torture justification abuse prevention human rights Abu Ghraib legal standards moral dilemma torture legality security dilemmas
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability shocks social protection assets financial skills social capital poverty reduction aid provision job loss friend networks land ownership sustainable livelihoods development economics poverty alleviation empowerment community resilience livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability shocks job loss assets social protection social capital financial skills aid provision poor people IFAD 2013 further readings livelihoods approach microfinance poverty social protection social capital asset building financial skills vulnerability aid sustainable development IFAD rural development economic empowerment community networks livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction social protection social capital financial skills poverty alleviation asset accumulation long-term sustainability [1] livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction social protection shocks job loss asset access financial skills aid provision social capital population development poverty alleviation livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shock resilience social capital financial skills sustainable living poverty alleviation asset accumulation friends networks land ownership aid provision IFAD 2013 further readings livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shock resilience asset access social protection social capital financial skills poverty alleviation aid sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shock resilience social protection social capital financial skills powerful aid tool asset acquisition fundamental change in lives poverty alleviation friend networks land ownership IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability shocks job loss asset access social protection social capital financial skills poverty reduction IFAD 2013 further readings livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability shocks job loss assets social protection social capital financial skills sustainable development poverty reduction aid provision IFAD 2013 further readings
test-international-ghwcitca-pro04a	A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, cybersecurity treaty nation-states costs cyber-espionage conflict trust international law defense espionage victims cyberwarfare regulation diplomacy global security policy military cyber treaty benefits state cyber-attacks cyber espionage cyber security treaty international cyber norms cyber defense cooperation cost-free cyber attacks cyber conflict risks global cyber threats cyber attack victims bilateral cyber agreements multilateral cyber security cyber treaty negotiations cyber peacekeeping cyber sovereignty cyber war prevention cyber arms control cyber diplomacy cyber threat reduction cyber nonproliferation cyber strategic stability cyber security cooperation cyber deterrence cyber conflict management cyber trust building cyber state responsibility cyber law of war cyber peacekeeping operations cyber security governance cyber treaty enforcement cyber treaty cybersecurity treaty nation-state espionage conflict international law costs trust business Internet government military hacking regulation congress defense policy victim cyber treaty benefits international cybersecurity agreement regulating cyber-attacks cyber warfare prevention state-sponsored cyber-attacks cyber espionage cyber security cooperation cost-free cyber attacks cyber attack consequences building trust through treaties global cyber security cyber defense strategies cyber security regulations cyber treaty advantages cyber threat reduction cyber peacekeeping cyber conflict prevention international cyber law cyber treaty enforcement cyber security alliances cyber treaty negotiation cyber security norms cyber treaty cost of cyber-attacks state-sponsored cyber-attacks international trust business benefits cyber espionage regulation of cyber space national defense report victim of cyber attacks erosion of trust cyber treaty benefits state security cyber-attacks international trust cyber espionage cost-free attacks military response global cooperation economic impact cybersecurity measures state responsibility diplomatic relations cyber defense regulatory framework victim nation cyber warfare peacekeeping technology regulation international law cybercrime strategic partnership digital diplomacy cyber ethics cyber policy global governance cyber treaty cyber-attacks international cooperation state sponsorship cyber espionage cyber security military spending cyber warfare diplomatic relations economic impact cybersecurity measures cyber defense cyber threats cyber crime cyber policy global security internet governance cyber norms digital diplomacy cyber strategy cyber conflict cyber regulations cyber resilience cyber ethics cyber treaty benefits everyone cyber-attacks state international relations cost free conflict victims hacker attacks trust business economic cooperation regulation unregulated field cyber espionage security developments defense report cyber treaty benefits everyone cost free cyber-attacks state sponsorship internet warfare regulation conflict risk victim hacker attacks trust global security national defense congress report defense department military strategy espionage unregulated conflicts cyber espionage cyber treaty benefits state signing espionage conflict risk victims trust international relations costs regulation attackers defense military
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro02a	It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, HIV discrimination workplace rights employee protection disability act civil rights workplace discrimination employee rights legal protections health rights workplace accommodation stigma discrimination laws disability discrimination AIDS employment fair labor practices equal employment opportunity workplace harassment occupational health human rights workplace diversity medical privacy discrimination claims HIV discrimination workplace rights disability law employment protection discrimination claims compassionate employer legal protections employee rights workplace accommodations ADA and HIV HIV discrimination workplace rights employee protection disability rights civil rights AIDS employment law compassionate workplace discrimination claims legal protections public health policy employee rights hiv discrimination disability act legal protection workplace fairness ADA compliance human rights equality laws public health occupational safety HIV discrimination employment rights ADA compliance workplace prejudice legal protections employee rights disability rights discrimination laws civil rights AIDS activism search optimization query expansion HIV discrimination employment rights disability law workplace prejudice civil rights act employee protection legal challenges human resources management public health policy workplace accommodation disability discrimination employee welfare rights awareness anti-discrimination laws workplace ethics legal support services employer responsibility health and safety regulations equal employment opportunity human rights advocacy employee rights HIV discrimination employment law disability rights civil rights ADA compliance workplace ethics anti-discrimination laws benefits equality discrimination rights compassion legal protections HIV employment law activism public health stigma workplace discrimination advocacy health rights legal challenges employee rights disability rights employee rights hiv discrimination legal protections disability act workplace ethics civil rights employment law compassion in the workplace HIV employment rights workplace discrimination HIV ADA and HIV HIV positive employee rights proving HIV discrimination employer responsibilities HIV compassionate workplace HIV
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro01a	Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: human rights censorship google china free speech information access business ethics human rights violations corporate responsibility human rights google censorship china human rights free speech online business ethics internet freedom corporate responsibility human rights violations search engine neutrality information control political repression technological freedom human_rights google_censorship china_repression free_information corporate_social_responsibility internet_censorship digital_free_speech human_rights_violations technological_liberty ethical_business_practices human rights censorship google china free speech search results business ethics information access corporate responsibility digital rights human rights Google censorship China free speech search results business ethics information access human rights violation corporate responsibility human rights search engine censorship google china free speech information access business ethics human rights violation corporate responsibility human rights censorship google china free speech information access business ethics human rights watch human rights free speech google censorship chinese government information access corporate responsibility human rights violation internet freedom business ethics digital rights search optimization human rights censorship Google China free speech information access business ethics human rights violations corporate responsibility Internet freedom privacy rights online censorship global human rights free expression Internet governance online privacy human rights censorship google china free speech business ethics information access set an example corporate responsibility
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro02a	Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations colonialism former colonies independence identity ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya international relations economic opportunities globally community spirit reparations colonialism postcolonialism identity development ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya colonial legacy international relations global community colonialism postcolonialism reparations historical justice identity formation ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi slavery memory studies international relations global community economic development Libya Western nations historical legacy reparations colonialism former colonies independent identity ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya international relationships economic opportunity gLOBAL COMMUNITY reparations colonialism former colonies independent identity ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italian reparations Libya international relationships reparations colonialism independence identities ethnic tensions reparation payments moving on historical legacies equal relationships global community reparations colonialism former colonies independent identity ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya international relationships economic opportunity global community reparations colonialism former colonies independent identity ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya international relationships memory suffering slavery economic opportunity global community reparations colonialism former colonies independence identity ethnic tensions history memories payments morality international relations economic opportunities gLOBAL COMMUNITY reparations colonialism independent identity ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya memory slavery economic opportunity international relationships
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro03a	Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. research alternatives animal testing morality scientific advancements tissue culture experiments computational biology chemical screening tests ethical scientific practices non-animal testing methods PETA chemical properties computer predictions human skin testing research alternatives animal testing morality chemical screening tests human skin experimentation tissue culture benefits computers in science moral objections to animal testing research protocol updates [PETA] alternatives to animal testing animal experimentation morality scientific advancement ethical research tissue culture human skin computational chemistry chemical screening test alternatives powerful computers scientific protocols research benefits PETA testing alternatives research alternatives animal experimentation morality chemical screening tests scientific progress tissue culture human skin experiments predictive computer models ethical research practices research experimentation ethics animal rights morality scientific advancement tissue culture computational biology alternatives PETA research alternatives animal experimentation moral ethics scientific advancement computer modeling tissue culture human subjects chemical testing living creatures experimental methods search accuracy expansion terms enrich query animal experimentation moral considerations scientific progress alternatives tissue culture computer simulations ethical research PETA chemical screening regulatory requirements chemical properties predictive modeling human safety operational waste utilization research efficiency expansion keywords living creatures moral considerations scientific advancement animal testing alternatives computer simulations tissue culture human skin ethical research historical standards legal requirements chemical screening scientific progress technological innovation animal rights PETA alternative methods optimize search results expand search terms ethical research animal experimentation alternatives scientific progress computer simulations tissue culture non-animal testing moral considerations research methods PETA alternatives to animal testing chemical screening tests scientific ethics technological advancements chemical interactions prediction humane research ethical science animal welfare scientific protocols modern research practices search outcomes beneficial expansion terms supplement query research outcomes ethical alternatives non-animal testing scientific advancement computer simulations tissue culture human skin samples chemical interactions moral implications experimental methods scientific progress ethical research animal welfare technological advancements laboratory techniques alternative testing methods
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro03a	It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. compulsory voting effectiveness political engagement voter turnout research candidates transparency popular policies budget issues political decisions european consortium for political research budapest compulsory voting political engagement voter research candidate transparency informed voters political decision-making voter turnout political participation democratic processes electoral systems policy evaluation voter awareness political education voter behavior democratic accountability compulsory voting increase interest politics political awareness candidate research transparency informed voters realistic policy budget impact political decisions voter engagement complex issues controversial topics electoral reform democratic process voter turnout public opinion political positions policy evaluation electoral systems political participation democratic accountability voter information political transparency election impact political education civic duty compulsory voting increase political interest active role in politics research candidates transparency in politics informed voters realistic policies budget considerations political decision-making complex issues controversial topics voter engagement political positions democratic processes voter turnout public policy election systems political awareness civic responsibility voter education democratic participation compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout election research transparency policy informedness budget impact political decision making complex issues controversial issues compulsory voting increase political interest active role in politics research candidates political transparency informed voters realistic policies budget-drain political decisions complex issues controversial topics voter engagement election impact policy evaluation political awareness democratic participation compulsory voting increase interest political research candidate transparency informed voters political decisions budget-drain policy research voter engagement political awareness compulsory voting increase political interest voter engagement research political positions candidate transparency informed voters realistic policies budget drain political decision-making voter turnout active citizenship political awareness complex issues controversial topics democratic process public policy election impact voter education political responsibility democratic participation compulsory voting increase interest political engagement voter turnout research candidates political transparency informed voters realistic policies budget-drain better political decisions voter education political positions complex issues controversial issues active citizenship democratic process political awareness compulsory voting increase political interest active role in politics research candidates political transparency informed voters realistic plans budget-drain better political decisions voter education complex issues controversial topics election outcomes public policy democratic process political engagement voter turnout political awareness candidate positions decision-making quality
test-health-hdond-pro04a	People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. organ donation incentives ethical considerations 死后器官捐献 legal obligations public health medical ethics bodily integrity state intervention organ shortage transplantation voluntary registration public policy organ donation benefits organ donation laws organ donation incentives organ donation ethics organ donation statistics organ donation process organ donation consent organ donation alternatives organ donation controversy organ donation registration organ donation transplantation benefits ethics consent state policy public health medical research legal obligations bodily integrity posthumous contribution incentive programs mandatory organ donation seatbelt analogy ethical arguments medical ethics donor registry organ shortage life-saving procedures organ donation benefits organ donation laws organ donation registration organ donation incentives organ donation ethics organ donation statistics organ donation process organ donation consent organ donation controversy organ donation alternatives organ donation incentives ethical obligations bodily integrity state regulations life-saving minimal cost public health consent medical research seatbelt laws organ donation benefits of organ donation incentivizing organ donation ethical considerations of organ donation legal aspects of organ donation organ donation laws organ donation process organ donation myths organ donation statistics organ donation registration organ donation risks organ donation impact organ donation incentives organ donation consent organ donation donation organ donation after death organ donation alternatives organ donation success stories organ donation medical ethics bodily integrity state obligations life-saving procedures 死后器官捐赠 自愿与强制 器官移植需求 公民责任 organ donation incentivize bodily integrity state mandate life-saving minimal cost ethical obligation public health legal requirement organ donation FAQ consent 死后器官捐赠 强制捐献器官 organ donation incentives bodily integrity ethical considerations state obligations life-saving minimal cost registration FAQ public policy organ donation incentivize organ donation benefits of organ donation ethical organ donation state obligations mandatory organ donation organ donation laws organ donation statistics organ donation procedures organ donation myths
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro01a	"Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain Euro economic effect long-term Anthony Browne Nissan currency conversion exchange rate risk European single currency business expansion British companies Eurozone businesses currency zone sales market production investment finance market access government policy money raising trade competition currency fluctuations international business economic integration capital flow currency union economic advantage international economics cross-border trade financial markets monetary policy country economics economic cooperation financial globalization trade barriers foreign exchange financial stability economic growth currency risk financial regulation international finance financial sector economics euro britain currency investment exchange rates nissan currency conversion business expansion Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? currency zone money raising sales market production location currency risk European Union Euroland British government Nissan decision Morgan The Guardian Britain Euro economic impact currency conversion investment fiscal policy British companies Nissan currency zone exchange rate risk Anthony Browne European Union The Euro: Should Britain Join? currency conversion charges production location sales market Morgan The Guardian economically beneficial currency conversion charges investment opportunities British companies Eurozone businesses Nissan decision exchange rate risk production strategy single currency advantages economic constraints business expansion fiscal integration trade dynamics currency unification benefits financial flexibility economic competitiveness Britain Euro economic loss currency conversion investment expansion exchange rate risk Nissan Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? The Guardian recommending expansion phrases Economic impact Britain Euro membership Eurozone benefits international business finance currency conversion costs Nissan production strategy economic integration Anthony Browne Eurozone businesses advantage exchange rate risk search accuracy query expansion britain euro economic impact currency union exchange rate risk Nissan production eurozone businesses investment costs business financing money raising currency conversion Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? economic zones British companies European single currency economically beneficial Euro membership currency conversion investment expansion exchange rate risk British economy Eurozone businesses single currency advantages business funding Nissan production decision search optimization keyword expansion Britain Euro economic impact currency union business finance exchange rates Nissan production costs currency conversion trade advantages eurozone membership Anthony Browne The Euro monetary policy economic integration financial markets multinational corporations currency risk economic competitiveness investment opportunities trade barriers fiscal policy currency zones exchange rate management economic forecasts financial globalization monetary stability economic growth trade agreements European Union UK economy macroeconomics financial efficiency business expansion cross-border investment economic cooperation fiscal union monetary union economic benefits trade liberalization economic integration currency conversion costs business expansion exchange rate risk single currency benefits Eurozone investment Nissan production strategy fiscal advantages trade dynamics monetary union advantages"
test-environment-assgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal research alternatives 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction EU animal testing laws US animal research regulations scientific testing improvements ethical animal experimentation animal welfare in research reducing animal suffering advancing research methods animal research alternatives 3Rs principles animal testing refinement animal testing replacement animal testing reduction EU animal research laws US animal research regulations animal welfare in research ethical animal testing scientific animal testing benefits animal welfare ethical considerations scientific alternatives regulatory frameworks humane methods replacement strategies refinement techniques reduction principles biosafety standards experimental procedures ethical guidelines animal rights policy implementation laboratory practices compassionate research biotechnological advancements genetic engineering pharmacological testing environmental impact public opinion bioethics conservation science veterinary care health research biomedicine scientific validation ethical oversight animal ethics animal protection scientific advancement animal experimentation ethical animal use scientific rigor animal cruelty animal ethics committees scientific integrity animal welfare legislation animal ethics policies scientific progress animal Animal research alternatives 3Rs principles refine animal testing reduce animal testing replace animal testing EU animal research laws US animal research regulations Animal research 3Rs principles alternatives refinement replacement reduction EU laws US regulations ethical considerations scientific research animal welfare Animal research 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing EU animal research laws US animal research laws alternatives to animal testing animal research 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction EU laws US regulations alternatives ethical considerations scientific accuracy welfare improvements Animal research EU laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced alternatives reduced animal use ethical standards scientific benefits animal welfare regulatory compliance animal research 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction EU laws US regulations animal testing ethical considerations scientific alternatives welfare improvement Animal_research Laws_EU_US 3Rs_principles Refinement Replacement Reduction Suffering research_quality alternatives_to_animal_testing
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con01a	The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: graduate_response_policy deep_packet_inspection privacy_invasion internet_monitoring copyright_violation data_access targeted_advertising DPI_equipment privacy_violation content_monitoring technical_monitoring internet_traffic_analysis copyright_data_fingerprint data_collection privacy_laws digital_privacy surveillance_tech internet_regulation privacy_threats graduate_response policy privacy invasion state_monitoring deep_packet_inspection DPI copyright violation advertising targeted_advertising consumer_data legal_issues communications_policy regulation privacy_violation content_industry data_access monitoring_techniques [1] Angela_Daly privacy deep_packet_inspection graduated_response copyright_monitoring internet_traffic_monitoring data_privacy dpi_equipment advertising_targeting internet_regulation privacy_violation content_protection surveillance_tech data_collection legalities_of_dpi copyright_infringement_detection graduate response policy deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring copyright infringement privacy violation advertising targeted ads content company data access privacy deep packet inspection graduated response internet monitoring copyright enforcement data collection advertising DPI consumer privacy policy regulation communications law graduate response policy deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring privacy invasion copyright enforcement data collection targeted advertising content company privacy illegal DPI use consumer data access graduate response policy deep packet inspection DPI internet privacy copyright infringement targeted advertising data monitoring privacy violation content industry internet traffic technical systems privacy invasion graduated response copyright enforcement data access surveillance technology graduate response policy deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring privacy invasion copyright enforcement targeted advertising data access content company surveillance telecommunications regulation privacy laws digital privacy internet censorship technological surveillance network neutrality data protection legal implications cyber law digital rights graduate response policy deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring privacy violation copyright enforcement targeted advertising data access content monitoring communications policy privacy law graduate_response_policy deep_packet_inspection DPI_equipment internet_traffic_monitoring privacy_violation copyright_enforcement targeted_advertising content_protection regulatory_legality communications_policy
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Anti-Defamation League Senators nuclear weapons securities arms control Russia rogue states treaty ratification nuclear force terrorists transparency security reset relations European security NATO-Russia Council Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements Joe Biden nuclear material diplomacy proliferation Israel materiel anti-aircraft missile system cooperation nuclear safety Iran nuclear program Russia US arms control treaty sanctions rogue states Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman transparency global security Afghanistan international terrorism reset relations NATO Russia cooperation Middle East loose nukes New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman arms control rogue states transparency stability Iranian nuclear weapons Senate Israel Afghanistan terrorists NATO Russia Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell nuclear force international leadership Al-Qaeda loose nukes Middle East national security ratification anti-aircraft missiles proliferation reset policy materiel flow Iranian nuclear program Russian cooperation Nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman US international leadership Afghanistan Loose nukes NATO-Russia Council European security Arms control treaties Joseph Biden George P. Shultz Henry A. Kissinger James A. Baker III Lawrence S. Eagleburger Colin L. Powell Nuclear force Rogue states Terrorism Transparency Nuclear materials Russia's support Ratification of New START Impact on US-Soviet relations Security implications New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman arms control Russia rogue states Afghanistan international terrorism anti-aircraft missile system materiel flow NATO-Russia Council renewed nuclear arms control boost US-Russia relations Iran nuclear threat prevent nuclear proliferation secure loose nukes Russian cooperation against Iran stabilize nuclear relationship reset US-Russia relations advance European security sanction Iran cancel missile sale support Afghan security deal with rogue states New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman national security Senate ratification arms control rogue states nuclear terrorism strategic nuclear relationship Russian cooperation Iran sanctions missile system sale cancellation NATO-Russia Council European security nuclear material security Afghanistan international terrorism New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Anti-Defamation League statement Afghanistan rogue states North Korea treaty ratification arms control sanctions terrorism international leadership reset relations Middle East nuclear force nuclear weapons transparency security Russian cooperation rogue nuclear states materiel European security nuclear material terrorism breeding ground New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation anti-defamation league Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Afghanistan rogue states nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons sanctions Russia international terrorism arms control NATO-Russia Council Lisbon Middle East Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell national security materiel flow securing loose nukes New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation rogue states anti-defamation league national security Afghanistan arms control terrorists reset relations military sanctions Russia cooperation nuclear proliferation Middle East nuclear weapons Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro01a	"South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration Human Rights UN Charter international law people right democratic processes referendum international observers independence Georgia Vienna Conference Human Rights United Nations BBC News vote population legitimacy South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration Human Rights UN Charter international law refusal right democratic processes referendum international observers population Georgia independence Vienna Programme Action BBC News South Ossetia self-determination Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter Vienna Declaration international law World Conference on Human Rights referendum international observers human rights violation Georgia independence best practices democratic processes population unity vote turnout legitimacy self-determination South Ossetia human rights universal declaration UN charter international law referendum independence Georgia Vienna Declaration World Conference on Human Rights democracy international community population unity legitimacy South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law referral to human rights 2006 referendum BBC News self-determination universal declaration of human rights un charter vienna declaration international law human rights violation referendum independence georgia south ossetia international observers world conference on human rights legitimacy unity democracy human rights South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration Human Rights UN Charter international law referral international community unified vote legitimacy Human Rights violation referendum 2006 BBC News Vienna Programme Action South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation referendum 2006 BBC News international observers population unity legitimacy of call South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law United Nations World Conference on Human Rights referendum human rights Georgia international community democratic processes unification BBC News South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law United Nations referral vote referendum international observers independence Georgia human rights violation country's right legitimacy population desire unified calls call legitimacy"
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations informal finance financial inclusion household risk gender empowerment food security community bonds financial decision making community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations VSLA household risk reducing poverty gender empowerment financial inclusion community bond household decision making food security sustainable development informal finance innovations in microfinance Oxfam CARE Savings for Change Initiative Gender based violence community empowerment microfinance savings Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender empowerment financial capital education health food security government organizations informal finance household risk reduction of violence innovations in microfinance sub-saharan africa empowerment through savings community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence household risk financial capital education health Village Savings and Loans Associations SUB-Saharan Africa CARE innovations for microfinance powerful women food security financial decision-making community bond population mobilisation poor people innovations in microfinance community empowerment microfinance savings Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence evidence based initiatives financial capital education health household risk innovations for microfinance sub-saharan africa poverty reduction household decision making community bond community empowerment microfinance savings reduces household risk financial capital education health Village Savings and Loans Associations gender based violence Oxfam Senegal Mali CARE Sub-Saharan Africa powerful women financial decision-making community bond innovations for microfinance community empowerment microfinance development Savings Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali food security women's empowerment gender based violence financial capital education health future informal savings household risk social bonds innovations in microfinance community empowerment microfinance development savings Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence financial capital education health evidence based innovations household risk financial decision-making community bond community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence financial capital education health future better food security financial decision-making community bond community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali financial capital education health gender based violence
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con01a	War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, human nature war history conflict motives Hobbes Leviathan military history ancient warfare conflict constants nature vs nurture peace movements human nature conflict Hobbes Leviathan militarism ancient warfare history societal conflict evolutionary psychology peace movements human nature conflict theory Hobbes Leviathan military history prehistoric warfare nature of conflict sociological perspectives historical conflicts evolution of warfare conflict motives war motives human nature war history conflict motives Hobbes Leviathan military origins conflict constant war elimination societal invasion human nature war conflict Hobbes Leviathan military history societal conflict historical constants human nature conflict Hobbes militaristic history war motives ancient warfare societal conflict ending war human nature conflict Hobbes Leviathan military history conflict motives human history ending war natural condition human nature conflict war Hobbes Thomas Leviathan militarization historical conflict nature vs nurture conflict motives military history war inevitability human nature war history conflict motives Hobbes Leviathan military origins conflict constant war eradication human nature conflict history Hobbes Leviathan militarism prehistoric warfare Thomas Hobbes social contract theory military history conflict motivations
test-health-dhiacihwph-con03a	Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer drugs pharmaceutical production accessibility of drugs Africa malaria deaths prevention methods World Health Organisation generic-drug solutions generic drugs malaria cancer HIV pharmaceuticals Africa World Health Organisation prevention methods easily accessible source high quality drugs generic drugs malaria HIV cancer treatment pharmaceuticals Africa prevention World Health Organisation generic-drug generic drugs malaria treatment cancer drugs HIV drugs pharmaceutical production Africa drug accessibility healthcare utilities pharmaceutical availability public health impact generic drugs malaria cancer HIV pharmaceuticals Africa WHO effective treatments vital drugs prevention methods relevant expansion phrases generic drugs HIV treatment malaria drugs cancer drugs pharmaceutical production African healthcare drug accessibility effective treatments population health global health disparities public health policy pharmaceutical distribution healthcare access medication affordability pharmaceutical innovation antiretroviral therapy vaccination programs preventive care medical supply chains health economics drug resistance healthcare infrastructure generic drugs malaria HIV cancer treatment pharmaceuticals Africa World Health Organisation generic-drug effective treatments prevention methods vital drugs accessible source production necessity reduced deaths generic drugs malaria treatment cancer drugs HIV drugs Africa pharmaceuticals drug efficacy prevention methods pharmaceutical production healthcare access Vietnam generics search optimization keyword expansion drug treatments generics HIV malaria cancer pharmaceutical production health outcomes African health drug accessibility WHO data generic drugs malaria treatment cancer drugs HIV drugs pharmaceutical production drug accessibility Africa malaria deaths research outcomes public health
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro01a	Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) animals moral worth suffering speciesism human rights vertebrates differences fellow beings behavioral characteristics moral discrimination sex race pain pleasure fear speciesism ethics animal rights moral worth speciesism pain perception fear pleasure animal behavior moral equality vertebrates ethical considerations discrimination sentience moral reasoning animal ethics moral philosophy moral justification animal cognition ethical treatment animal welfare biological similarities moral implications ethical responsibility ethical subjectivism animals moral worth specieism discrimination rights vertebrates anatomical similarities physiological similarities behavioral characteristics fear pain pleasure speciesism humans ethics pet dogs mind reading capacity to feel similarities between species animals rights vertebrates differences behavioral characteristics animal suffering moral worth specieism ethical treatment animal ethics moral equality sentient beings animal cognition moral reasoning animal behavior moral consideration animal welfare animal pain ethical implications animal sentience moral status animal rights theory ethical veganism animal activism animal psychology animal ethics philosophy animals rights harm vertebrates differences moral worth speciesism emotions behaviour pain fear pleasure species discrimination race sex animals rights harm vertebrates moral worth speciesism behavioral characteristics resemblance suffering fear pleasure ethics pet dogs mind reading moral discrimination sexual moral discrimination racial moral discrimination animals right moral worth humans suffering speciesism vertebrates behavior resemble pain fear pleasure discrimination race sex ethical philosophy observation walk species anatomical physiological animals right harm vertebrates differences moral value behavior pain fear pleasure dogs walk mind speciesism race sex ethical arguments similarity feeling suffering existence moralworth arbitrary capability Clark Singer ethics Moral worth species animals moral worth pain fear pleasure speciesism discrimination human rights vertebrates behavioral characteristics anatomical physiological moral discrimination race sex singer clark ethics animals right harm vertebrates moral worth behaviour fear pain pleasure speciesism ethics discrimination pet walking suffering anatomy physiology similar sentience empathy Mary Wollstonecraft Singer Clark
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con04a	Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts Olympics human rights Ukraine Euro 2012 Timoshenko China Tibet bush Beijing Olympics Russia Winter Olympics Clinton political hypocrisy sports diplomacy Boycotts human rights Olympics 2008 Beijing Olympics Ukraine Timoshenko European leaders Euro 2012 China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics hypocrisy overreaction historical context political stance international relations human rights Olympic boycotts China Olympics Timoshenko Beijing Olympics Tibet Russia Winter Olympics hypocrisy sporting events leadership actions human rights boycott 2008 Olympics Euro 2012 Timoshenko European leaders Ukrainian human rights hypocrisy sporting event hosting Timoshenko treatment Bush Beijing Olympics China human rights Tibet crackdown Russia 2014 Olympics political stance international sports Olympic boycott history Boycotts human rights 2008 Olympics Euro 2012 Timoshenko hypocrisy European leaders major sporting events China Beijing Olympics Tibet Russia Winter Olympics human rights records political reactions human rights boycott olympics sport Timoshenko China Tibet Russia Beijing Olympics hypocrisy sporting events leadership criticism international relations human rights boycott Olympics Timoshenko Ukraine European leaders Euro 2012 hypocrisy China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 sports events China Olympics human rights records political stance sporting events boycotts political leaders international relations Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Timoshenko sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics hypocrisy overreaction comparisons Clinton human rights boycott olympics sports events hypocrisy Timoshenko Ukraine European leaders China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics political protests sporting events human rights abuses diplomatic relations international sports government policies civil liberties Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Timoshenko hypocrisy sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 human rights record political stance
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro03a	Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination societal perception capability demonstration power positions responsibility success racial groups gender groups social equality challenge stereotypes inclusion diversity equity affirmative action benefits past discrimination effects demonstration effect perception change racial capability gender equality societal prejudice challenging stereotypes group empowerment power dynamics equality proof affirmative action impacts historical discrimination effects societal perceptions capability demonstration social equality group empowerment prejudice reduction diversity initiatives systemic inequality marginalized communities social mobility identity politics social justice affirmative action benefits cultural stereotypes discrimination legacy power dynamics social reform equality advocacy diversity in leadership social psychology bias awareness inclusivity measures social equity affirmative action outcomes prejudice origins social change strategies affirmative action benefits reducing prejudice examples past discrimination impacts demonstration effect diversity overcoming stereotypes equal opportunities social perceptions change affirmative action success stories combating systemic bias promoting inclusion diversity in leadership combating unconscious biases impact of affirmative action creating role models challenging societal norms affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination perception capability demonstration effect societal perception power responsibility success race gender equality affirmative action benefits reducing prejudice past discrimination impacts societal perceptions capability demonstration power distribution gender equality racial equality social justice affirmative action examples diversity initiatives equal opportunities discrimination effects social mobility inclusive policies empowerment strategies social change group capabilities meritocracy challenge social equity prejudice reduction affirmative action outcomes affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination demonstration effect capability perception equality racial groups gender groups power responsibility success affirmative action benefits past discrimination effects demonstration effect group capability perception change social prejudice reduction racial equality gender equality power dynamics affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination demonstration effect capability societal perception racial groups gender equality power dynamics inclusion diversity social justice historical impact psychological effects systemic inequality capability demonstration group identity social mobility affirmative action benefits past discrimination impacts demonstration effect group capability equality perception challenging stereotypes social change power dynamics gender diversity racial equality prejudice reduction position success
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro02a	Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: search algorithms user trust relevance business strategy corporate ethics China censorship Google dominance search market share corporate identity user behavior alternative search engines digital privacy global vs local online freedom censorship google china business ethics search engine neutrality user trust corporate identity market dominance relevance algorithms search algorithms corporate ethics censorship laws user trust market dominance relevance filtering business strategy China Internet regulations Google policies web search engines corporate social responsibility search engine relevance user trust corporate identity business strategy censorship impact search market dominance alternative search engines Google China dilemma corporate motto analysis search efficiency expand query corporate identity business proposition Google censorship China user trust search results relevance alternative search engines search optimization corporate identity business proposition censorship laws user trust search relevance market dominance alternative search engines ethical considerations Google China search accuracy query expansion corporate identity business proposition censorship Google search results relevance China alternative search engines rebecca blood search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords query analysis Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil censorship impact search market dominance user trust relevance of search results alternative search engines China censorship laws rebecca blood pragmatic decision idealistic considerations search optimization censorship Google business strategy corporate identity market dominance relevance alternative search engines chinese censorship risk assessment trust issues search engine ethics search algorithms user trust corporate identity business strategy relevance ranking censorship impact market dominance user experience alternative search engines relevance of search results
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro01a	It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, HIV employment rights HIV workplace policies HIV stigma in employment HIV and job retention HIV medical costs HIV and productivity HIV employer responsibilities HIV economic impact on employers HIV discrimination in workplace HIV and employee benefits HIV and employee health management HIV and workforce sustainability HIV employers employee health sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity employment viability privacy economic impact social collapse rights medical records AIDS symptoms HIV employers employee health sickness cover medical costs retirement costs productivity employment viability workplace discrimination economic impact social collapse medical records rights AIDS symptoms HIV workplace implications HIV medical coverage HIV employee rights HIV productivity impacts HIV employer challenges HIV stigma in employment HIV economic impact HIV workplace accommodations HIV medical expenses HIV disability benefits HIV employers sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs employee productivity economic impact social collapse privacy rights AIDS symptoms relevant expansion phrases employee health sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement benefits HIV impact employee productivity job retention employer concerns economic impact societal welfare privacy rights medical records workplace discrimination public health employee absenteeism HIV symptoms AIDS conditions workplace accommodations HIV employer responsibilities sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs employee productivity economic impact social collapse privacy rights medical records societal benefit HIV symptoms AIDS symptoms employers HIV medical coverage replacement workers sickness cover productivity immune system economic impact social collapse employment rights privacy medical records society AIDS symptoms HIV employment rights HIV workplace accommodations employer responsibilities HIV HIV productivity impact medical costs HIV HIV retirement planning HIV employee benefits workplace HIV stigma HIV economic impact HIV employer-employee relationship HIV employment impact employer HIV policies workplace HIV accommodations HIV medical costs HIV employee replacement HIV productivity loss employer HIV rights HIV economic impact HIV workplace rights HIV employer benefits
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro01a	What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 colonialism ethnocentrism westernization indigenous rights cultural suppression forced education forced labor military intervention human rights violations white man's burden Indian mutiny reparation colonization impacts colonialism ethnocentrism white mans burden indigenous rights cultural suppression forced education forced labor human rights abuses indian mutiny military occupation reparations cultural appropriation colonial atrocities colonialism imperialism ethnocentrism westernization cultural suppression indigenous rights human rights abuses colonial violence white man's burden native american history indian mutiny military occupation forced labor cultural genocide historical apology reparations colonial education cultural appropriation social rights property rights colonial atrocities cultural imperialism postcolonial theory colonialism ethnocentrism indigenous rights cultural suppression Westernisation human rights violations colonial atrocities indigenous culture colonial education forced assimilation cultural genocide colonial exploitation white man's burden colonization impact historical injustices reparations colonial abuse Native American history colonial violence colonial policies decolonization colonial education system colonial military force colonialism ethnocentrism indigenous rights cultural imperialism forced education linguistic suppression child abuse labor exploitation cultural genocide white man's burden Indian mutiny reparation historical injustice colonialism ethical implications cultural imperialism indigenous rights human rights abuses white man's burden genocidal policies forced labor cultural genocide educational systems military force property rights resistance movements indian mutiny reparation claims colonialism ethical implications indigenous rights cultural appropriation human rights violations western superiority cultural suppression historical injustices reparation white man's burden native american history indian mutiny colonization impact moral wrongdoing tradition suppression property rights violation military force historical accountability colonialism morality ethnocentrism school system Native Americans traditions language abuse forced labor White Man's Burden indigenous rights property rights human rights reparations Indian Mutiny Indian independence history colonialism ethnocentrism indigenous rights cultural appropriation human rights violations colonization effects westernization cultural genocide colonial violence indigenous cultures colonial education cultural assimilation native american history white man's burden indian mutiny colonialism impact reparations history colonialism ethnocentrism school system Native Americans cultural oppression language suppression abuse forced labor Indian Mutiny White Man's Burden reparations human rights indigenous rights
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro02a	Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications animal experimentation ethics alternatives harm welfare regulation legislation alternatives policy suffering euthanasia pet trade behavior welfare science ethics committee replacement reduction refinement animal testing ethics alternatives to animal testing animal rights animal welfare scientific animal use harm prevention euthanasia methods animal behavior pet trade feasibility research methodology animal experimentation laws compassionate research practices animal welfare ethics alternatives legislation cruelty suffering scientific validity humane methods policy advocacy public opinion regulatory bodies bioethics conservation compassion experimentation vivisection rights statistics impact justification morality replacement reduction refinement animal testing alternatives animal welfare in research ethical concerns animal testing harms of animal research alternatives to animal testing reduction of animal testing animal rights in research benefits of animal research debate euthanasia methods for animals behavioral abnormalities in animals domesticated animals reintroduction pet trade suitability for lab animals animal testing legislation scientific advancement vs animal suffering animal testing regulations public opinion on animal research animal testing ethics animal rights organizations animal testing in medicine animal experimentation costs compassionate alternatives to animal testing animal research harm to animals murder of animals experimentation ethics alternatives to animal testing veterinary ethics animal welfare euthanasia Luxembourg European Commission animal welfare research ethics experimental animals suffering alternatives ban research harm prevention euthanasia policy murder animal research harmful experiments million animals killing animals suffering experimental animals euthanasia releasing animals pet trade behavioural abnormalities European Commission animal welfare harmful research experimental animals murder of animals research ethics alternative methods vivisection animal rights behavioral abnormalities population control euthanasia pet trade animal welfare ethical concerns experimentation methods alternatives research animal rights euthanasia suffering assessment scientific ethics policy changes laboratory animals regulatory frameworks animal experimentation harm to animals massive animal killings behaviorally abnormal animals pet trade euthanasia research ethics million animals killing for experiments [1]European Commission 1997 Euthanasia of experimental animals Luxembourg Office for official publications
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro04a	Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 compulsory voting implementation voter turnout australia valid reasons electoral commission penalties court enforcement voter participation democratic process election outcomes compulsory voting success Australia election history voter turnout statistics electoral commission Australia voting laws comparison implementation difficulties compulsory voting benefits compulsory voting Australia voter turnout implementation electoral commission valid reasons penalty court proceedings voter behavior democratic participation election laws referendum citizen responsibility political engagement international comparison electoral system democracy voting laws compulsory voting benefits potential drawbacks of compulsory voting voter turnout increase effectiveness of compulsory voting systems introduction of compulsory voting costs of enforcing compulsory voting legal challenges to compulsory voting compulsory voting statistics Australia election history voting rights and compulsory voting alternative voting methods compulsory voting Australia voter turnout election implementation reasons for non-voting penalties electoral commission voter education Votes for the Homeless Australian Electoral Commission Referendums and Elections compulsory voting Australia implementation details voter turnout valid reasons penalties electoral commission international comparison compulsory voting implementation details voter turnout Australia election electoral commission valid reasons penalties court enforcement voter engagement democratic processes referendum examples compulsory voting Australia voter turnout electoral commission election history legal enforcement Votes for the Homeless Turnout statistics valid reasons penalty system federal elections compulsory voting implementation Australia voter turnout valid reason electoral commission penalty voter behavior democracy referendums elections compulsory voting benefits potential drawbacks of compulsory voting effectiveness of compulsory voting compulsory voting implementation examples mandatory voting systems introduction of compulsory voting voter turnout statistics legal implications of non-voting reasons for exemption from voting electoral commission responsibilities global application of compulsory voting
test-economy-egecegphw-con01a	The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 noise pollution airport expansion Heathrow constraints urbanized areas population density flight path HACAN report decibel levels flight noise community impact environmental concerns aviation capacity urban development noise complaints flight path residents decibel thresholds expansion Heathrow noise pollution urbanization constraints airport capacity population density flight path HACAN report decibel levels community impact flight path expansion noise pollution high population density Heathrow airport expansion urbanized areas airport capacity flight path noise HACAN report decibel levels community impact flight noise urban development airport location noise complaints flight path residents noise regulations flight frequency airport expansion benefits environmental impact assessment Heathrow expansion noise pollution population density airport capacity urbanized areas flight path decibel levels community impact BAA HACAN flight noise environmental concerns search efficiency expand query noise pollution high population density Heathrow airport airport expansion urbanized areas flight path decibels HACAN report Department for Transport BAA flight noise community impact flight path noise decibel threshold relocate airport expand heathrow noise pollution urban development flight path residents population density environmental impact airport expansion benefits community noise complaints search accuracy expansion terms enrich query third runway noise pollution high population density Heathrow airport capacity increase urbanized areas HACAN report Department for Transport decibels community impact BAA flight path Londoners noise levels fraudulent arguments expansion Heathrow noise pollution high population density airport capacity urbanized areas flight path decibel levels community impact environmental concerns aviation expansion flight path noise local opposition BAA claims search optimization meaningful expansion terms enhance query noise pollution high population density Heathrow airport increase capacity lower population density urbanized areas BAA HACAN report noise levels decibels community impact flight path local experiences argument validity flight expansion environmental concerns noise pollution population density ideal location airport expansion urbanized areas HACAN report Department for Transport decibels flight path community impact flight noise BAA claims noise levels flight path residents
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro02a	"Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Euro Britain Queen financial center London economic disadvantage European Central Bank Germany Docklands indcision foreign investment Member States Britain Euroscepticism London financial centre Eurozone benefits City of London European Central Bank Germany financial strategy Bank of England Financial sector relocation Economic consequences of Brexit Euro adoption debate Euro Britain financial centre London European Central Bank Frankfurt economic disadvantage currency indifference market influence foreign investment Maastricht criteria economic integration monetary policy banknotes Queen financial centre Euro Britain Germany Frankfurt London Europe central bank financial influence economic disadvantage indecisiveness financial institutions core activities Maastricht criteria economic integration currency union foreign investment European Central Bank market access trade barriers international finance financial market regulations banking sector financial services European Union membership monetary policy interest rates cross-border transactions financial stability financial regulations capital flows financial innovation financial technology financial markets investment opportunities financial competitiveness global finance financial risk financial crisis financial banknotes economic disadvantage London European financial centre Anthony Browne Euro financial influence Germany Frankfurt Docklands Britain's indecision foreign owners City's financial institutions economic activity Member States relevance expansion phrases economic disadvantage London financial centre euro indecision influence Germany Frankfurt status devaluation decision activities member states activities relocation central banknotes queen eurozone membership impact economic performance recommendations banknotes central financial indecision influence euro decision-making economic disadvantage financial centre eurozone membership influence decision economic performance recommendations banknotes central financial indecision influence euro decision-making economic disadvantage financial search accuracy query expansion helpful terms enriched query Britain Queen's head banknotes London economic disadvantage Europe’s financial centre financial influence Euro indifference Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? European Central Bank powerful Germany Frankfurt office-building programme Docklands foreign owners financial institutions economic activity Member States search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords Britain Queen's head banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro indifference Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany influence reinvigoration office-building programme Docklands foreign owners financial institutions economic activity Member States search optimization keyword expansion economic disadvantage financial center euro membership indecision London Frankfurt Deutsche Bundesbank European Central Bank financial institutions economic activity member states Britain's position Europe's financial center financial influence indecision consequences economic impact currency union business relocation financial markets eurozone benefits financial services industry trade relations investment opportunities central banking economic sovereignty international finance EU policies monetary policy financial regulations economic growth market access trade barriers cross-border transactions economic integration financial stability regulatory environment currency exchange financial innovation financial beneficial expansion terms economic disadvantage outside Euro financial centre地位 Europe's financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany's bid foreign investment financial institutions location home market European Member States economic activity"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con02a	ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers cost monitoring user incentives copyright enforcement digital rights management internet regulation peer-to-peer networking legal compliance internet service provider policies internet governance intellectual property law network neutrality digital economy internet infrastructure telecommunications law graduated response policy internet service providers cooperation cost monitoring smaller ISPs user behavior piracy enforcement legal implications [Michael Geist] copyright infringement graduated response policy internet service providers cooperation monitoring costs ISPs incentives for non-cooperation impact of graduated response on ISPs cost estimates ISP graduated response user behavior ISP cooperation legal implications ISP graduated response economic analysis ISP cooperation technological challenges ISP compliance ISP cooperation graduated response policy internet service providers user incentives monitoring costs copyright enforcement digital rights management online piracy network neutrality legal implications technological solutions bandwidth management peer-to-peer networks internet regulation telecommunications law digital economy public policy economic impact technology trends consumer behavior network infrastructure data retention international standards regulatory compliance technological innovation consumer protection internet governance privacy concerns cybersecurity legal challenges market dynamics competition analysis consumer rights technological advancement policy recommendations industry best practices stakeholder engagement technological challenges intellectual property protection legal enforcement technology ISP cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers user incentives monitoring costs copyright enforcement internet regulation digital rights management network neutrality legal compliance online piracy search optimization query refinement relevant expansion phrases ISP cooperation graduated response policy internet service providers user behavior economic incentives monitoring costs small ISPs copyright enforcement digital rights management legal compliance network neutrality online piracy technology law internet governance graduated response policy Internet Service Providers cooperation monitoring costs small ISPs user incentives copyright enforcement legal compliance digital rights management internet neutrality bandwidth management network traffic user behavior policy enforcement internet service network monitoring ISP collaboration digital piracy online infringement technological enforcement internet regulation consumer protection digital economy legal technology intellectual property network neutrality internet access internet service provider online content network security internet governance digital age internet laws internet policies online behavior digital rights internet infrastructure internet services network operations internet connectivity internet traffic internet ISP cooperation graduated response model internet service providers copyright enforcement user incentives monitoring costs small business challenges digital rights management legal compliance network neutrality internet regulation technological solutions policy impact legal disputes technological infrastructure public opinion privacy concerns ISP cooperation graduated response policy internet service providers copyright enforcement user behavior cost analysis digital rights legal compliance network neutrality internet regulation piracy mitigation technological monitoring small business challenges legal incentives bandwidth management user migration policy effectiveness internet infrastructure digital economy ISP cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers monitoring costs user incentives copyright enforcement digital rights internet regulation policy effectiveness legal compliance internet freedom technology law
test-environment-assgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. testing new drugs animal testing drug safety clinical trials volunteer risks chemical research human safety scientific validation medical advancements testing new drugs animal testing benefits drug development process human trials after animals chemical testing methods risks of new drugs volunteer testing scientific research ethics drug safety standards alternative testing methods testing new drugs animal testing benefits clinical trials human testing risk assessment chemical testing drug development volunteer safety new drugs animal testing benefits drug testing process human risk assessment chemical testing methods medical research ethics drug development stages volunteer risks innovation in pharmaceuticals testing efficiency expand query new drugs animal testing risk assessment human trials chemical research volunteer safety drug development relevance ranking drug testing animal testing benefits new drug development volunteer risks chemical safety testing human trials alternative testing methods testing new drugs animal testing benefits human testing chemical testing drug safety risk assessment volunteer safety research ethics testing efficacy new drugs animal testing benefits drug development process non-animal tests human testing chemical safety volunteer risks scientific research drug improvement testing new drugs animal testing benefits clinical trials human testing chemical testing volunteer risks drug development research methods benefits new drugs animal testing risk assessment volunteers research methods chemicals safety testing human trials scientific benefits
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty military nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization US defense Russia NATO verification arms control infrastructure funding Sen Jon Kyl Energy Department nuclear weapons complex senate approval Article 5 costs liability security medical concerns relationship improvement verifications cooperation ballistic missile threat assessment missile defense system Washington Treaty Treaty of Lisbon trust confidence nuclear capabilities nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation diplomacy nuclear strategy nuclear policy defense policy nuclear weapons reduction New START treaty military modernization nuclear arsenal funding nuclear weapons complex Sen Jon Kyl Obama administration NATO missile defense Russia cooperation Article 5 Washington Treaty missile defense system New Start Treaty nuclear capabilities security concerns medical concerns United States-Russian relations verification mechanisms New START treaty nuclear arsenal military defense Russia NATO verification modernization infrastructure funding defense budget senator Jon Kyl Article 5 NATO-Russia relations missile defense verification mechanisms nuclear weapons security concerns medical concerns New START treaty military defense nuclear modernization US nuclear arsenal Senate ratification missile defense Russia NATO cooperation verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction security concerns medical concerns diplomatic relations infrastructure funding defense budget modernization plan energy department nuclear weapons complex Jon Kyl NATO missile defense Article 5 treaty negotiations ballistic missile threat assessment missile defense exercises territorial missile defense Washington Treaty Senate approval New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization US military civilian leaders Russia NATO verification Article 5 missile defense system abundance nuclear weapons safety relationship liability medical concerns Sen Jon Kyl Energy Department nuclear weapons complex New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization plan funding negotiations ratification process Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Jon Kyl missile defense plans Russian cooperation NATO relations missile defense system Article 5 Washington Treaty missile defense exercises strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker III Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Joe Biden nuclear weapons liability US-Russia relationship ratify New START New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense Russia NATO modernization Biden Kissinger verification security medical concerns New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization funding Energy Department Sen. Jon Kyl NATO verification mechanisms Russia Article 5 missile defense system Biden Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell Obama administration Nuclear weapons complex INF treaty Russian cooperation missile defense exercises ballistic missile threat assessment treaty ratification security concerns medical concerns liability abundance nuclear capabilities relationship stability New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense NATO relations Russian cooperation verification mechanisms Obama administration Biden administration military modernization civilian leaders nuclear weapons complex security concerns medical concerns New START treaty nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization US military Senate approval NATO Russia nuclear weapons complex verification mechanisms security concerns medical concerns"
test-international-miasimyhw-con03a	Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. migration labor market inequality demographics gender youth elderly agriculture care burden human capital development EAC Botswana migration patterns employment productivity out-migration free labor market non-migrants EAC labor market over 65's gender disparities youth unemployment agricultural employment migration impacts rural-urban migration male out-migration Botswana migration agrarian crisis female-headed households human capital remittances care burden labor market migration non-migrants elderly agricultural jobs gender disparities youth unemployment care work remittances rural development human capital migration patterns return migration labor force developmental migration care burdens demographic shifts economic inequality labor mobility migration policies rural-urban migration labor market dynamics labor market segmentation gendered migration demographic trends labor force participation migration impacts labor market analysis labor market inefficiencies labor market flexibility labor market regulations labor market access labor market integration labor market conditions labor market information labor market research labor market trends search utility maximize relevant expansion_phrases migration labour_market youths women retirement out-migration Botswana family_units detrimental_effect human_capital agrarian_crisis returning_migrants unequal_impact popular_labor_market over_65's EAC non_migrant lifestyles developmental_migration create_new_livelihoods adaptation care_burden male_out-migration rural_areas promoting_free_labor_market job_distribution study_Brown_1983 resource_remit search efficiency query expansion labour market migration non-migrants EAC over 65's agriculture women employment youths unemployment developmental migration Brown (1983) Botswana male out-migration rural areas household changes human capital agrarian crisis care burden remittances search performance query expansion relevant phrases migration investigation EAC labour market over 65's men agriculture employment youths women unequal impact male out-migration rural areas Botswana family units human capital care burden productive workforce recurring livelihoods returning migrants retirement developmental nature migration patterns economic disparity gender roles labor market dynamics ethnic groups regional labor markets non-migrant demographics EAC countries socioeconomic effects inequality metrics job market analysis return migration trends search accuracy expansion terms labor market migration left behind development EAC over 65's agriculture women youths unemployment care burden male out-migration rural areas Botswana family units human capital remittances search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords labor market migration development non-migrants EAC data employment agriculture women youths productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana family units female-headed households agrarian crisis human capital care burden remittance search optimization keywords expansion free labour market inequality migration development non-migrants data EAC East African Community employment agriculture gender disparity youth women out-migration Botswana rural households care human capital productivity return remittance careburden Brown 1983 developmental migration investigation labor market analysis demographics economics sociology gendered labor market trends migration patterns social impact rural development workforce gender roles search outcomes expansion terms beneficial keywords labour market demographics migration gender age agriculture productivity out-migration rural areas care burden human capital EAC Botswana family units employment statistics return migration retirement developmental nature non-migrants data analysis policy recommendations social impact economic disparities migration patterns labour force development migration studies rural development gender equality youth unemployment care work remittances migration consequences labour market inequality migration research labour force participation gendered migration agricultural labour workforce adaptation migration policies care economy
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con02a	Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior reduction prison reform offender reoffending justice system critique false promises in law rehabilitation program outcomes offender rehabilitation debate criminal justice policy analysis rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior offender rehabilitation reoffending rates prison reform false promises justice system prisoner rehabilitation crime prevention recidivism sentencing policies incarceration duration offender psychology rehabilitation programs justice system flaws rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior modification prisoner rehabilitation recidivism rates correctional programs offender rehabilitation justice system reform false promises in justice criminal justice policies prison overcrowding alternative sentencing methods rehabilitation efficacy criminal recidivism justice reform debates long-term incarceration short-term vs long-term rehabilitation rehabilitation program failures criminology research offender reintegration challenges rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior reduction offender reoffending rates prison sentences justification false promises in justice long-term incarceration ethics rehabilitation program failures prisoner reform efficacy legal sentencing policies recidivism prevention strategies rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior re-offending rates offender rehabilitation prison sentencing false promises justice system rehabilitation programs offender behavior modification criminal tendencies rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior reduction false promises in justice longer sentencing justifications offender recidivism rates prison reform discussions true vs perceived rehabilitation criminal justice ethics rehabilitation program outcomes justice system critiques rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior reoffending rates prison sentencing false promises offender rehabilitation rehabilitation programs crime reduction justice system prisoner rehabilitation recidivism legal reform offender behavior justice policy rehabilitation efficacy criminal behavior reduction offender recidivism prison sentence justification false promises in criminal justice ineffective rehabilitation programs longer incarceration for rehabilitation prisoner rehabilitation failure rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior reduction offender recidivism prison programs impact false promises in justice justification for longer sentences rehabilitation efficacy studies prisoner reoffending rates sentencing policy debates justice system reform crime prevention strategies rehabilitation effectiveness prisoner reoffending rates correctional program efficacy false promises in sentencing rehabilitation justification for incarceration recidivism reduction strategies prisoner rehabilitation failure justice system reforms offender behavior change criminal behavior continuance legal sentencing guidelines prison reform discussions
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro03a	Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions international law cyber attacks state response cyber warfare armed conflict self-defence news coverage societal awareness public opinion international law cyber attacks self-defense armed conflict cyber warfare USA Iran government response cybersecurity global opinion legality of response news coverage international relations cyber warfare international law cyber attacks state response legitimate defense armed conflict media coverage societal awareness public opinion government response legal framework national security cybersecurity global governance international law cyber attacks cyber warfare legitimate response self-defence international condemnation cyber security public opinion military attacks news coverage USA-Iran conflict international law cyber attacks cyber warfare self-defence legitimate response armed conflict public opinion military attacks news coverage legal response cyber attacks international law state response self-defense cyber warfare news coverage public opinion legal framework cyber security cyber espionage digital warfare state aggression cyber retaliation international relations cyber defense cyber conflict cyber threats cybercrime state sponsored hacking cyber strategy cyber attacks international law self-defence cyber warfare state response legality of cyber attacks news coverage social awareness military attacks public opinion legal response to cyber attacks consequences of cyber attacks international law cyber attacks cyber warfare state response self-defence legitimate means armed conflict military attacks global opinion news coverage legal response international law cyber attacks cyber warfare self-defence legitimate response armed conflict cybersecurity public opinion news media state sovereignty legal framework virtual warfare digital security internet governance cyber attacks international law cyber warfare self-defense legitimate response armed conflict social condemnation military attacks global opinion
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con01a	Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. personal liberty recreational activities government intervention financial autonomy advertising regulation public opinion influence legal restrictions online gaming accessibility consumer choice ethical gambling public health concerns personal autonomy gambling regulation government intervention freedom of choice advertising restrictions public opinion informed consent online gambling electronic betting casino regulations liberty of action consumer rights legal gambling public health privacy concerns personal liberty government intervention in personal choices gambling regulations advertising against gambling legal restrictions on gambling online gaming freedom of choice public opinion versus policy entertainment industry influence consumer rights in gambling Internet gambling privacy in gambling activities personal freedom gambling leisure activity government intervention money management advertising freedom legal restrictions online gambling liberty to gamble individual preferences rules changes personal freedom gambling regulations government intervention advertising online gambling public choice legal restrictions consumer rights entertainment value public health economic impact social responsibility digital gambling self-exclusion programs gambling addiction ethical considerations market regulation privacy concerns personal autonomy government intervention regulation impact gambling advertising freedom of choice internet gambling liberty advocacy public opinion control legal restrictions online betting individual rights personal freedom gambling regulations government intervention individual choice advertising restrictions online gambling leisure activities belief enforcement public health warnings financial autonomy personal freedom gambling regulation online gambling individual choice advertising restrictions public opinion influence legal gambling government intervention leisure activities consumer rights gambling addiction internet gaming remote gambling gambling laws personal freedom gambling leisure activity government intervention money management adverts warnings imposing beliefs online gambling freedom gambling rules removal ordinary people individual preferences personal autonomy deregulation consumer choice online gambling benefits advertising freedom legal restrictions debate public policy on gambling individual rights versus societal norms economic impact of gambling technological influence on leisure activities
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con01a	This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. Euro 2012 Uefa political stunts sports minister Hugh Robertson Euro Cup Tymoshenko boycott pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko human rights agendas non-political sphere organizers position Euro 2012 Uefa Ukraine politics in sports sports events boycott pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko sports minister Hugh Robertson political stunts human rights sports diplomacy sports event political event Uefa Euro 2012 football tournament pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization boycott human rights politicians government matters Euro 2012 Uefa political stunts sport and politics pro-democracy activists Ukraine Tymoshenko boycott non-political sphere common love of game politicians human rights agendas Euro 2012 Sport politics Uefa Vitali Klitschko Tymoshenko boycott human rights Hugh Robertson Euro 2012 Uefa political situation Ukraine separatism sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott human rights pro-democracy Vitali Klitschko politicians cheap political stunts Euro 2012 Uefa politics sports event separatism activism Tymoshenko boycott human rights entertainment nationalism sports event Uefa Euro 2012 politicization entertainment Vitali Klitschko boycott Tymoshenko political stunts human rights sports event political event Uefa Euro 2012 football tournament organizers pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization politicians boycott human rights government matters non-political sphere sports event Uefa Euro 2012 politicization football tournament Vitali Klitschko Tymoshenko boycott human rights non-political
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance communities startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism access to capital entrepreneurs Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns poverty alleviation microfinance entrepreneurial capital economic empowerment community development access to finance lending programs financial inclusion capitalist economics social entrepreneurship land ownership property rights personal security microloans financial literacy rural development business financing poverty reduction economic growth ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance communities startup capital capitalism entrepreneurs microfinance savings borrowing land property personal security dignity returns Lend with Care entrepreneurialism powerful financial capital poverty solutions microfinance access savings borrowing markets security dignity returns initiative Lend with Care empower entrepreneurs poverty entrepreneurialism finance access capital microfinance savings borrowing markets land property security dignity returns Lend with Care reducing poverty entrepreneurialism funding opportunities microfinance saving borrowing empowerment capital access personal security market entry dignity community development initiating capitalism small-scale investments land ownership property rights financial inclusion economic empowerment entrepreneurial support finance initiatives poverty alleviation ending poverty entrepreneurialism access to finance microfinance startup capital financial capital capitalism entrepreneurs Lend with Care microcredit personal security market entry land ownership property rights poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital capitalism entrepreneurship Initiative Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns entrepreneurialism poverty finance microfinance capital economic empowerment community development savings borrowing property ownership market entry personal security dignity returns Lend with Care entrepreneurialism finance poverty microfinance capital access small-scale savings land purchase property ownership personal security dignity community empowerment
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro02a	"Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . religion certainty discriminatory justification violence free speech homophobia racism public order act 1986 hate speech political rhetoric government justification religious influence killing speech restrictions gay rights barbarity historic context legislation review religion and violence homophobic speech divine inspiration justification of violence discriminatory practices freedom of speech public order act 1986 hate speech religious rhetoric legislation and violence history of religious justification anti-gay statements violent attacks religion certainty divinely justified violence discriminatory practices free speech harm mantra historical justification preachers killing promoting certainty practical legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence prevention freedom of speech hate speech anti-gay statements political influence religious influence legislative restrictions historical context legal justifications certainty of belief hate speech justification of violence discriminatory practices free speech restrictions religion and violence public order legislation homophobic attacks religious nature of speech mantra with god history of massacre preachers and killing legislation tidying existing rioting laws anti-gay statements religious politicians violence prevention homophobic language racist language violence prevention restrictions on freedom of speech religious influence on violence religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred justify violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity purpose of Act Public Order Act 1986 homophobic and racist language violence freedom of speech hate speech New York homophobic attacks republican politicians restrictions legislation on rioting public disorder religion certainty divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm mantra with God justification massacre barbarity prelates preachers killing certainty promotion homophobic and racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches republican politicians anti-gay statements hate speech legislation riots public disorder Public Order Act 1986 violence prevention Harris Paul Observer 2010 religion certainty divine hatred justification violence discrimination free speech harm mantra god side massacre barbarity prelates preachers legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racism speeches violence New York politicians freedom restrictions restrictions Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives The Observer violence gay religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred justify violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" justify massacre barbarity prelates preachers killing homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech Public Order Act 1986 homophobic attacks republican politicians hate speech legislation public disorder violence prevention restrictions on freedom of speech religion certainty divinely justified violence discrimination free speech harm mantra god massacre barbarity legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racism freedom of speech restrictions attacks politicians violence prevention Public Order Act 1986 legislation.gov.uk The National Archives The Observer religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred justification violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential harm God's side massacre barbarity preachers killing legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racism violence freedom of speech restrictions homophobic attacks political speech religious nature New York hate speech preventative measures"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro01a	Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 civic duty voting obligation paying taxes attending school military conscription jury duty suffragettes compulsory voting democracy history freedom sacrifice liberal democrat voice voting rights suffragettes military conscription jury duty paying taxes liberal democrat voice civic responsibilities enfranchisement democracy social cohesion obligatory activities social contract voting rights suffragettes military conscription jury duty paying taxes obeying laws social cohesion democratic participation civic engagement compulsory voting election rights historical context voter turnout liberal democracy social stability enshrined rights civic duty voting importance paying taxes obeying laws school attendance military conscription jury duty compulsory voting enfranchisement suffragettes historical context democracy social cohesion liberty freedom sacrifice right to vote civic duty voting compulsory voting enfranchisement suffragettes paying taxes obeying laws military conscription jury duty social cohesion liberty freedom sacrifice historical context democracy right to vote civic duty voting obligation pay taxes attend school obey laws military conscription jury duty enfranchisement suffragettes democracy history compulsory voting freedom rights social cohesion sacrifice respect civic duty voting compulsory voting taxes education road rules military conscription jury duty suffragettes democracy sacrifice historical context civic duty voting obligation paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty compulsory voting suffragettes enfranchisement democracy history civic duty voting compulsory voting paying taxes obeying laws school attendance military conscription jury duty suffragettes historical rights freedom sacrifice enfranchisement democracy social stability cohesion liberal democracy civic duty voting compulsory voting enfranchisement suffragettes military conscription jury duty paying taxes road rules cohesive society freedom sacrifice democracy historical context social obligation
test-international-ghwcitca-pro02a	States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, cyber-attacks treaty commitments international body monitoring cyber defense dispute settlement UN organization cyber espionage Private groups evidence gathering international monitoring cyber defense forces international cyber treaty monitoring cyber-attacks international body for cyber-security private cyber security groups cyber-attack tracing international punishment mechanism UN cyber organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber espionage China's cyber operations cybersecurity treaty monitoring international body private groups cyber-attacks states digital defense dispute settlement United Nations International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber-attacks treaty commitments international monitoring dispute settlement mechanism UN organization cyber defense forces corporate targets international body cyber-attack tracing private groups punishment domain security operations cyber-attacks treaty international body monitoring states cyber defense private groups dispute settlement UN organization cyber espionage evidence gathering punishment commitments investigation Atomic Energy Agency Criminal Court cybersecurity treaties international monitoring private groups cyber defense forces monitoring cyber-attacks cyber-attacks treaty enforcement dispute settlement UN organization international body atomic energy agency international criminal court evidence gathering punishment states cooperation cybersecurity treaty international body monitoring cyber-attacks states defense private groups evidence government punishment UN organization Atomic Energy Agency Criminal Court dispute resolution international body cyber-attacks treaty monitoring private groups domestic authorities international institution punishment treaties UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court Cyber Domain Security and Operations exposing cyber espionage cyber-attacks treaty commitments international body monitoring cyber defense forces private groups international institution UN organization cyber espionage dispute settlement mechanism cyber domain security cyber defense forces private groups monitoring cyber-attacks international body treaty commitments independent investigation international organization cyber espionage cyber defense mechanisms treaty enforcement cyber attack tracing
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con03a	If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics legal principles democratic governments defending liberties religious extremism rule of law equality decency way of life political control territory major powers West 1400 years democratic development fanatics vastly destructive potential civil liberties morality dictatorship dictatorial tactics convenience abandonment values power oppression justice liberalism terrorism international relations political control social order cultural preservation global politics warfare violence non-violence peace security counterterrorism legal principles democratic governments religious extremism rule of law equality decency preservation of way of life fanatics democratic development West major powers legal principles democratic government liberties religious extremism rule of law equality decency fanatics 1400 years democratic development major powers West political control territory way of life focus of war basic principles vastly destructive abandoning principles moment inconvenient legal principles democratic governments defending liberties war focus preservation of way of life equality and decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers Western principles fanatics legal principles democratic governments defending liberties religious extremism democratic development rule of law fanatics way of life political control territory equality decency West major powers 1400 years principles of equality principles of decency abandoning principles moment becomes inconvenient major powers of the West vastly destructive potential destructive few fanatics powerful rhetoric legal abandonments warfare ethics legal ethics legal principles democratic governments liberties war focus preservation of way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West fanatics political control territorial defense basic principles destruction potential legal principles democratic governments religious extremism rules of law equality way of life political control territory extremism major powers fanatics democratic development rule of law momentary convenience principles destruction legal principles democratic governments defending liberties religious extremism rule of law way of life focus of war equality decency major powers West 1400 years democratic development basic principles vastly destructive fanatics legal principles democratic government defending liberties religious extremism rule of law equality decency fanatics democratic development war focus preservation of way of life abandoning principles major powers of the west legal principles democratic governments way of life religious extremism democratic development rule of law fanatics preservation principles of equality decency abandoning principles major powers West 1400 years war focus political control territory vastly destructive assist in process
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 international criminal justice ICC enforcement international criminals border crossing organizational responsibility arrest warrants international tribunal Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminals multinational police forces legal enforcement international cooperation criminal apprehension jurisdictional issues arrest authority criminal tribunal international law criminal prosecution international crime criminal avoidance international justice international organization legal clarity enforcement effectiveness ICC enforcement international criminal justice organizational authority border crossing jurisdiction multinational police forces NATO military power international tribunal effectiveness warrant enforcement criminal apprehension jurisdictional clarity international cooperation in law enforcement international criminal law conflict zones law enforcement international crime prevention international criminal court international tribunal enforcement mechanism border crossing multinational police arrest warrant Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminal organizational authority criminal jurisdiction border enforcement international cooperation arrest logistics judicial enforcement cross-border crime ICC enforcement international criminals organizational responsibility border crossing crimes Joseph Kony International Criminal Court International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia NATO power arrests of war criminals multinational police forces Memorandum of Understanding arrest warrant enforcement Clarification of authority international justice border jurisdiction crime prevention international cooperation criminal apprehension judicial authority border security international law enforcement warrant execution multinational operations international policing conflict zones criminal impunity legal jurisdiction extradition procedures ICC enforcement arm international criminals borders national authorities Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia NATO multinational police forces War criminals Memorandum of Understanding arrests police powers authority clarification experience organization responsibility [1] [2] Zhou Han-Ru journal criminal tribunal international forces international arrest cooperation cross-border crimes search performance relevant expansion phrases ICC enforcement arm international criminals organizational responsibility border-crossing criminals Joseph Kony International Criminal Court international tribunal experience International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding NATO power multinational police forces arrest warrants international forces arrest success organization enforcement ICC enforcement arm international criminals border crossing organizational authority criminal tribunals international tribunal experience arrest warrants Memorandum of Understanding multinational police NATO war criminals enforcement power arrest success international forces ICC enforcement arm international criminals organizational responsibility border crossing Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding NATO arrest powers multinational police forces arrest warrant enforcement war criminals Bosnia international forces arrest success military power ICC enforcement arm international criminals organization responsibility border crossing Joseph Kony International Criminal Court International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia NATO Memorandum of Understanding detention war criminals multinational police forces arrests arrest warrants enforcement authority international forces Memorandum of Understanding enforcement organizational clarity criminal jurisdiction international law enforcement borderless justice international criminal justice international tribunal authority ICCCourt internationalcriminals enforcementauthority bordercrossing internationaltribunal arrestwarrants organizationalclarity multinationalpoliceforces NATO warcrimes enforcementpowers arrestauthorities jurisdictionissues internationaljustice internationalenforcement arrestcoordination borderdetection criminaltribunals internationalsecurity legalenforcement internationalarrests warrantenforcement criminalresponsibility internationalpoliceforces legaljurisdiction crossborderenforcement criminalcoordination internationalorganisations arrestauthorities legalauthority internationallaw enforcementcooperation internationalarrestoperations
test-law-umtlilhotac-con03a	Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. broadcasting trials international criminal law nuremberg principles historical record deterrence victim testimonies public record criminal trials broadcasting impact legal proceedings crimes against humanity media coverage trial transparency legal history criminal justice media rights International Criminal Law Nuremberg trials historical record deterrence victim testimony broadcasting trials crimes against humanity legal precedent public documentation trial transparency media coverage legal history criminology war crimes genocide documentation broadcasting trials international criminal law nuremberg principles historical record heinous crimes deterrence victim testimony trial transparency courtroom broadcasting legal proceedings documentation preservation of justice media coverage of trials public legal education crimes against humanity broadcasting trials international criminal law historical record Nuremberg principles criminal justice heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency myth debunking victim testimony legal deterrence media coverage legal proceedings documentation public trial broadcasting trial fairness evidence recording criminal justice system historical significance legal history broadcast trials trial broadcasting international law criminal trials legal education legal principles historical crimes justice system victim voices legal records public trials historical documentation criminal justice processes legal history preservation legal education benefits trial broadcast advantages trial transparency benefits broadcasting public record international criminal law Nuremberg trials historical record heinous crimes deterrence victim testimony trial broadcasting conflicting narratives posterity legal principle public record broadcasting trials international criminal law nuremberg principles deterrence historical record criminal trials victim testimony prevent myths legal proceedings recording broadcasting trials international criminal law Nuremberg principles historical record deterrence victim testimonies public record crimes against humanity media coverage legal proceedings documentation broadcasting trials international criminal law Nuremberg principles historical record deterrence victim testimony public record trial broadcasting conflicting versions evidence presentation myth reduction crimes against humanity broadcasting trials international criminal law nuremberg principles historical record prevent multiple versions trial deterrent bolster record victim testimony posterity study heinous crimes regions affected public trial transparency legal proceedings documentation media coverage impact broadcasting trials international criminal law nuremberg principles historical record deterrence victim testimonies public trials media coverage crimes against humanity legal proceedings transparency trial broadcasting record setting conflicting narratives legal documentation media impact
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con05a	Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] immunity perverse incentive political efficacy reelection diplomatic immunity prosecutorial immunity effective governance political motivations salaries democracy politician behavior [1] immunity politicians re-election indiscretions diplomatic immunity prosecutorial immunity election salaries perverse incentives democracies dignitaries [1] immunity perverse incentive re-election democracy electoral incentives prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity indiscretions effective governance political motivations salaries politicians indiscipline public service motivation for office immunity perverse incentive political career extension prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity minor indiscretions effective governance salary politics political motivations electoral incentives immunity perverse incentive re-election democracy politician salaries indiscretions diplomatic immunity [1] Uhlig Mark A. The New York Times abuse case Zimbabwe search performance recommendation system relevance expansion phrases query optimization prosecutorial immunity political incentives re-election effectiveness democracy salary politicians immunity from prosecution public office minor indiscretions unpunished political motivations court cases legal immunity political career ethics compensation immunity perverse incentive re-election democracy politician effectiveness indiscretion prosecution diplomatic immunity salary court case immunity perverse incentive political career lengthy political tenure effectiveness salaries democracies indiscretions diplomatic immunity prosecution reelection politician efficacy duties pay motivations [1] Uhlig Mark A. search optimization keyword expansion immunity perverse incentives prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity political effectiveness reelection political motivations democracy representative salaries politician longevity political ethics legal immunity political incentives office retention minor indiscretions unpunished actions political efficacy public service remuneration political careerism search outcomes beneficial expansion terms immunity perverse incentive political office prosecutorial immunity minor indiscretions diplomatic immunity politician reelection effectiveness democracy elected representatives salaries motivations court cases legal immunity ethics public service
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro03a	Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 cluster bombs Ban on Cluster Bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies Britain (U.K.) democracy cluster bomb treaty political clout demining work Cluster bombs international image U.S. policy Western Liberal democracies Ban treaty UK alliance political clout demining work Allied support cluster bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies Britain ally political clout cluster bomb ban demining countries support pressure cooperation relationship cluster bombs international image U.S. policy Western Liberal democracies cluster bomb ban U.K. political clout demining work alliance relations Cluster bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies Ban Political clout support demining work U.K. Allies Treaty cluster bombs Ban on Cluster Bombs international image Western Liberal democracies U.S. policy UK alliance economic power political clout demining work country support cluster bombs Ban on Cluster Bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies United Kingdom cluster bomb ban demining work political clout country cooperation cluster bombs Ban on Cluster Bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies UK cluster bomb ban Western liberal democracy economically powerful political clout demining work countries reliance cluster bombs international image U.S. foreign policy Western democracies liberal democracy U.K. cluster bomb ban political alliances economic power demining international relations cluster bombs Ban on Cluster Bombs international image U.S. policy Western Liberal democracies political clout support from allies demining work UK cluster bomb ban cluster bomb treaty
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro03a	Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Google censorship internet freedom China free speech global internet pressure U.S. foreign policy Hillary Clinton speech great firewall international human rights internet companies censorship democratic nations pressure Google censorship China internet policies free speech policies internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State great firewall Hillary Clinton speech public pressure on China democratic countries and internet censorship Google censorship Chinese internet policy internet freedom global internet regulation U.S. foreign policy China democracy international internet surveillance free speech policies Secretary of State speech China human rights Google censorship global pressure internet freedom Chinese policies U.S. Secretary of State free speech great firewall public pressure democratic countries political pressure human rights internet companies government surveillance international relations speech policies world news public awareness Google censorship China free speech internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton great firewall Google censorship global pressure China free speech internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State great firewall public pressure political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton internet companies censorship search accuracy query expansion internet freedom China censorship Google decision Hillary Clinton great firewall public pressure democratic countries speech policies search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords Google censorship internet freedom global pressure China free speech U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton great firewall public pressure democratic countries Google censorship internet freedom China's internet policies great firewall U.S. foreign policy global internet regulation speech policies digital diplomacy technological censorship international pressure cyber sovereignty Google censorship China free speech internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State great firewall global internet policy political pressure digital rights international relations online censorship democratic countries human rights
test-economy-egecegphw-con02a	Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, environment climate change EU limits greenhouse gases CO2 emissions pollution laws human health aviation growth carbon footprint expansion Heathrow environment climate change EU greenhouse gases CO2 pollution government lobbying human health environment climate change EU legal limits greenhouse gases CO2 emissions pollution laws human health aviation industry emissions targets UK government Brussels lobbying Heathrow expansion flight increases air quality environmental impact greenhouse gas reduction carbon footprint public health pollution control aviation policy sustainability transportation emissions environmental impact climate change EU legal limits greenhouse gases reduction CO2 emissions government lobbying human health pollution laws flight expansion carbon dioxide emissions air quality aviation growth environmental regulations sustainable development climate policies carbon footprint pollution levels transportation emissions environmental legislation environmental impact climate change EU pollution limits greenhouse gases reduction CO2 emissions government lobbying human health airport expansion flight increases pollution deaths environmental impact climate change pollution limits Green House Gases reducing emissions CO2 emissions flight expansion health risks pollution laws EU regulations climate policy aviation growth air quality carbon footprint greenhouse gases environmental degradation air pollution public health flight emissions pollution control legal constraints UK emissions targets runway expansion negligible environmental benefits environmental impact climate change greenhouse gases EU pollution limits CO2 emissions aviation expansion public health air quality government lobbying airport development expansion_keywords environmental_impact climate_change EU_pollution_limits greenhouse_gas_reduction CO2_emissions pollution_laws public_health runtime_impacts aviation_pollution EU_laws UK_commitments runway_expansion carbon_footprint government_lobbying environmental impact climate change EU emissions limits greenhouse gases reduction CO2 emissions human health pollution laws airport expansion aviation carbon footprint environmental legislation lobbying environmental impact climate change pollution limits greenhouse gases CO2 emissions government lobbying health effects flight expansion pollution laws HACAN Independent article
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro04a	Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. reparations colonialism economic imbalance natural resources human resources powerful countries Britain France economic disparity Haitian Revolution economic exploitation colonialism economic imbalance reparations natural resources human resources economic disparity powerful countries Britain France colonization history Haitian Revolution economic prosperity exploitation sustainability reparations colonialism economic imbalance natural resources human resources powerful countries Britain France exploitation economic disparity Haitian Revolution effects reparations colonialism economic imbalance natural resources human resources exploitation former colonies compensation economic disparity reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources powerful countries Britain France economic disparity Haitian Revolution reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources economic disparity colonization exploitation justice history reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources powerful countries Britain France economic disparity Haitian Revolution reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources powerful countries Britain France economic disparity Haitian Revolution reparations colonialism economic imbalance natural resources human resources economic disparity exploitation colonial powers Britain France Haitian Revolution economic prosperity resource extraction labor exploitation reparations colonialism economic imbalance natural resources human resources powerful countries exploitation economic disparity Haitian Revolution Patrick E. Bryan
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro05a	Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. animal welfare scientific procedures legal exceptions moral tension cock fighting dancing bears farm animals consistent legal position ethical treatment positive social message animal welfare rights legal exceptions moral tension Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act cock fighting dancing bears maltreatment of pets farm animals consistent legal position positive social message animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension scientific research Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act cock fighting dancing bears pet maltreatment farm animals consistent legal position positive social message animal welfare rights laws restricting animal treatment scientific procedures act moral tension cock fighting dancing bears pet maltreatment farm animal treatment consistent legal position search efficiency expand query positive social message animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension animal research Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act cock fighting dancing bears pet abuse farm animal treatment consistent legal position animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension scientific research ethical treatment societal laws animal rights cock fighting dancing bears farm animals legal position public opinion legislation enforcement ethical standards humane treatment advocacy legislation gaps international standards public awareness animal cruelty protection acts ethical research animal welfare scientific procedures moral tension legal exceptions cock fighting dancing bears farm animals legal position animal rights positive social message animal welfare rights legal exceptions moral tension animal research Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act cock fighting dancing bears pet abuse farm animal mistreatment consistent legal position animal welfare legal exceptions scientific research moral tension cock fighting dancing bears farm animals animal rights consistent legal position animal welfare scientific procedures moral tension legal exceptions cock fighting dancing bears farm animal rights consistent legal position
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro03a	"Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Euroscepticism xenophobia tabloids Britain Euro international economics price transparency economies of scale single market currency conversion inflation trade benefits market integration price competitiveness savings budget analysis Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency conversion costs inflation economic benefits Currency union price transparency economies of scale british goods euro adoption single market massive savings Euroscepticism xenophobia tabloids Britain European single currency conversion costs inflation British goods price transparency economies of scale single market euro savings Browne 2001 Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency initial conversion costs inflation powerful forces price transparency economies of scale massive single market price of British goods European levels massive savings Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join Euroscepticism xenophobia tabloids Britain Euro international trade single currency conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale savings goods prices European Union euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering british tabloids european single currency conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale single market British goods euro savings Euroscepticism xenophobia british tabloids costs inflation single market euro price transparency economies of scale cheaper goods savings Browne Euroscepticism xenophobia british tabloids economic benefits European single currency conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale cheaper goods Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join Euroscepticism xenophobia british tabloids economic advantages European single currency costs inflation price transparency economies of scale savings Britain joining euro Euroscepticism xenophobia scaremongering British tabloids economic advantages cheaper goods Euro adoption conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale single market british goods savings currency union"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con03a	The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention burden of proof presumption of innocence right to privacy internet governance civil liberties ISP copyright holders commercial vendors legal standards privacy concerns online infringement digital rights graduated response right due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention private organizations presumption of innocence burden of proof graduated response due process copyright infringement digital rights ISP automation judicial intervention burden of proof presumption of innocence software enforcement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors rights protection internet governance legal procedures policy analysis[P1][P2] graduated response due process copyright infringement detective software automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention private organizations ISP burden of proof presumption of innocence[1] graduated response due process copyright infringement detection software ISP internet service provider automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention burden of proof presumption of innocence private organizations punishment digital rights vendors rights infringement graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISPs judicial intervention private organizations presumption of innocence burden of proof graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention presumption of innocence burden of proof[1] graduated response right to due process copyright infringement detection software automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention presumption of innocence burden of proof ISP action commercial vendors punishment determination [1]Peter K. Yu graduated response right due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting judicial intervention private organizations ISP presumption of innocence burden of proof search outcomes beneficial expansion terms graduated response due process copyright infringement detection automated crawlers fingerprinting technology commercial vendors ISPs judicial intervention private organizations presumption of innocence reversal of burden of proof
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises value systems philosophical belief universal human rights culturally relative values human values rights evolution conflicts and crises group behavior international community nation states child soldiers ICC culpability war crimes plurality minority objections universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises value systems international community nation states ICC child soldiers war crimes culturally relative values morally valuable principles plurality philosophical belief Cultural relativism critique ethical dilemmas human rights doctrines universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief cultural values human rights relativism universal human rights cultural contexts ritual regularity group behavior culturally relative values conflicts crises plural value systems international community nation states laws child soldiers war crimes ICC cultural defense charismatic leaders impoverished communities officers politicians dissident commanders Sudan Yemen universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises cultural values philosophical belief human rights equality relative morality value systems pluralism international community nation states ICC child soldiers war crimes ethical dilemmas cultural practices leadership culpability ethics morality universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief cultural values human rights relativistic ethics legal systems plural value systems international community state laws child soldiers war crimes ICC cultural objections charismatic leaders universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief equal value relative right contextual morality universal human rights cultural values evolving values conflicts crises ritual regularity group belief justice good survival systems of law plural population international community nation states reconciling values majority cultures minority objections war crimes charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat culpability ICC officers politicians dissident commanders child soldiers moral value universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief equal value relative right cultural context universal human rights cultural values evolving values conflicts crises group behavior ritual regularity cultural practices justice good beneficial survival systems of law plural population objections universal human rights doctrine international community individual nation states adjusting laws reconciling demands plural value systems majority cultures objections of minority war crimes ICC charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat abuse commanders child soldiers Universal rights Cultural relativism Collective compromises Philosophical belief Equal value Relative morality Cultural context Human values Laws Conflict resolution Cultural evolution Plural value systems International community Nation states ICC Child soldiers War crimes Culpability Diplomacy Morality universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises philosophical belief equal value rights relative context dependent human values relative laws culturally relative values evolve conflicts cultural contexts perverse behaviour ritual regularity group beliefs just good survival plural value systems international community nation states adjust laws reconcile demands value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat ICC commanders child soldiers war crime dissident commanders complex defence ICJ universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises philosophical belief relative morality universal human values crises and conflicts ritual and regularity value evolution plural value systems international community nation states ICC child soldiers war crimes impoverished communities morally valuable principles dissent commanders
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con01a	A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 fat tax individual choice government authority basic services overstepping third person protection personal finance taxation public policy libertarianism economic freedom fat tax individual choice government authority basic services fair society protection against third persons overstepping authority individual rights fiscal responsibility public opinion health policy economic impact libertarianism taxation justice consumer freedom public health socioeconomic inequality regulatory burden ethical governance personal autonomy fiscal liberty fat tax individual choice government authority basic services fair society third person protection frivolous spending credit cards investment restrictions [1]Wilkinson 2011 fat tax individual choice government authority basic services third person protection frivolous spending credit card ownership investment freedom overstepping authority protecting individuals third party actions taxation debate government intervention personal finance public health policy economic freedom social responsibility taxation ethics consumer behavior economic incentives health care policy public opinion libertarianism fiscal policy public health economic impact tax fairness individual liberty fat tax government authority individual choice society function third person protection frivolous spending credit cards investment control public services third party protection thieves scammers fair society basic services [1] Wilkinson fat tax individual choice government authority basic services third person protection frivolous spending credit card ownership investment freedom overstepping authority societal functions fat tax individual choice government authority basic services individual rights fair society government intervention protection from third parties economic freedom personal finance public opinion taxation policy societal functions liberty third party protection overreach fiscal responsibility public health consumer behavior economic regulation social welfare fiscal discipline fat tax individual choice government authority basic services overreach third person protection economic freedom personal responsibility public policy taxation justice individual rights fiscal intervention social contract fat tax individual choice government authority societal services third person protection individual rights economic freedom public policy personal responsibility health economics taxation ethics fat tax government authority individual choice overreach public services fair society third person protection frivolous spending credit cards investment restrictions [1] Wilkinson
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro04a	Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. HIV awareness employee rights workplace inclusion fair treatment stigma reduction HIV programs business responsibility employee health prevention strategies discrimination against HIV positive education initiatives workplace accommodations mental health support legal protections community involvement public health policies HIV workplace discrimination employee rights prevention support stigma awareness treatment inclusion healthcare activism public health employer responsibility fair treatment education policy HIV-positive employees workplace retention medical arrangements pensions employee training community involvement health initiatives HIV employment policies workplace HIV support fair treatment HIV employee HIV education combatting HIV stigma responsible business HIV HIV workplace inclusion HIV retention strategies employer HIV awareness HIV discrimination prevention HIV employee rights HIV awareness employee support workplace inclusion business responsibility anti-discrimination policies mental health at work employee retention strategies healthcare provision stigma reduction education initiatives equal treatment fair procedures prevention programs employee benefits public health responsibilities community engagement workforce diversity HIV workplace inclusion employee rights corporate responsibility stigma reduction health policies employee retention fair treatment public awareness discrimination prevention medical support pension plans education campaigns HIV-positive workers employer education HIV awareness workplace inclusivity employee rights discrimination prevention business responsibility fair treatment stigma reduction education campaigns health policy employee retention medical support pension plans HIV awareness employee rights workplace discrimination prevention strategies fair treatment stigma reduction healthcare provisions employee retention public education employer responsibilities discrimination laws HIV awareness employee rights workplace inclusion anti-discrimination policies fair treatment HIV-positive support knowledge dissemination prejudice reduction employer responsibilities effective HIV programs medical arrangement adequacy dignity in workplace proactive HIV stance combating fears HIV workplace employee rights corporate social responsibility discrimination prevention education support policies healthcare stigma employee retention fair treatment dignity AIDS public health business ethics employee wellness HIV/AIDS HIV education employee rights workplace inclusion fair treatment stigma reduction employer responsibilities HIV programs employee retention health policies discrimination prevention
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con02a	Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. online gambling regulation cross-border enforcement internet gambling laws domestic law limitations illegal online gambling circumventing gambling bans American gambling habits global gambling regulation online gambling regulation government intervention illegal online gambling banning online gambling technical enforcement cybercrime gambling laws internet gambling online casino regulation illegal gambling sites online gambling prevention government power limitations regulating online gambling gambling enforcement online gambling regulation enforcement strategies global gambling laws internet censorship government power limitations illegal online gambling American Gambling Association offshore gambling websites citizen behavior online technological challenges legal loopholes online gambling regulation government intervention illegal online gambling prevent online gambling gambling law enforcement internet gambling control block online gambling sites american gambling statistics illegal gambling sites online gambling restrictions online gambling enforcement government regulations internet gambling domestic laws server location citizen behavior website blocking legal challenges American Gambling Association enforce online gambling ban governments internet gambling illegal online gambling block online gambling sites online gambling laws stop internet gambling american gambling association enforce online gambling ban government intervention internet gambling regulation cross-border gambling laws illegal online gambling regulating internet gambling gambling site blocking online gambling prevalence American Gambling Association illegal gambling statistics enforce online gambling ban government internet regulation illegal online gambling servers and offices banning online gambling sites finding ways around ban american gambling statistics online gambling legality online gambling regulation international gambling law enforce gambling ban internet gambling restrictions cross-border gambling control governmental gambling policies domestic versus international laws online gambling legality preventing online gambling gambling site blocking techniques enforce online gambling ban government intervention internet gambling regulations illegal online gambling block gambling websites online casino legality global gambling laws country-specific laws gambling site blocking techniques public gaming behavior statistics
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con03a	How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. rehabilitation effectiveness system evaluation prisoner tagging free counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes criminality economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith criminal urges inherent mentalities upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public disorder rehabilitation effectiveness prisoner monitoring long-term counseling administrative costs feasibility of rehabilitation root causes of crime economic factors education and morality welfare and criminality prevention versus punishment criminal mentality psychological factors upbringing impact reintegration challenges public safety risks rehabilitation effectiveness prisoner tagging free counselling administration costs feasibility enforcement root causes crime economic crisis education morality welfare trust criminal urges prevention inherent criminality upbringing impact re-offending prevention incarceration necessity societal reintegration supervision rehabilitation effectiveness monitoring systems prisoner tagging long-term counseling administrative costs feasibility enforcement root causes crime economic factors education morality welfare impact preventing criminal urges innate psychology upbringing influence incarceration necessity post-release supervision re-offending rates rehabilitation criminality root causes education welfare incarceration re-offending supervision prison system administration costs moral education economic crisis criminal mentality public disorder rehabilitation effectiveness monitoring offenders root cause analysis economic factors education impact welfare systems criminal mentality recidivism prevention social integration supervision levels public safety criminal behavior origins systemic changes community support long-term counseling administrative costs feasibility of rehabilitation programs prison system alternatives early intervention mental health rehabilitation societal trust morality education crime prevention strategies rehabilitation system evaluation individual assessment administration costs feasibility root causes criminality economic factors education system morality welfare prevention mentalities psyche supervision reoffending rehabilitation effectiveness assessment prisoner tagging free counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes economic crisis education system morality welfare criminal behavior psychological factors upbringing recidivism supervision public safety rehabilitation system evaluation criminal recidivism root cause analysis administrative costs prisoner tagging counseling economic crisis education system moral values welfare criminal mentality psychological factors upbringing public disorder incarceration re-offending supervision social reintegration criminal behavior analysis community impact policy effectiveness justice system improvement crime prevention rehabilitation effectiveness prisoner tagging free counselling administration costs feasibility root causes of crime economic crisis education system welfare criminal urges inherent criminality upbringing supervision re-offending public disorder
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con02a	A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. boycott effectiveness European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych Cold War 1980 Moscow Olympics 1984 Los Angeles Olympics Afghanistan invasion boycott strategy political change democracy world attention Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko European leaders human rights Yanukovych Euro 2012 Cold War boycott history Olympic Games boycott effectiveness European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych Euro 2012 Cold War Afghanistan USA Soviet Union boycott history changing political situations short-term actions long-term impact democracy human rights abuses world attention past successes failure to change conditions diplomatic solutions concrete actions boycott effectiveness European leaders strategy Yulia Timoshenko release Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych benefits past boycotts history Cold War Olympic boycotts boycott european leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych cold war Afghanistan 1980 Moscow Olympics USA Soviet Union 1984 Los Angeles Olympics Elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases query Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych boycott Cold War Afghanistan USA Soviet Union Olympics success changing situation games retaliated 1984 Los Angeles 1980 Moscow 1979 invasion Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko European leaders human rights boycotts Cold War Afghanistan Soviet Union Vanessa Gera US-Soviet relations boycott efficacy European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Vanessa Gera boycott success Cold War 1980 Olympics Moscow 1979 invasion Soviet Union 1984 Olympics Los Angeles boycott european leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych cold war Soviet Union Afghanistan boycott success world attention Olympics boycott effectiveness European leaders strategy Yulia Timoshenko release Ukrainian human rights Yanukovych benefits past boycott failures Cold War Olympics Soviet Union Afghanistan invasion diplomatic impacts long term solutions
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture growth community benefits Zimbabwe farming production IRIN Morrison Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities small-scale farmers tools resources rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change demand political tensions sustainability growth communities Zimbabwe small scale farming production IRIN Morrison Kiva NGO affordable capital loans tools resources agricultural development climate resilience food security sustainable agriculture rural finance smallholder farmers community empowerment microcredit tool access agricultural innovation agricultural policies African agriculture sustainable development food production farmer cooperatives agricultural technology agricultural education agricultural extension agricultural infrastructure agricultural market access agricultural biodiversity agroecology climate adaptation rural economy agricultural investment agricultural diversification agricultural research agricultural policy agricultural extension services agricultural financing agricultural sustainability agricultural risk management agricultural innovation systems agricultural value chains agricultural subsidies agricultural insurance agricultural trade agricultural climate finance rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture growth communities small scale agriculture Zimbabwe farming production households Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities tools resources rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture small scale agriculture growth community benefits Zimbabwe small scale farming production improvement IRIN Morrison Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities tool borrowing resource lending agricultural development sustainable agriculture rural finance climate change adaptation food security smallholder farmers microloans community resilience agricultural productivity rural communities economic growth tool rental programs NGO interventions agricultural risks policy impacts farmer support agricultural innovation Agricultural systems agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainability community growth Zimbabwe small scale farming production improvement IRIN Morrison Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities tool rental agricultural development Africa famine rural finance sustainable agriculture food security climate change smallholder farmers Kiva microloans community empowerment Zimbabwe IRIN Morrison African agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change vulnerability sustainable agriculture growth small scale farming Zimbabwe Kiva remote communities tools and resources IRIN Morrison agricultural development Africa rural finance sustainable agriculture food security climate change adaptation smallholder farmers Kiva microloans rural communities Vulnerable populations political instability irrigation systems land rights agroecology food sovereignty
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro02a	Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income educational qualifications political parties disenfranchised policies political polarisation stakeholder government electoral compliance social inclusion democratic engagement policy creation disenfranchisement political representation social justice democratic participation compulsory voting voter turnout disadvantaged groups income inequality education level political parties policy creation disenfranchised political polarisation stakeholder consideration democratic participation social inclusion electoral systems voting rights public policy representative democracy compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income educational qualifications political parties disenfranchised policies political polarisation UK Labour party middle England proportional consideration government policy compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income levels educational qualifications political parties disenfranchised policies political polarisation UK Labour party middle England stakeholder consideration government policy compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income educational qualifications political parties policies disenfranchised political polarisation stakeholder consideration governmental policy middle England partisanship compulsory voting voter apathy disadvantaged groups political representation income levels educational qualifications disenfranchised voters political polarisation stakeholder consideration government policy social inclusion democratic participation policy creation civic engagement electoral compliance social exclusion middle england electoral system reform democratic accountability compulsory voting political representation voter turnout disadvantaged groups voter apathy poverty education political parties policy making public policy electoral participation disenfranchisement Political polarisation middle England compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income educational qualifications political parties disenfranchised policies political polarisation middle England governmental policy stakeholder proportional consideration compulsory voting political representation voter turnout voter apathy disadvantaged groups poorest sectors social exclusion Institute for Public Policy Research political parties policy creation disenfranchisement UK Labour party middle England political polarisation mandatory voting compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income educational qualifications political parties disenfranchised policies political polarisation stakeholder governmental policy middle England electoral reform
test-international-ghwcitca-pro03a	The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks terrorism Pearl Harbor cyber warfare cyber security Panetta cyber threats digital age state security noble power feudal system cyber defense cybercrime digital battleground responsible actors cyber weapons international security cyber terrorism cyber strategy cyber policy internet state force cyber-attacks monopolization Pearl Harbor terrorism legitimacy weapons cyber warfare national security responsible actors Panetta Leon cross-border attacks digital battleground state monopoly internal actors nobility feudal system cyber defense digital sovereignty cyber security cyber threats cybercrime cyber conflict cyber resilience cyber policy cyber strategy cyber regulations cyber tactics cyber strategy cyber ethics internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks cross-border Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta national security terrorism weapons of war responsible actors cyber defense cyber warfare digital threat information warfare cyber sovereignty cyber security cyber resilience cyber conflict cyber espionage cyber strategy cyber policy digital governance internet governance digital divide digital diplomacy cyber regulations cyber norms cyber ethics cyber law cyber threats cyber vulnerabilities cyber resilience cyber strategies cyber policies cyber regulations cyber norms cyber ethics cyber law cyber security measures cyber attack prevention cyber internet impact on state power cyber-attacks cyber warfare state monopoly on force cyber security terrorism and state power panetta statement cyber conflict state legitimacy digital sovereignty international cybersecurity cyber threats cyber defense cyber strategy cyber resilience state control cyberterrorism cyber policy cyber attacks on states state cyber capabilities cyber war prevention digital security cyber warfare implications cyber threats to states state cyber vulnerabilities internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks Pearl Harbor terrorism national security digital warfare Panetta cross-border attacks governmental control cyber defense responsible actors internet cyber-attacks state monopoly force Pearl Harbor terrorism cyberspace responsible actors cyber defense state security cyber warfare digital age global threats national security digital weapons cybercrime digital warfare state power information warfare digital sovereignty internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks Pearl Harbor Leon Panetta terrorism cyberwarfare cyberdefense international security digital threat cybercrime state security technological advancement military force non-state actors cyber-safety information warfare digital warfare cyber-weapon state power cyber-weaponry state control cyber-espionage cyber-terrorism cyber-resilience internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks Pearl Harbor Leon Panetta terrorism cyber warfare state security cross-border attacks internet state sovereignty cyber-attacks cyber warfare monopolization of force digital security Pearl Harbor terrorism international relations cyber defense state power cyber threat national security Panetta warning digital weapons responsible actors cross-border attacks state legitimacy cybercrime cyber conflict internet state monopoly cyber-attacks Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta national security digital warfare terrorism cyber defense state legitimacy cross-border attacks responsible actors cyber terrorism military forces cyber vulnerabilities state power digital threats
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con02a	Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. justice system violence liberties innocent torture terrorism human rights british chief justice Phillips fair trial scale of crime industrialised warfare fight against terror individual protections accusation punishment ideological battle justice system violence torture human rights innocent until proven guilty precautionary principle terrorism fair trial respect for rights Chief Justice Phillips justice system violence torture innocent liberties human rights terrorism Chief Justice Phillips fair trial scale of crime industrialised warfare fairness protection falsification trial necessity innocent until proven guilty torture ethics justice system reforms human rights violations terrorism countermeasures fair trial importance Chief Justice Phillips industrialized warfare comparison legal protections against false accusations justice system violence torture innocent basic principles human rights terror fair trial industrialised warfare justice system violence innocent torture terrorism principles human rights Chief Justice Phillips fair trial industrialised warfare scale of crime protections accusation punishment justice system violence liberties innocent torture Chief Justice Phillips human rights terror ideological battle fair trial industrialised warfare justice system violence liberties innocent torture terrorism human rights Chief Justice Phillips fair trial industrialised warfare justice system violence torture innocent basic rights human rights terrorist crimes fair trial protections industrialized warfare innocent until proven guilty torture justice system human rights terrorism fair trial Chief Justice Phillips violence in law enforcement civil liberties scale of crimes ideological battle
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro03a	Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. prejudice homophobia religion racism sexism abrahamic faiths catechism hate crimes public disorder nazi groups vitriol sin authority natural order vengeance discrimination condemnation tolerance banned Churches modern society religious consultation Marriage of Likeness Harper Collins confronting prejudice condemning homosexuality neo-Nazi homophobia prejudice religion hatred discrimination social justice human rights abrahamic faiths homosexuality sin catechism public disorder neo-nazism racism sexism tolerance state support religious consultation historical context cultural norms prejudice homophobia religion racism sexism Abrahamic faiths hatred normativity vitriol public disorder Catholic Church neo-Nazis religious discrimination religious tolerance hate crimes sexual orientation social justice civil rights moral authority ill-informed prejudice religious justification of hatred homophobia as last respectable prejudice public disorder arrest Church support for homophobic views state tolerance of homophobia Abrahamic faiths authority natural order maintenance historical treatment of homosexuality Catechism sins modern society dangers prejudice homophobia religion racism sexism abrahamic faiths hate catechism vitriol normativity public disorder neonazism banned organizations authority natural order vengeance religious consultation ill-informed prejudice recommendation algorithms query expansion religious justification homophobia social justice public disorder neo-Nazism Catechism Abrahamic faiths vitriol social acceptance gay rights heterosexism religious tolerance gender equality race relations sexism vocal minority public support church state relations discrimination authority figures normative values sexual orientation religious extremism modern society veneer of religion hatred and division confronting prejudice prejudice religion homophobia hate discrimination sexism racism public disorder neo-Nazi authority Abrahamic faiths Catechism homosexuality natural order sin vengeance modern society heterosexism ill-informed prejudice religious justification homophobia social tolerance hate crimes religious hypocrisy Abrahamic faiths homosexuality public disorder racial discrimination sexism Neo-Nazi groups religious extremism religious authority natural order Catechism offensive speech dangerous beliefs religious freedom societal impact ill-informed prejudice homophobia religion and hate abrahamic faiths sins against homosexuality vitriol racism sexism public disorder Churches and homophobia Catechism religious discrimination authority on natural order Abrahamic religions social justice religious consultation heterosexism neo-Nazis religious violence historical context of homophobia prejudice religion homophobia hate discrimination Abrahamic faiths Catechism LGBTQ+ neo-Nazism public disorder sexism racism authority natural order sins religious consultation condemnation tolerance state support historical context modern society
test-education-ughbuesbf-con05a	State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: state control academic independence higher education government influence university autonomy curriculum criteria fiscal control academic freedom free scholarship education policy Ireland universities legislation impact state control academic independence university governance higher education policy government influence educational autonomy curriculum control university funding free scholarship free university education academic freedom universities act 1997 irish higher education university board composition state control education policy academic freedom university governance purse strings government influence higher education reform scholarly independence curriculum autonomy Ireland education system state control curriculum criteria academic independence university autonomy higher education funding government influence free scholarship free university education legislation impact university governance educational policy academic freedom state intervention university funding educational independence scholarly freedom state control academic independence university autonomy curriculum criteria higher education policy government influence free scholarship free university education purse strings legislative control university governance Ireland education system state control academic independence university autonomy government influence higher education policy curriculum control funding influence free scholarship university governance legislative control state control acceptance criteria curriculum standards academic freedom university governance educational funding higher education policy government influence university autonomy free scholarship free education educational independence legislative impact university boards state control acceptance criteria curriculum control academic independence university autonomy government influence higher education university governance purse strings free scholarship free university education legislative control university boards government representation state control academic freedom university governance curriculum autonomy higher education policy government influence free scholarship university funding education legislation academic independence state control curriculum criteria academic independence university governance higher education funding government influence free scholarship free university education legislation impact Irish universities educational autonomy
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con04a	Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. immunity politicians image public perception corruption accountability trial scandal den of impunity political institutions accountable government trust immunity politicians public perception accountability corruption scandal trial den of impunity political institutions accountable government transparency public confidence immunity politicians image public perception corruption accountability scandal public confidence impunity den of impunity option for accountability immunity politicians image public perception corruption accountability trial den of impunity restoring confidence scandal public trust immunity politicians image corruption accountability public perception scandal trial den of impunity restitution confidentiality immunity politicians public perception corruption accountability scandal public confidence den of impunity option to prosecute elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases immunity politicians image public perception corruption accountability scandal trial den of impunity restoring confidence accountable immunity politicians image public perception corruption accountability scandal public confidence impunity efficacy PR den of impunity immunity politicians public perception corruption accountability trial scandal den of impunity restitution public confidence option PR search outcomes improvement keyword recommendation public perception corruption accountability prosecution immunity politician office confidence scandal public confidence political institution accountability option denial trial corruption restoration integrity justice transparency scrutiny ethical standards democratic process
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro03a	It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, workplace safety HIV disclosure occupational health co-worker rights medical ethics infectious disease transmission employee protection workplace accidents healthcare workers duty to inform public health obligations HIV disclosure workplace safety occupational health medical ethics employee rights infectious disease transmission workplace exposure duty of care health worker obligations confidentiality policies workplace accidents HIV prevention public health guidelines employer responsibilities workplace HIV transmission occupational HIV exposure healthworker HIV disclosure employer responsibility HIV industrial accident HIV moral obligation HIV disclosure legal obligation HIV HIV prevention in workplace CDC HIV transmission workplace safety hiv disclosure employee rights transmission risks healthcare workers moral obligations legal responsibilities industrial accidents worker protection disease prevention cdc guidelines HIV exposure search efficiency expand query co-workers other workers transmission likelihood bodily fluids workplace exposure healthworkers moral obligation legal obligation HIV disclosure industrial accidents employer responsibility workforce protection CDC HIV Transmission query expansion co-workers rights workplace safety HIV disclosure occupational health medical workers industrial accidents duty of employers bodily fluids transmission risks search accuracy query expansion co-workers other workers transmission likelihood bodily fluids workplace exposure healthworkers moral obligation legal obligation HIV disclosure industrial accidents employer duty workforce protection Centers for Disease Control and Prevention HIV Transmission Department of Health and Human Services search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords co-workers other workers transmission likelihood right to know bodily fluids workplace transmission healthworkers moral obligation legal obligation HIV disclosure industrial accidents employer duty workforce protection Centers for Disease Control and Prevention HIV Transmission Department of Health and Human Services workplace safety hiv disclosure moral obligation legal responsibility transmission risks employee rights medical professionals industrial accidents workforce protection healthcare workers CDC guidelines HIV prevention workplace safety hiv disclosure medical workers occupational exposure employee rights bodily fluids transmission risks industrial accidents disease prevention equal protection duty of care
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro01a	An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international justice international crimes international consensus international court national court enforcement arm international peace international security international well-being international criminal prosecution international criminal justice system international legal enforcement international criminal tribunal international peacekeeping signatories Rome Statute preamble ICJ international law crimes against humanity wars crimes genocide international criminal court ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus international criminal court international justice enforcement arm international force international criminal crimes peace security well-being apprehension pre-trial proceedings international cooperation international law criminal accountability international criminal court enforcement mechanism international justice Rome Statute grave crimes peacekeeping forces international consensus apprehension international force criminal prosecution international law criminal justice system international criminal court Rome Statute enforcement mechanism international justice international criminal justice ICC enforcement arm international consensus grave crimes international peace national courts criminal prosecution international force state intervention criminal apprehension international criminal law international security international legal system international crime international tribunal international legality ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus international force international justice criminals apprehension peace security well-being intervention international criminal court ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus international criminal court enforcement arm international force criminal apprehension international peace international security international well-being international justice international crime international intervention ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus criminal apprehension international force international criminal court enforcement arm international peace well-being criminal prosecution international security international justice criminal legitimacy state intervention international law international crimes ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus international crimes apprehension international peace security well-being enforcement arm international force state intervention international criminal court ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international court international crimes international consensus enforcement arm international force international peace criminal prosecution law enforcement justice system crimes against humanity genocide wartime crimes international security international cooperation international law legal enforcement global justice ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus crime prosecution international peace security threats well-being international force criminal apprehension international justice international force neutrality
test-environment-assgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal research ethics humane treatment pain management experimental animals animal welfare morality in research animal rights scientific experimentation veterinary care animal suffering alternative research methods animal welfare laws animal welfare ethical treatment scientific research humane practices animal rights experimental animals pain management veterinary care animal suffering alternatives to animal testing ethics of animal research animal care standards animal health welfare regulations moral objections animal welfare scientific research ethics pain management humane euthanasia experimental animals care animal rights ethical treatment wildlife comparison meat industry parallels scientific outcomes animal welfare regulations pain relief in animals humane endpoints animal research morality ethical considerations in research animal research ethics pain management in lab animals humane treatment of research animals benefits of animal research welfare of animals in research moral considerations in animal testing comparison animal farming research scientific outcomes from well-treated animals alternatives to animal testing ethical standards in biomedical research animal research ethics pain management experimental animals welfare moral objections scientific outcomes animal care well-being alternative methods zoology biomedical research veterinary science suffering animal research ethics pain management in animals well-being in laboratory animals moral considerations of animal testing lifetime conditions of research animals alternatives to animal testing animal welfare in science ethical treatment of animals in research humaneness in animal experiments research animal care standards animal research ethics pain management in lab animals humane treatment of research animals animal welfare in scientific studies comparison animal farming research benefits of well-treated research animals ethical considerations in animal experimentation quality of life for laboratory animals alternatives to animal testing moral objections to animal research role of pain killers in animal experiments treatment standards for research animals animal research ethics pain management in animals humanely euthanizing animals benefits of animal research animal welfare in laboratories moral objections to animal testing comparison animal farming research animal welfare research ethics pain management humane treatment experimental animals moral objections animal rights veterinary care scientific outcomes wildlife comparison meat industry ethics animal research ethics humane treatment pain management laboratory animals animal welfare experimental results alternative testing methods moral objections animal rights scientific advancement animal care standards veterinary medicine ethical considerations animal suffering animal experimentation animal advocacy
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con01a	Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socioeconomic context universal rights community desires legal theory human rights definition internet access human right state responsibility human rights international law human rights socio economic context rights universal human rights state practice international law customary law human rights judicial decisions human rights human rights treaties human rights internet access state responsibility international law customary law treaties state practice socio-economic context community desires human rights definition internet access rights state practice international law sources socioeconomic context customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms community desires universal rights legal validity human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socioeconomic context universal rights community desires legal theory human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socioeconomic context universal human right community desires legal theory effectiveness human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socioeconomic context universal human right community desires human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socio-economic context community desires human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socioeconomic context universal rights community desires legal theory Human Rights Norms human rights internet access state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions international law socio-economic context community desires human rights norms
test-religion-yercfrggms-con01a	In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism fallibility human understanding David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding faith-based evidence requirement agnosticism atheism evidence existence of God skepticism Hume doubt fallibility Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism fallibility doubt Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding positive evidence negative evidence definite negative evidence absence of evidence religious skepticism rational position fallibility human knowledge doubt truth claims universe atheism agnosticism faith-based human understanding David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding evidence requirement agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism fallibility doubt religion faith Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism fallibility doubt Hume human understanding faith theism agnosticism atheism evidence skepticism fallibility doubt Hume human understanding faith positive claims negative claims agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism fallibility doubt religion David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding faith agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism David_Hume Enquiry_Concerning_Human_Understanding faith fallibility truth universe doubt agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism fallibility human understanding David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding faith truth Universe doubt
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro03a	There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations payments historical wongs colonialism economic gains examples Germany Israel Holocaust Korea Japan compensation New Zealand Maoris Britain infrastructure support education damage occupation universal reparations past events historical wrongs colonialism domination countries Israel Germany Holocaust Korea Japan reparations post WWII Maori compensation Britain Africa education reparations payments historical wrong grievances colonial power dominating nations compensation examples Germany Israel Holocaust Korea Japan New Zealand Maoris iIraq Kuwait economic security universal education Africa support nation identity property land invasion occupation damage thievery infrastructure industry agriculture reparations past wrongs historical wrongs colonial powers reparation examples Germany-Israel Holocaust restitution Jewish property compensation Israeli infrastructure Germany payments Korea-Japan reparations Japan-Korea reparations Britain-New Zealand Maori compensation Iraq-Kuwait compensation domination countries reparation history reparation support Africa education reparations payments historical wrongs colonial powers dominating global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Korea japan World War II New Zealand Maoris Britain Iraq Kuwait education Africa grievances compensation reparations past events historical wrongs dominating global powers Germany Israel Holocaust reparations payments infrastructure development Korea japan Japan reparations Koreans colonialism Britain Maoris colonial powers Africa education compensation Germany-Israel reparations Germany-Israel agreement reparations payments historical wrongs colonial powers Germany Israel Holocaust Korea japan New Zealand Maoris iraq kutat education grievances damages nations compensation support economic security infrastructure reparations past payments historical wrong Germany Israel Holocaust Germany annual reparations Korea Japan World War II reparations Israel economic security Maoris Britain colonial times land compensation Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation 1990-91 grievances colonial powers Africa universal education nations damages pay domination countries examples precedent necessity support reparations past payments historical wrong Germany Israel Holocaust reparations infrastructure jewish property Israeli economic security Japan Korea World War II colonial power countries kings domination New Zealand Maori colonial times invasion occupation 1990-91 iraq kutais britain compensation damage universal education africa nations grievances appropriateness desirability payments restoration historical judgment justice reparations payments historical wrongs colonial powers global dominance Germany-Israel reparations Israel Holocaust German compensation Korea-Japan reparations Japan-Korea reparations Maori compensation Britain-New Zealand Iraq-Kuwait reparations education funding Africa colonialism domination countries grievances compensation examples
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro02a	Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 cluster bombs international law inconsistency power politics land mines human rights legitimacy transparency robustness dud bombs international legal system U.S.policy contradictions power dynamics country compliance legal enforcement humanitarian law landmine bans country acceptance international credibility cluster bombs international law inconsistency power dynamics land mines human rights violations legal system transparency country compliance dud bombs political influence credibility landmine ban cluster bombs international law dud cluster bombs land mines human rights violations US foreign policy legal consistency international legal system US influence country compliance legitimacy of international law cluster munitions banning cluster bombs landmine ban convention cluster bombs international law inconsistent land mines dud bombs political power human rights violations international community countries states legal system transparency robustness criteria for banning credibility legitimacy landmine bans U.S. influence international legal framework indiscriminate damage refusal to ban legal system weakness Humanitarian Law Convention on Cluster Munitions arms control salvage efforts mine clearance civilian casualties non-compliance consequences military strategy diplomatic impact cluster bombs international law robust legal system transparency U.S. international community dud cluster bombs land mines indiscriminate damage political power human rights violations legal consistency country acceptance legitimacy of international law influence of superpowers landmine bans cluster bombs international law dud cluster bombs political power land mines human rights violations legal system transparency inconsistency United States global credibility Cluster Bombs international law inconsistency land mines political power country acceptance legal system credibility human rights violations international community dud bombs indiscriminate damage weakness to influence rule enforcement cluster bombs international law legal system political power duds land mines human rights inconsistency credibility countries states legal enforcement cluster bombs international law inconsistency power dynamics land mines human rights legal system transparency country compliance legitimacy dud bombs political influence international law cluster bombs land mines U.S. political power credibility human rights enforcement transparency duds inconsistencies legal system landmines human suffering humanitarian law disarmament sovereignty legitimacy global governance
test-economy-egecegphw-con03a	The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, economic case expansion NEF cost analysis airport capacity London airports global connections short haul flights Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow recession impact technology trends business travel China flight restrictions economic impact environmental impact aviation policy airport congestion passenger numbers technological trends business travel reduction international flight agreements alternative airport usage air travel efficiency recession effects NEF study Heathrow expansion runway capacity limitations economic analysis NEF study air travel efficiency London airports runway capacity passenger numbers recession impact short haul flights alternative airports Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow expansion China flight agreement technology impact on-time performance airline profits environmental concerns noise pollution local opposition employment effects aviation economics airline industry trends transportation policy economic case for expansion NEF study cost benefit analysis airport capacity London airports global air travel connections European city comparisons air travel efficiency plane size increase short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow expansion recession impact future travel trends technology influence on travel China flight restrictions economic case expansion NEF study cost analysis airport connections global business destinations London airports short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow expansion recession impact technology trends air travel efficiency passenger numbers China flight agreement economic assumptions economic case for expansion cost analysis benefits vs costs London airports future travel trends runway capacity restrictions short haul flights alternative airport usage technology impact on air travel China flight restrictions economic case expansion NEF study cost analysis London airports runway capacity air travel efficiency short haul flights alternative airports recession impact technology trends international flight restrictions economic case expansion benefits NEF study cost analysis airport capacity global connections London airports flight efficiency short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow expansion recession impact technological trends business travel reduction international agreements aviation statistics economic case expansion NEF study runway capacity London airports flying efficiency short haul flights Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow passenger numbers recession technology business travel China flight agreement HACAN BAA economic impact aviation expansion airport congestion passenger numbers technology impact business travel reduction flight redirection runway capacity air travel efficiency alternative airports economic case against expansion
test-law-umtlilhotac-con02a	Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights open justice victims right to public trial international criminal trials television coverage closure legal systems ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha Tanzania 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televising trials large number of victims international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR victim closure constitutional amendments human rights conventions open justice victims public trial tv coverage international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor ICTR Arusha Tanzania closure victim rights 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights open justice principles public trial rights television coverage trials international criminal trials victim involvement closure for victims legal system transparency ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha constitutional amendments human rights conventions open justice victims public trial television coverage international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor ICTR Arusha Tanzania closure victim participation legal systems trial transparency Amendment 6 European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised trials victims rights international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor ICTR Arusha closure to victims 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised trials large number of victims international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR victim closure constitutional amendments human rights public access to justice distance barriers televised proceedings courtroom technology judicial transparency open justice public trial televised trials victims' rights international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor ICTR closure for victims constitutional amendments human rights open justice victims public trials tv coverage international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR closure victim participation legal systems Amendments to US Constitution European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trials televised trials legal systems victims' rights international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor ICTR closure transparency human rights constitutional amendments European Convention on Human Rights
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro04a	"Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) moral consistency speciesism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state experimentation ethics animal rights disability rights moral community potential suffering experimental ethics moral philosophy cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state speciesism moral consistency suffering capacity medical research ethics suffering capacity moral consistency specism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state medical research animal experimentation ethics morality disabled individuals philosophy moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state severely disabled morally inconsistent medical research experimental ethics common morality [1] Fox M.A. ""The Moral Community"" La Follette suffering capacity humans animals cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state specieism moral consistency medical research ethical experimentation suffering capacity moral consistency speciesism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state ethical research experimental ethics disabled rights animal experimentation moral consistency speciesism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state severely disabled medical research experimentation ethics suffering capacity cognitive impairments moral consistency animal experimentation persistent vegetative state ethical dilemmas speciesism medical research disabled rights moral community suffering capacity cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state moral consistency speciesism medical research ethical considerations animal experimentation disability ethics moral community ethical considerations animal experimentation cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state moral consistency speciesism biomedical research ethical stances disabled rights"
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro04a	"Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Euro membership currency conversion costs travel expenses accommodation booking remittance fees European tourism economic integration single European currency borderless travel currency exchange travel preparation holiday costs Eurozone benefits currency fluctuations tourism industry foreign exchange rates currency conversion euro adoption travel costs holiday expenses currency fragmentation booking accommodations international money transfer tourist expenses European currency union economic integration exchange rate impacts tourist economy travel facilitation cost reduction monetary union benefits Euro adoption currency conversion costs travel expenses holiday spending European currency unification foreign exchange fees booking accommodations abroad cross-border money transfer eurozone benefits currency conversion cost of travel euro adoption accommodation booking holiday expenses currency fragmentation money transfer Eurozone single currency benefits travel costs reduction Euro cost reduction travel expenses currency conversion accommodation booking money transfer tourism European Union economic integration exchange rates currency conversion travel costs European currency accommodation booking money transfer euro adoption holiday expenses currency fragmentation travel preparation single currency britain euro joining Euro travel costs currency conversion fees single European currency benefits holiday accommodation pricing international money transfer expenses Euro benefits currency conversion costs travel expenses reduction holiday accommodation pricing international money transfer savings single European currency advantages travel costs euro currency conversion holiday expenses accommodation booking single currency britain joining euro sending money abroad Europe travel costs euro single currency currency conversion accommodation booking money transfer holiday expenses Europe fragmented continent britain euro adoption"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START treaty nuclear weapons US Russia verification safety peace arms reduction diplomacy international relations security cold war alliances denuclearization conflict resolution trust building diplomatic negotiations global security defense policy popular opinion nuclear non-proliferation foreign policy diplomacy capitalism economics diplomatic relations diplomatic protocol nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence geopolitics power dynamics international law diplomatic history diplomatic strategy international cooperation international disputes New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations verification measures symbolic value international security Cold War legacy military deterrence Christian perspective diplomatic cooperation geopolitical stability arms control treaty nuclear disarmament defense strategy power dynamics peacekeeping efforts New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russian relations verification measures deterrence theory arms control symbolic value cold war legacy security studies nuclear non-proliferation peace advocacy international relations treaty ratification nuclear disarmament bilateral diplomacy military strategy power dynamics international security conflict resolution national security global stability policy analysis diplomatic history nuclear policy diplomacy effectiveness nuclear disarmament benefits New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations verification measures bilateral security nuclear disarmament global security Cold War tensions international cooperation nuclear proliferation nuclear deterrence peace treaties military strategy diplomatic negotiations nuclear verification strategic stability arms control nuclear non-proliferation security threats disarmament diplomacy international trust nuclear disarmament process nuclear weapons policy global nuclear态势 战略武器减少 核武器验证 双边安全 国际合作 核不扩散 核威慑 和平条约 军事战略 New START treaty nuclear weapons security ratification verification symbolic value cold war peace trust international relations arms reduction Davip Gushee Huffington Post Vladimir Putin Henry Kissinger George Shultz New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction symbolic value verification measures bilateral security peaceful cooperation international security nuclear disarmament cold war tensions trust building military planning nuclear deterrence US-Russia relations global safety New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russian relations symbolic value international security verification measures cold war dynamics peaceful cooperation nuclear disarmament trust building military strategy New START treaty safe world nuclear weapons US Russia Dr. David Gushee Huffington Post Prime Minister Vladimir Putin Prime Minister Putin security sin nuclear weapons Christian plea military planners verification window intelligence Russian nuclear arsenal US military peace cooperation Cold War nuclear build-ups trust Peace and Security world peace New START treaty New START Ratification Kissinger Shultz Eagleburger Baker Powell Republican case Washington Post cold war relations security studies nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation New START treaty nuclear weapons safety verification US Russia peace arms reduction Diplomacy cold war verification trust security nuclear disarmament Alliances power dynamics world peace diplomatic relations conflict prevention international relations treaty ratification nuclear proliferation security studies nuclear non-proliferation defense policy international security diplomatic negotiation diplomatic strategy diplomatic agreements diplomatic relations nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence nuclear strategy nuclear arms control nuclear weapons reduction nuclear arsenal management di New START treaty nuclear weapons verification security ratification world peace Dra David Gushee Vladimir Putin Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Cold War"
test-law-ilppppghb-con01a	"What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. democratic rights self-determination minority rights political power identity politics Franco era Spain Basques Catalans secession discrimination political exclusion voting rights protest rights lobby rights community rights state obligations democratic rights self-determination minority rights Franco era Basque nationalism Catalan independence identity politics political power secession protection rights democratic rights self-determination minority rights political power identity-based politics secession Franco era Spain Basques Catalans discrimination political exclusion voting rights protesting rights lobbying rights community rights state obligations democratic rights self-determination minority rights collective self-determination political power identity-based politics secession Franco era Spain Basques Catalans protection rights majority community democratic rights self-determination minority rights political power identity-based politics secession Franco era Spain Basques Catalans democratic rights self-determination minority rights Franco era Basque nation Catalans identity-based politics secession political power discrimination democratic rights self-determination minority rights political power identity-based politics secession Franco era Spain Basques Catalans democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights political power identity-based politics secession Franco era Spain Basques Catalans discrimination political representation voting rights protest rights lobby rights state obligations minority communities democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights Franco era Basque nation Catalans identity-based politics secession political power discrimination democratic rights self-determination minority rights political power identity-based politics secession Franco era Spain Basques Catalans"
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro01a	Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. free trade benefits economic growth market access innovation sharing reduced production costs labor mobility trade liberalization competitive advantage consumer benefits income disparity poverty reduction globalization impacts free trade benefits economic growth global competition innovation sharing production costs labor mobility company expansion consumer benefits employment opportunities free trade benefits economic growth trade barriers removal international competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility company expansion consumer benefits poverty reduction economic disparity global market access trade policies world trade organization development economics free trade benefits economic development market expansion reduced barriers international competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility transaction efficiency company growth consumer benefits poverty reduction trade liberalization income disparity globalization advantages free trade economic development market competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility resource access consumer benefits poverty reduction income disparity free trade benefits economic development market expansion reduced trade barriers innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility competitive advantage global markets income disparity poverty reduction international trade theory economic globalization trade liberalization multinational corporations supply chain integration regional trade agreements export opportunities import diversification tariff reduction non-tariff barriers trade facilitation economic integration trade policies trade agreement negotiations trade dispute resolution trade statistics economic growth indicators trade impact analysis trade policy implications trade economics trade policy effects trade policy challenges trade policy strategies trade policy tools trade policy instruments free trade economic development market access competition innovation production costs labor mobility income disparity poverty reduction consumer benefits employment opportunities free trade benefits economic development removal of trade barriers international competition innovation sharing production costs labor mobility transaction efficiency company resource expansion consumer benefit job opportunities free trade benefits economic growth trade barriers removal cross-border business regional competition innovation sharing production cost reduction labor mobility transaction advantages company resources consumer benefits employment opportunities free trade benefits economic competition reduced business barriers innovation sharing lower production costs labor mobility transaction outcomes company growth consumer benefits poverty reduction income disparity
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro03a	Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis global accord emissions reduction treaty ratification developing world right to develop fiscal transfers emissions growth China The Economist Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis global accord replacement treaty ratification emissions reduction treaty developing world wealth transfer budget deficits emissions growth China climate development Kyoto_Protocol GHG_emissions economic_crisis global_treaty emissions_reduction rich_world developing_world budget_deficits climate_change wealth_transfer emissions_caps China The_Economist Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis replacement treaty global emissions reduction treaty ratification developing world emissions caps wealth transfer budget deficits emissions growth China developed countries global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis emissions reduction treaty ratification developing world rich world budget deficits emissions caps china wealth transfer renewable energy carbon pricing emission trading adaptation strategies mitigation efforts climate change negotiations economic development environmental justice technological innovation international cooperation sustainable development policy frameworks green technologies emissions targets environmental agreements economic disparity greenhouse gas emissions climate finance technology transfer environmental regulation sustainable growth climate resilience climate diplomacy emission reduction climate policy environmental sustainability clean energy climate adaptation climate change impacts environmental impact climate justice emissions monitoring climate modeling carbon footprint climate variability climate change mitigation climate change adaptation environmental protection climate resilience planning climate policy analysis Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis treaty negotiation global emissions reduction developing world wealth transfer budget deficits emissions abatement China economic development negotiation failure climate change policy emissions growth The Economist Kyoto Protocol global GHG emissions economic crisis replacement treaty world leaders global emissions reduction developing world rich world emissions caps per capita emissions wealth transfer budget deficits emissions growth China climate accord developed countries Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis emissions reduction treaty ratification developing world right to emit budget deficits annual emissions China economic development climate change negotiations Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis treaty ratification global emissions reduction developing world emissions caps wealth transfer developed world budget deficits emissions growth China treaty inclusiveness
test-international-ehbfe-pro04a	The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. federalism economic success political unity externalities social policies environmental policies long-term stability citizen welfare market regulations international comparisons European Union federal states peace and prosperity democratic safeguards regulatory transfers development challenges union effectiveness federal model success democratic safeguards federal states peace prosperity USA standards of living Australia Canada federalism federal India democracy European social environmental policy single market regulation externalities European policies federal unity EU federalism europe success federal states USA Australia Canada India democracy peace prosperity social policy environmental policy externalities single market European Union citizen rights regulation democratic safeguards united states developing world economic unity political unity market integration environmental regulations social regulations federal models European social and environmental policies member states cross-border issues federalism advantages federal states success stories federal union benefits federal model europe federalism in european policy federal unity necessity federalism externalities federalism democratic safeguards federalism standards of living federalism long-term success federalism environmental policies federalism social policies federalism economic unity federalism comparison to non-eu federal states federal model success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India long-term democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market externalities EU unity federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards application of federalism European social policy single market externalities federal unity EU states federal countries federal model success criteria democratic safeguards European social policy environmental regulation single market externalities federal unity comparison with USA Australia Canada federal India economic success democratic success development challenges integration benefits federal model success criteria democratic safeguards federal states peace and prosperity standards of living federalism European social policy externalities single market federal unity federal India federal countries economic success democratic success social policies environmental policies member states regulation transfer EU cooperation federal model federal states democratic safeguards European social policy environmental policy single market externalities federal unity comparison federal countries successful federal states economic advantages federalism democratic success federalism social and environmental policies federal India federal Europe federal union European integration federal governance federal system benefits federalism European Union democratic safeguards federal states social policy environmental policy single market externalities federal unity comparative analysis successful federal models economic benefits political integration environmental regulations democratic success federal India European social and environmental policies
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con02a	The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, information protection data privacy personal information commercial data consumer profiling privacy concerns data mining user privacy data security individual rights economic privacy data ownership privacy violation data utilization individual identity consumer behavior data analysis privacy rights data sharing data collection privacy economics information disclosure digital privacy data protection privacy legislation information security privacy ethics information protection data privacy personal information commercial data privacy rights data mining consumer profiling individual identity economic sphere privacy violation firm-client relationship user preferences search history cookies privacy concerns data intermediaries data protection privacy concerns information sharing consumer profiling personal data commercial entities online behavior identity protection economic sphere user consent data collection privacy rights individual rights data utilization firm interactions data security information dissemination digital economy consumer behavior privacy legislation data ethics data management data analytics user experience digital privacy data mining consumer preferences privacy violations data transparency digital identity data ownership privacy policies data breaches information disclosure data privacy laws information sharing privacy concerns data mining personal information economic benefits data protection identity protection commercial entities consumer profiles online experience privacy violations individual rights firm-client relationship data security user preferences information disclosure privacy economics data collection methods identity revelation consumer profiling economic sphere evolution privacy legislation data utilization data dissemination individual consent commercial targeting data intermediaries information sharing privacy concerns data protection consumer profiling economic sphere personal data firm interaction information disclosure commercial entities online experience identity protection data mining client understanding ad targeting privacy violation data intermediaries individual rights economic evolution personal information data usage privacy economics consumer behavior data collection information dissemination information privacy data protection personal data information sharing privacy concerns data collection commercial entities consumer profiling online experience data security privacy rights economic sphere information dissemination individual identity search histories cookies data mining privacy violation client understanding ad targeting information protection privacy concerns data mining consumer profiling personal data firm interaction economic sphere data utilization commercial entities user identity security settings privacy violation individual rights information dissemination data selling online experience improvement data gathering client understanding ad targeting data privacy personal information commercial entities consumer profiling information disclosure privacy rights data protection economic sphere client understanding individual identity data mining ad targeting search histories cookies privacy concerns intermediary security privacy violation economic evolution data utilization information efficiency firm interaction privacy protection privacy economics information privacy data protection consumer profiling economic sphere personal data privacy concerns information sharing data mining commercial entities online experiences identity protection data security consumer behavior data collection individual rights privacy violation economic evolution personal information data intermediaries information privacy data mining personal information commercial use data protection privacy concerns data intermediaries consumer profiling identity protection economic privacy data collection methods online behavior analysis
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greece Eurozone default economic crisis domino effect investor confidence capital flight Germany Netherlands Italy Portugal Ireland Eurozone stability ECB budget deficit rising interest rates government bonds fiscal policy credit ratings Greek default Eurozone countries speculation on defaults capital flows GDP ratio budget deficit interest rates ECB support financial crisis Greek default Eurozone countries tremendous shockwaves investor wariness default risk in Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight to Germany Netherlands speculation about defaults government bond demand interest rates budget deficit ECB support Greek exit euro currency union Greek default Eurozone countries Greece exit euro Risk contagion Portugal default Spain default Italy default Ireland default Capital flight Bond demand Interest rates Budget deficit Government bonds ECB support Financial strain Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect investor confidence capital flight Germany Netherlands default risk bond demand interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greece default impact Eurozone stability risk contagion market speculation bond demand interest rates GDP ratio financial support ECB role Greek default Eurozone countries risk propagation capital flight financial instability default speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB support Germany Greek default Eurozone countries risk propagation capital flight speculation on defaults government bond demand interest rate increase budget deficit Greece exit economic instability ECB support financial strain Greece default Eurozone countries Risk contagion Financial stability Investor confidence Capital flight Bond demand Interest rates Budget deficits ECB support GDP ratio Default risk Greece default Eurozone countries risk analysis capital flows default speculation budget deficit GDP ratio financial support ECB
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con03a	“After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, budget job creation debt taxpayer economic crisis healthcare policy enterprise regulation taxation GDP growth unemployment government involvement market regulation Democratic Party FDR comparison Obama budget policy jobs creation economic crisis taxpayer money democrat policies health care reform enterprise encouragement government involvement market regulation GDP growth unemployment rate [i]Kristol William Weekly Standard npr budget policies jobs creation economic crisis taxpayer money health care reform government involvement market regulation GDP growth unemployment rates Democratic Party fiscal responsibility job creation stimulus failure debt increase enterprise encouragement political economy Obama legacy economic stimulus public sector expansion budget-busting policies jobs debt profligacy taxpayers economic crisis health care government involvement enterprise industry GDP growth unemployment regulation taxation comparison FDR budget-busting policies jobs debt profligate taxpayers economic crisis health care government involvement enterprise industry business regulation taxation GDP growth unemployment Kristol William Weekly Standard budget-busting policies jobs debt profligacy taxpayers economic crisis health care government involvement enterprise industry business regulation taxation GDP growth unemployment Obama FDR Kristol budget policy job creation national debt taxpayer funds economic crisis healthcare policy government intervention market regulation GDP growth unemployment rates government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies financial management economic stimulus market failure public sector expansion budget-busting politics economic_crisis debt taxpayers money health_care policies government_control entrepreneurship regulation taxation unemployment GDP_growth American_people market_regulation comparison_to_FDR budget-busting policies jobs debt profligacy taxpayers money economic crisis health care government involvement enterprise industry business GDP growth unemployment regulation taxation William Kristol npr comparison FDR budget-busting policies jobs debt profligacy taxpayers economic crisis health care government involvement enterprise industry business GDP growth unemployment regulation taxation i Kristol Weekly Standard Obama FDR
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro01a	Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. equality opportunity social mobility education UK state education private schools vouchers funding inequality educational disparities privileged underprivileged subsidies charitable organizations access reform policy outcomes improvement disadvantaged affluent education reform educational reform education inequality state vs private education voucher scheme educational funding charitable schools social mobility UK education policy educational opportunities wealth disparity private school subsidies substandard education educational vouchers charitable organizations access to education educational standards income inequality UK state schools private education costs educational outcomes social class educational reform voucher impact educational equality equality opportunity social mobility education inequality private schools state education UK vouchers charitable organizations substandard education privileged access funding educational disparity tuition fees public schools meritocracy educational reform socioeconomic status educational attainment equality opportunity state education UK education private schools voucher scheme educational inequality sub-standard education charitable schools educational subsidies access to education socio-economic differences educational reform educational funding social mobility public schools free education education policy equality opportunity social mobility state education UK investment private schools vouchers privileged education reform inequality equality opportunity state education failure private school vouchers education funding disparity charitable private schools educational access poverty wealth impact education substandard education improvement social mobility through education education reform UK equality opportunity socio-economic education disparity private schools vouchers charitable organizations sub-standard investment UK pupils access privileged peers charitable subsidy families state education public schools tuition fees social mobility educational inequality resource allocation educational funding school choice meritocracy equality opportunity state education failure private school access educational vouchers social mobility charitable private schools sub-standard education UK education policy equality opportunity socio-economic差距 教育公平 私立学校补贴 公立教育改革 社会阶层影响 教育资源分配 贫富差距 学校选择权 教育投资效果 education funding private school vouchers state school performance socioeconomic disparities educational charity access to private education educational subsidies voucher schemes educational inequality state education reform charitable private schools substandard education educational opportunity wealth gap public vs private education educational outcomes social mobility educational policy school choice education investment charitable organizations in education
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con03a	The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, search effectiveness expansion terms privacy individual rights state intrusion personal matters private consensual environment conduct marriage tradition religion denomination european states non-traditional gay arranged forced marriages harms legislation regulation consent rights infringement protection daily beast state intrusion private matters consensual environment individual conduct european states non-traditional marriages gay marriages perverse step arbitrary regulation consenting adults harmful side forced marriages outlawed rights protection EU states state intrusion personal matters private consensual environment individual rights marriage traditions religion arranged marriages forced marriages European states non-traditional marriages gay marriages legal rights consent infringement protection laws freedoms regulation definitions EU privacy personal matters individual conduct private environment state intrusion consensual relationships marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages EU states human rights legal protections consent rights infringement search efficiency enlarge query valuable terms expand query arranged marriages gay marriages private matters consensual environment state intrusion European states human rights forced marriages infringement arbitrary regulations consenting adults proven harms legalization protection individual rights religious freedom tradition denomination policy enforcement harmful practices search optimization query expansion personal matters private environment state intrusion consent arranged marriages gay marriage legal rights European states individual freedom civil liberties forced marriages EU regulations search accuracy query expansion personal matters state intrusion private environment consensual relationships non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages European states legal rights human rights infringement protection laws marriage traditions religion denomination consent definition rights infringement legal protections state intrusion private matters consensual environment individual rights european states non-traditional marriages gay marriages perverse step backwards arbitrary definition consenting adults harmful side forced marriages outlawed rights infringement [1] Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal personal matters private environment consensual relationships state intrusion European states non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages human rights EU states legal rights marriage traditions religion consent definition of marriage legal protection infringement of rights search outcomes expansion terms beneficial terms private matters individual conduct state intrusion arranged marriages non-traditional marriages gay marriages consensual environment legal rights EU states forced marriages human rights religious freedom marriage traditions legal protection personal autonomy
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con03a	Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste recycling Integral Fast Reactors renewable energy nuclear reactor types waste reduction nuclear power benefits energy sustainability nuclear waste management advanced reactor technology sustainable nuclear energy radioactive waste decay nuclear fuel cycle nuclear proliferation prevention integral fast reactors nuclear waste recycling energy production electricity generation uranium utilization long-term energy source reduced waste half-life storage feasibility nuclear power fear of nuclear power Nuclear Reaction PBS George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear waste recycling integral fast reactors nuclear energy efficiency waste reduction in nuclear reactors nuclear reactor types uranium utilization nuclear weapon waste disposal long-term energy solutions nuclear power safety nuclear fuel recycling technology nuclear waste management energy production sustainability nuclear technology advancements nuclear waste half-life alternative nuclear reactors nuclear waste reuse Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactor types energy production efficiency long-term energy solution nuclear weapon waste utilization reduced nuclear waste half-life reduction nuclear power benefits nuclear energy sustainability advanced nuclear technology Nuclear waste reuse electricity Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactor types energy production waste recycling long-term energy nuclear weapon waste reduced waste half-life storage feasibility nuclear power energy source environmental impact nuclear technology advancements Nuclear waste recycling Integral Fast Reactors energy production efficiency waste reduction reactor technology long-term energy solution nuclear weapon disposal waste half-life sustainable nuclear power nuclear proliferation prevention Nuclear waste reprocessing Integral Fast Reactors energy production nuclear reactors uranium recycling waste reduction half-life long-term energy nuclear power storage feasibility nuclear waste reuse integral fast reactors electricity production long-term energy source nuclear reactor types waste recycling energy efficiency nuclear weapons disposal radioactive waste reduction storage feasibility nuclear waste reuse electricity integral fast reactors uranium nuclear reactor types energy production waste recycling long-term energy source radioactive waste management half-life storage requirements nuclear power fear of nuclear power Sellafield nuclear solution nuclear waste recycling integral fast reactors uranium utilization long-term energy solutions waste reduction nuclear weapon waste energy production efficiency radioactive waste management nuclear reactor types energy sustainability
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro03a	It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, CAP developing world oversupply food prices agricultural policies European Union subsidies cereal stocks wine surplus technological efficiency GDP unemployment self-sufficiency African agriculture Asian agriculture food aid trade impacts CAP European Union agricultural policy developing countries food surplus economic impact agricultural technology self-sufficiency unemployment trade effects European agricultural model subsidies cereal production wine surplus developing world economy agricultural efficiency food prices rural employment globalization agricultural subsidies EU agriculture food security agricultural productivity European market dominance rural development economic dependence agricultural trade CAP reform food aid rural poverty agricultural innovation global agriculture trade imbalances CAP economies developing world oversupply food subsidies Agricultural Policy surplus cereals wine European Union subsidies advanced technologies unemployment self-sufficiency Africa Asia GDP local producers economic impact trade imbalance CAP developing world agricultural policy oversupply food subsidies cereal stocks wine surplus European Union developing country impact unemployment self-sufficiency agricultural technology economic dependency food security trade imbalance rural economy market distortion sustainable development food prices economic disparity global agriculture agricultural subsidies CAP developing world oversupply food prices agricultural subsidies cereal stocks wine surplus European Union agriculture economic impact unemployment self-sufficiency technological efficiency African agriculture Asian agriculture CAP agricultural policy developing world food surplus economic impact European Union agricultural subsidies food prices technological advancement self-sufficiency unemployment stockpiles cereal surplus wine surplus global agriculture food security trade imbalance technological efficiency rural economy subsidy effect CAP economies developing world oversupply food aid 2008 cereal stocks wine surplus European Union exports local agriculture unemployment Africa Asia self-sufficiency agricultural policy food production economic impact advanced technology GDP trade subsidies CAP economies developing world food surplus wine surplus stockpiles Africa Asia unemployment self-sufficiency advanced technologies GDP economic impact European Union exports local producers agriculture dependency butter mountain CAP agricultural policy developing countries food surplus economic impact subsidies globalization agriculture economy technological advancement food security unemployment trade imbalance European Union cereal production wine surplus developing world self-sufficiency rural economy CAP European Union agricultural policies developing countries food surplus economic impact agriculture efficiency trade imbalance self-sufficiency unemployment technological advancements cereal stockpiles wine surplus subsidies food prices rural economy dependency market distortion
test-economy-egppphbcb-con01a	Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. inequality capitalism socialism humanity economic disparity profit maximization outourcing malnutrition starvation bargaining power globalization human needs communism socialism capitalism inequality poverty wealth globalization outsourcing labor rights wage disparity hunger malnutrition worker exploitation profit maximization human needs communism 马克思 恩格斯 卡尔·马克思 inequality capitalism socialism humanitarian economy outsourcing globlization profit malnutrition hunger bargaining power wages wealth distribution equality labor globalinequality worker rights international relations socialism capitalism wage inequality profit motive globalization hunger poverty worker exploitation communist system human needs economic justice income distribution welfare state socialist economy class struggle surplus value labor rights socialism equality humanitarian inequality poor rich capitalist profit outsourcing globalization workers bargaining wages malnutrition hunger CEO Marx Engels critique gross injustice socialism equality humanitarian social justice capitalism inequality globlization profit maximization worker rights bargaining power communism wealth disparity hunger poverty child mortality profit motive billionaire workers' conditions minimum wage global inequality worker exploitation socialism equality humanitarian capitalism inequality globlization outourcing wages profit malnutrition starvation bargaining power distribution Marx Engels Forbes WorldFoodProgramme MarxistInternetArchive socialism humanity equal society inequality poor rich countries WarrenBuffett wealth malnutrition hunger starvation capitalist profit wages outsourcing bargaining position socialism production workers CEO Communism Marx Gotha Programme Marxist Internet Archive socialism equality humanitarian inequality poor rich capitalism profit malnutrition outsourcing bargaining wages CEO workers globalization starvation Marx Engels Forbes WorldFoodProgramme MarxistInternetArchive socialism equality humanitarian economic disparity capitalism profit maximization globalization inequality malnutrition hunger bargaining power wealth distribution CEO pay gap workers rights Communism Marx Engels profit motive
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance healthcare poverty loan credit financial inclusion non-financial services health education Ghana illness population accessibility poor economic protection financial support healthcare systems integration socioeconomic status health outcomes financial services loan accessibility credit facilities poverty alleviation healthcare financing microfinance institutions healthcare affordability financial protection financial exclusion public health healthcare accessibility healthcare financing models poverty cycle banking facilities financial inclusion policies healthcare delivery financial assistance healthcare financing challenges financial services for the microfinance health care poor access loans credit financial services health education non-financial services integration poverty healthcare systems Ghana Ofori-Adjei ill health economic inclusion financial inclusion microfinance protection health care poor banking facilities loans credit healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility household poverty non-financial services health education microfinance schemes health care access poor households financial inclusion health education microfinance institutions Ghana poverty alleviation health financing non-financial services financial assistance healthcare systems integration economic empowerment health outcomes loan provision financial exclusion health care affordability microcredit financial services poverty reduction health literacy financial products health insurance rural finance social impact economic vulnerability health equity financial health community health economic stability financial management health care services financial resilience microinsurance financial technology health economics financial inclusion strategies health care delivery financial literacy health Microfinance protection access to loans health care banking facilities financial services poor households health education poverty alleviation non-financial services healthcare systems economic inclusion microfinance health care poor protection loans credit access banking facilities financial services non-financial services health education integration income irregularities affordability poverty household protection healthcare systems Ghana Ofori-Adjei microfinance health care poverty reduction financial inclusion health education financial services access to loans credit facilities non-financial services healthcare systems financial protection economic empowerment household income health outcomes healthcare accessibility financial inclusion programs microfinance institutions health financing financial exclusion health literacy poverty alleviation health services financial assistance health care affordability microfinance healthcare poverty reduced loan access financial inclusion non-financial services illness prevention health education poor households economic protection Ghana income irregularity sustainable health access microfinance healthcare poverty reduction financial_inclusion loan_access credit_services health_education income_irregularity household_financing poverty_alleviation health_care_accessibility non_financial_services healthcare_systems government_intervention financial_protection poor_population health_outcomes financial_exclusion Ofori-Adjei 2007 Ghana integration social_impact economic_independence wellness_programs microfinance health care poverty alleviation financial inclusion non-financial services health education Ghana Ofori-Adjei healthcare systems financial protection loan access irregular incomes household poverty healthcare accessibility
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con02a	"Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. 1967 borders peace process Israeli security Palestinian state Middle East volatility deterrence strategic depth conflict likelihood regional stability Islamist threat Israel borders peace prospects security concerns Middle East aggression defensible borders future scenarios geopolitical tensions 1967 borders security concerns Middle East stability Israeli defense Palestinian state deterrence regional conflicts strategic depth deter aggressors unpredictable events geopolitical risks Israeli vulnerability peace prospects Middle East volatility Islamic militants Israel security border disputes strategic targets deterrence failure regional instability future threats defensive borders 1967 borders security concerns Israeli borders Palestinian state deterrence Middle East conflicts strategic depth war likelihood defensive borders regional stability geopolitical risks Israel's safety border disputes conflict escalation historical tensions future threats military vulnerabilities regional alliances geopolitical volatility Middle East security strategic geography military strategy peace prospects returning to 1967 borders palestinian state judea and samaria israeli security strategic depth deterrent capability middle east volatility iraq shiite state palestinian majority in jordan egyptian regime control islamist elements israeli defense strategy islamist identity in gaza 1967 borders security concerns Israeli borders Middle East conflict deterrence strategic depth Palestinian state war likelihood region stability Israel defense historical aggression Middle East volatility Iran influence Iraq state evolution Jordanian politics Egyptian regime Islamic militants Gaza conflict Hamas search performance relevant expansion phrases 1967 borders Israel Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict security American ambassador UN 1967 war Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries Middle East aggression deterrence peace conflict likelihood regional stability historical aggression unpredictable future Middle East volatility Israel's security strategic depth narrow country targeted tactical range deter aggressors Israel's history King Abdullah Jordan Shi'ite state Iran militant Islamic elements Egyptian regime narrow geographical 1967 borders security Middle East conflict Israel Palestinian state deterrence strategic depth aggression defensible borders peace volatility Islamic militants geopolitical strategy regional stability Israeli security historical context future scenarios 1967 borders security deterrence Israel Palestinian state Middle East aggression strategic depth terrorism conflict defensible borders peace Islamic militants unpredictability regional stability 1967 borders Middle East security concerns Israeli-Palestinian conflict strategic depth deterrence regional stability unpredictable future Middle Eastern volatility defensive borders peace prospects Islamic militants geopolitical risks Israeli vulnerability territorial disputes 1967 borders security concerns Israeli defense regional stability peace prospects Middle East conflicts strategic depth deterrence border expansion diplomatic history geopolitical risks"
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro04a	Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 transparency mistakes accountability security audit waste costs military national security pentagon dod defense budget crony capitalism life and death accountability mechanisms oversight corruption prevention transparency security accountability defense audit military waste Pentagon life and death decisions critical infrastructure protection transparency in security preventing errors correcting security flaws transparency importance security transparency benefits transparency vs security trade-offs transparency mistakes correction accountability security audit waste military national security life and death costly waste correction defense budget crony capitalism transparency security accountability measures audit processes mistake prevention life and death situations financial waste defense budget crony capitalism military spending security apparatus public oversight correction mechanisms critical infrastructure ethical considerations governmental transparency operational efficiency transparency mistakes security audit waste accountability life and death costly military national security defense budget crony capitalism pentagon effective governance transparency security accountability corrections audits mistakes life and death waste Pentagon Defense Department Crony Capitalism military budget transparency mistakes security audit waste accountability costly military national security pentagon schneier schweizer crony capitalism transparency mistake_correction audit security_apparatus accountability waste military national_security pentagon crony_capitalism defense_budget life_and_death costly_operations [1] [2] transparency accountability security mistakes corrections audits military defense waste Pentagon Crony capitalism audits accountability mechanisms security apparatus life and death scenarios financial oversight public trust regulatory compliance ethical standards governance transparency benefits error prevention rapid response decision-making processes strategic planning operational efficiency risk management public scrutiny whistleblower protection integrity oversight bureaucratic inefficiencies security apparatus mistake correction accountability audit waste military spending life and death decisions crony capitalism transparency importance defense budget
test-law-tahglcphsld-con02a	More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf search effectiveness drug legalization public health drug policy illegal drugs drug use consequences OECD countries cannabis alcohol tobacco legality survey deterrent prohibition statistics drug legalization drug use statistics illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco use drug policy cannabis legality drug criminalization drug prohibition drug decriminalization public health impact drug policy effectiveness drug control drug market drug regulation drug addiction drug policy research drug enforcement drug education drug prevention drug treatment drug policy debates legalization effects of legalization drug policy illicit drug use public health alcohol consumption tobacco use cannabis statistics policy analysis drug control drug regulation criminology social consequences illegality impact population behavior economic implications drug legalization drug policy drug use statistics illegal drug use alcohol consumption tobacco use drug decriminalization drug availability drug addiction public health impact criminal justice system drug prevention drug education drug enforcement drug treatment drug economics drug harm reduction drug trafficking drug crime drug regulation drug market drug policy reform drug laws drug policy evaluation drug user behavior drug policy analysis drug policy comparison drug policy effectiveness drug policy outcomes drug policy challenges search efficiency expand query drug legalization negative consequences drug use OECD countries illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco smoking Australian survey cannabis use prohibition deterrence search performance recommendation system drug legalization public health drug use statistics policy analysis illegal substances criminal justice addiction rates drug policy drug enforcement substance abuse public opinion legal reform drug market social consequences drug regulation economic impact health outcomes crime rates drug education risk assessment user behavior policy evaluation global drug trends search accuracy drug legalization drug use consequences illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco use drug policy criminalization impact survey data cannabis use drug enforcement drug availability public health addiction rates OECD countries drug prohibition drug decriminalization drug statistics drug enforcement policies drug-related crimes search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords drug legalization negative consequences drug use OECD countries drug availability illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco smoking Australian survey cannabis use drug prohibition drug policy drug decriminalization public health crime statistics drug addiction substance abuse drug enforcement drug markets drug policy analysis search results drug legalization economic consequences public health survey data cannabis usage illegality impact OECD countries drug policies criminology research search outcomes beneficial expansion terms drug legalization negative consequences population trends OECD countries cannabis use illegality impact policy analysis drug policy effectiveness recreational drug use social consequences public health impacts
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro01a	Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. open source software government needs adaptive development model hierarchical organization open market fluid product user modification source code rapid evolution closed source monopolistic producer robust responsive Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source software advantages government software needs software development models open market collaboration hierarchical organization contrast software evolution user modification capabilities rapid software improvement open source quality adaptability to needs open source community closed source comparison software development culture programmer curiosity optimal solutions robust software responsive to changes open source advantages government software needs decentralized development adaptive software user contribution code modification competitive evolution open market analogy software quality improvement rapid fixing coder curiosity wide ranging solutions optimal solution discovery robust software responsive software closed source comparison Eric Raymond cathedral and bazaar monastic order early twentieth century business military hierarchy top-down management open source culture high quality software customizable software dynamic software development technological adaptation innovation in coding collaborative programming software evolution user empowerment technological flexibility open source governance software development models open source software advantages open source development model hierarchical organization traditional business structure open market collaboration software adaptation user modification source code improvement rapid evolution collegiate coding culture open source quality monopolistic producers robust software responsive to needs code solutions optimal solution discovery software adaptation flexibility open source vs closed source software development innovation open source community user engagement in development software modification benefits software development flexibility software evolution process open source software benefits open source software adoption open source software adaptability governmental needs hierarchical organization open market software development top-down management user modification rapid evolution collegiate culture coding solutions quality improvement program adaptation robustness responsiveness open source software adaptability government needs development model hierarchical organization open market user contributions source code modification evolution fast improvement collegiate culture curiosity wide range of ideas coding problems high quality programs robustness responsiveness closed source alternatives change adaptation Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source software adaptability government needs hierarchical organization open market fluid product user modification source code evolution faster pace collegiate culture curiosity wide range of ideas optimal solution high quality programs robustness responsive to needs closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source software adaptability governmental needs hierarchical organization open market user engagement collegiate culture software improvement rapid development monopoly responsiveness solution generation quality programs code modification user distribution optimal solution coding innovation software refinement dynamic adaptation open source software adaptability government needs hierarchical organization open market user engagement source code modification rapid evolution collegiate culture curiosity quality programs monopolistic producers robustness responsive to needs Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar coding problems optimal solutions open source software government needs software development hierarchical organization open market software evolution user modifications faster adaptation open source community software quality customizable programs robust software responsive software coding problems optimal solutions Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar software flexibility
test-international-segiahbarr-con02a	Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 democracy authoritarianism hybrid regimes economic growth poor governance African dictators Robert Mugabe undemocratic states Western democracy political contention African dictatorships democracy in Africa political systems in Africa governance in Africa economic impact of dictatorship Robert Mugabe pictures of Mugabe sleeping ministers poor governance authoritarian regimes in Africa hybrid regimes in Africa majority states undemocratic democracy aspiration Africa dictatorship democratic authoritarian hybrid poor governance economic growth Mugabe Robert Mugabe ministers african dictatorship brutal corrupt poor leadership progress contention government type Western eyes brutal regime corrupt regime aspirational democracy dictatorial regime poor governance effects economic summit leadership enthusiasm regime type dictators controversial leaders african economics Majority states undemocratic democracy aspiration Western eyes African dictators brutal regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes recent pictures poor leadership economic summit Zimbabwe democracy authoritarianism governance economic growth corruption African dictators Robert Mugabe poor leadership political systems Western perception hybrid regimes search optimization keyword expansion democratic states African politics dictatorship analysis governance quality economic impact political corruption leadership apathy historical context democratic aspirations authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Mugabe regime African economic development political contention government type democracy authoritarianism dictatorship governance economic growth African politics Robert Mugabe corruption hybrid regimes Western perspective democracy dictatorship African politics governance economic growth corruption Robert Mugabe undemocratic states hybrid regimes authoritarianism political contention search optimization keyword expansion democratic states African politics dictatorship governance quality economic growth political systems authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Robert Mugabe corruption summit attendance political leadership democracy aspirations Western perspectives African dictators economic development state governance political contention enhance search outcomes recommendation beneficial expansion terms query supplement majority of states undemocratic democracy aspiration Western eyes African dictators brutal corrupt regimes history poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers African-Arab economic summit enthusiasm country progress pictures 2013 Moyo
test-politics-lghwdecm-con04a	Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. mayor economic region city control neighbouring towns countryside inner city hub regional transport police split governance urban planning economic development political boundaries local authority administrative division metropolitan area Midlands economic regions mayoral control city hubs neighboring areas regional policy transportation mayor responsibilities police governance cross-city issues Midlands mayor economic region city control regional transport police jurisdiction urban planning governance metropolitan area municipal boundaries local government reform mayoral districts economic regions city integration regional governance political boundaries transport policy local authority cooperation urban planning economic development police jurisdiction Birmingham Coventry fusion mayor economic region city control transport policy police region birmingham coventry regional governance municipal boundaries economic development civic leadership political geography policy integration economic regions mayoral control city expansion regional policy urban planning economic development civic governance police jurisdiction transport policy mayoral authority birmingham and coventry civic boundaries mayor economic regions city control neighboring areas regional policy police cooperation Birmingham Coventry council boundaries political administration economic integration urban planning local governance metropolitan areas economic regions mayor control city hubs regional policy municipal boundaries urban planning local governance administrative divisions metropolitan areas police jurisdiction transport coordination urban economics political boundaries mayor economic region area control city hub neighbouring towns countryside inner city regional transport policy West Midlands police Birmingham Coventry split governance political confusion mayoral reform local authority management economic regions mayoral control city integration regional policies birmingham coventry split countryside inclusion urban hubs transport policy police jurisdiction economic areas administrative boundaries
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con03a	Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. United States dialects accents historical traditions cultural traditions political traditions linguistic diversity official language identity English language regional variations English dialects American accents linguistic diversity historical traditions cultural expressions political significance official language debate identity markers language standardization multiculturalism multilingualism dialect variation regional speech patterns United States dialects accents historical traditions cultural differences political traditions linguistic diversity identity English language official language cultural expressions regional variations linguistic diversity American dialects English language variations historical traditions cultural identity political significance official language debate linguistic standards identity expression regional accents language celebration United States dialects accents historical traditions cultural traditions political traditions linguistic diversity identity English language official language standard English language diversity celebration English dialects United States accents linguistic diversity official language cultural identity historical traditions political implications language standardization celebrating linguistic differences United States dialects accents historical traditions cultural traditions political traditions linguistic diversity English language official language identity Boston New York rural South United States dialects accents historical traditions cultural traditions political traditions linguistic diversity official language language celebration English language identity markers United States dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political implications official language identity expressions English language variation historical context English dialects linguistic diversity United States accents historical traditions cultural identity political implications official language debate identity expressions linguistic standards
test-law-tahglcphsld-con03a	Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. drug affordability drug consumption illegal drug trade drug regulation drug pricing black market drug addiction public health policy drug economics pharmaceutical pricing drug affordability drug regulation black market drugs drug consumption trends drug pricing policy illegal drug trade addiction economics drug user demographics pharmaceutical pricing drug legalization impacts drug affordability drug pricing policy black market drugs regulated drug markets drug consumption trends addiction economics drug legalization public health impact drug distribution networks pharmaceutical pricing strategies drug affordability pharmaceutical pricing black market drugs drug consumption rates regulated drug markets illicit drug trade drug accessibility public health impacts drug policy analysis drug user behavior drug pricing black market regulation economic impact consumption trends addict behavior public health policy cost-effectiveness analysis illegal drug trade drug affordability regulation impact on illicit markets pharmaceutical pricing economic factors in drug use black market drug trade drug consumption trends regulated drug distribution cost-effectiveness in healthcare population drug usage patterns drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption black market drug regulation addiction treatment drug policy pharmaceutical costs drug availability illegal drugs pharmaceutical pricing drug affordability regulated drug markets black market drugs cost impact on drug use population drug consumption addict drug use illegal drug trade drug regulation effects drug affordability drug consumption illegal drug markets drug regulation public health policy drug pricing addiction economics drug availability drug policy impacts drug affordability regulated drug markets illegal drug trade economic impact on drug use public health policy black market drugs cost-effectiveness in healthcare addict behavior analysis drug regulation enforcement substance abuse economics
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con01a	Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 trade natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity secondary sector tertiary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing China economic development trade economics Africa resource management primary sector secondary sector development tertiary sector commodity prices Nigeria economy external reserves resource extraction farming manufacturing industry Africa-China comparison Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture trade economics Africa natural resources primary sector secondary sector tertiary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium Nigeria economic revenue prosperity manufacturing China economic position debt external reserves trade expansion economic revenue natural resources Africa prosperity secondary sector development tertiary sector growth resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria economy manufacturing sector China comparison trade natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity resource management secondary sector tertiary sector primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing China trade expansion phrases natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity secondary sector development tertiary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing Africa-China comparison trade natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity secondary sector tertiary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing economic development China trade economics Africa natural resources primary sector commodity prices gold diamonds uranium Nigeria economic prosperity secondary sector tertiary sector economic revenue resource extraction farming external reserves debt reduction manufacturing development trade optimization natural resources economics Africa development primary sector resource extraction commodity prices economic revenue secondary sector tertiary sector Nigeria economy external reserves China manufacturing trade natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium secondary sector tertiary sector external reserves Nigeria economic position debt reduction manufacturing China
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con03a	"Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 advertising changes business self-regulation banning advertising legal frameworks enforcement mechanisms external regulation internal regulation consumer attitudes social corporate responsibility California Milk Board pubic pressure gender ethics advertising campaigns economic marketplace competitive interference corporate social responsibility advertising regulation corporate social responsibility business ethics consumer influence legal enforcement public pressure economic competition advertising campaigns gender sensitivity milk board controversy advertising changes business responsibility legal frameworks enforcement mechanisms external interference consumer attitudes social cultural environment California Milk Board pubic pressure corporate social responsibility gender ethics repressive methods competition economic marketplace self determination advertising campaigns banning ads advertising changes business self-regulation legal banning enforcement mechanisms external interference consumer attitudes public pressure social corporate responsibility competition marketplace regulation sexism in advertising corporate ethics Campaigns adjustment advertising changes business responsibility legal banning enforcement mechanisms external interference consumer attitudes California Milk Board social corporate responsibility pubic pressure gender ethics competitive market self-regulation advertising changes business self-regulation legal framework enforcement mechanisms external interference consumer attitudes public pressure California Milk Board social corporate responsibility gender ethics repressive methods economic marketplace corporate advertising strategies policy interventions marketing campaigns consumer behavior advertising regulations search accuracy advertising changes business responsibility legal framework enforcement mechanism external interference consumer attitudes social cultural environment California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility gender ethics advertising campaigns competitiveness market regulation self-determined methods search efficacy expansion keywords advertising changes business responsibility legal framework enforcement mechanism external interference consumer attitudes social cultural environment California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility economic marketplace competition self-determined methods advertising campaigns gender ethics CSR advertising regulation advertising regulation business ethics social corporate responsibility legal enforcement public pressure consumer attitudes competitive market gender advertising milk board ad campaign ethical advertising corporate social responsibility advertising changes business self-regulation social cultural impact legal banning consumer attitudes corporate social responsibility public pressure economic competition gender advertising ethical advertising"
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro01a	Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention political information soft-news outlets entertainment channels talk shows oprah winfrey political debate voter decisions information alignment complex discussion Obama Jay Leno dumb down political knowledge impact analysis personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels talk shows Obama campaign strategy political debate voter information voter alignment political beliefs sound-bites complex discussion celebrity endorsements Drezner Prior Baum Jamison personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention political information soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey political debate political analysis shallow debate voter decisions democratic process informed voters sound-bites policy analysis politician strategies celebrity endorsement political beliefs opinion pieces political knowledge soft news impact personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels political information celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey Obama joke shows political debate voter decisions democratic impacts political knowledge sound-bites opinion pieces policy analysis celebrity endorsements media influence political discourse information quality media politics political communication dumbing down media strategies political engagement personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention political information soft-news outlets entertainment channels political debate voter decision-making information alignment short sound-bites democratic impact opinion pieces policy analysis celebrity endorsements complicated discussion Drezner Markus Prior Matthew A. Baum Angela Jamison personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process mass media entertainment channels political information soft-news outlets media attention political debate voter decisions informative voting discussion complexity campaign strategies celebrity endorsements political knowledge opinion pieces policy analysis sound-bites Obama and comedy shows political misinformation public opinion influence media bias democracy impact personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention political information soft-news outlets entertainment channels talk shows political debate voter decision-making informative voting complex ideas sound-bites opinion pieces policy analysis celebrity endorsements dumbing down Obama Jay Leno Tonight Show Markus Prior Daniel W. Drezner Matthew A. Baum Angela Jamison Oprah Winfrey personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process mass media court media attention political information soft-news outlets entertainment channels political debate voter decision-making discussion depth political misinformation celebrity endorsements media influence opinion pieces policy analysis political knowledge short sound-bites dumb down political engagement information quality personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process mass media court media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels political information political debate voter decisions dumbing down political endorsement media influence democratic impacts political knowledge complex discussion media effects opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy celebrity endorsements sound bites personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention political information soft-news outlets entertainment channels politics and media celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey political debate voter decision-making political knowledge sound-bites Obama joke media influence political campaign strategy dumbing down political discourse citizen engagement democracy quality
test-international-gsciidffe-con01a	"The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 international relations sovereign equality United Nations Charter non-interference state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction United Nations political status economic development cultural development national sovereignty international law global governance state intervention human rights philosophical sovereignty international relations sovereign equality United Nations Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty non-interference policy United Nations interventions state legitimacy global governance human rights political development cultural autonomy diplomatic relations international law sovereignty disputes UN resolutions state autonomy foreign intervention international relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty United Nations non-intervention political status economic development social development cultural development international law Philpott sovereignty United Nations General Assembly electoral processes international relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty non-interference policy United Nations government legitimacy power dynamics global governance human rights self-determination political development cultural freedom social progress international law diplomatic relations global politics state autonomy international cooperation global ethics sovereignty debates international system equality non-interference principle of sovereign equality UN Charter international relations state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction intervention right to self-determination censorship power dynamics United Nations charter electoral processes international relations sovereign equality United Nations Charter non-interference state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction United Nations global governance human rights national sovereignty electoral processes international law United Nations Charter equality sovereign equality international relations domestic jurisdiction United Nations intervention right to self-determination censorship non-interference UN General Assembly electoral processes philosophy of sovereignty international system equality non-interference principle of sovereign equality UN Charter international relations state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction United Nations intervention right to self-determination circumventing censorship power dynamics electoral processes national sovereignty international relations sovereignty United Nations Charter non-interference domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty UN General Assembly political status economic development social development cultural development external interference Philpott sovereignty philosophy international relations sovereignty UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state equality non-interference UN General Assembly international system political status economic development cultural development Philpott Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy"
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con01a	Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. community radio extremism unregulated airwaves sectarian divisions democratic values mullahs middle east talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion mullahs democrat views toxic options arab world access to technology fanatics democrats rwanda genocide hate speech radio jamming united nations chapter vii authority incendiary broadcasts community radio extremism democrat sectarian divisions mullah democracy middle east talk radio divisiveness fanatics genocide Rwanda hate speech jamming international law conflict media influence pluralism diversity opinion reinforcement toxic legacy UN intervention hate media countermeasures community radio extremism unregulated media sectarian divisions democratization middle east talk radio divisive media mullahs democracy technology genocides hate speech Rwanda radio jamming sectarian conflicts pluralism diversity opinion fragmentation toxic media democratic options Arab world media regulation media influence democratic societies media access fanatics media propaganda media effects media and conflict media and democracy media and extremism media and genocide media and hate speech media and politics media and society media and technology media and human rights media and culture community radio extremism talk radio sectarian divisions democrat mullah genocides hate speech radio jamming democratization toxic media pluralism media regulation Rwanda genocide hate media fanatics democracy promotion media influence technological access media literacy conflict prevention media ethics community radio extremism democrat sectarian divisions talk radio Rwanda genocide hate speech radio jamming democracy Middle East pluralistic society media influence genocide media regulation democratic process fanatics Rwanda technology media bias conflict prevention media ethics communication technology hate media democratic development media and politics radio stations minority rights media law peacebuilding media freedom media effects international law media and violence media and democracy media and conflict media and human rights media and social change media and governance media and education media and public opinion community radio extremism democracy sectarian divisions talk radio Rwanda genocide hate speech radio jamming democratization media influence toxic legacy community radio extremism democrat sectarian divisions mullah toxic democracy Middle East talk radio divisiveness pluralism diversity fanatics Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio hate media United Nations radio jamming Chapter VII incendiary broadcasts community radio extremism democrat airwaves sectarian divisions technology democracy middle east talk radio divisiveness pluralism diversity mullahs mic toxic fandom access fanatics genocide Rwanda hate speech commercial talk radio hate media UN jamming authority violence Chapter VII community radio extremism democratization sectarian divisions Middle East talk radio democracy toxicity Rwanda genocide hate speech radio jamming media influence democracy promotion fanatics diverse opinions technology impact media regulation community radio extremism democratization airwaves regulation sectarian divisions democracy Middle East US talk radio Rwanda genocide hate speech media influence democratic options fanatics radio jamming United Nations genocide prevention technology and politics media ethics
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con03a	Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: poverty anxiety terrorism daily actions saving business risks international investment instability political violence vicious circle Northern Ireland economic opportunities community safety conflict economics exacerbation poverty anxiety community safety daily activities job security schooling fear attacks risk taking risks international investment market stability political violence Northern Ireland vicious circle equality of misery political instability economic impact security issues violence local economy potential opportunities peacebuilding efforts exacerbation poverty anxiety unsafe situations daily actions fear attacks risk taking set up business international companies instability local market spending vicious circle Northern Ireland political violence poverty continuation violence equality misery poverty political violence vicious circle unstable situation political instability economic consequences social impact terrorism effects community safety economic development security conflict resolution policy implications inequality mental health local economy foreign investment community resilience violence prevention political stability exacerbation poverty anxiety local community safety daily actions fear of attacks uncertainty setting up a business international companies unstable location local market saving taking risks vicious circle political violence Northern Ireland poverty and violence continuation of poor conditions equality of misery exacerbation poverty anxiety terrorism daily actions international investment local market violence vicious circle Northern Ireland poverty terrorism anxiety daily actions business risks instability economic opportunities political violence vicious circle local economy community safety conflict zones socioeconomic consequences fear of attacks business establishment violence perpetuation socio-economic conditions political stability psychological impact community well-being economic development social inequality public safety poverty alleviation terrorism effects community resilience economic insecurity peacebuilding efforts conflict economics exacerbation poverty anxiety daily actions terrorism safety international investment local economy vicious circle political violence northern ireland equality of misery exacerbation poor conditions terrorism community safety work education risk taking entrepreneurship investment unstable economy poverty anxiety vicious circle Northern Ireland political violence equality of misery poverty social instability terrorism economic impact fear community safety violence poor conditions psychological effects local economy international investment political violence northern ireland peace process vicious cycle public fear socioeconomic consequences security concerns poverty anxiety daily actions fear attacks saving risks business unstable international companies market violence Northern Ireland political violence vicious circle stability opportunities local community continuation economic impact social consequences
test-health-dhghhbampt-con03a	Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. alternative medicine holistic approach patient understanding symptom treatment individualized care wellness practitioners comprehensive assessment modern healthcare holistic healing integrative medicine comprehensive treatment patient-centered care alternative medicine holistic approach symptom treatment patient care individualized treatment traditional medicine whole person care medical practice comparison alternative practitioners modern medicine limitations alternative medicine holistic approach patient time symptom treatment individual assessment broader context healthcare providers practitioner focus medical practices whole person care symptom management comprehensive understanding therapeutic approach chronic conditions acute symptoms integrative medicine traditional medicine wellness focus health outcomes holistic healing diagnostic techniques alternative therapies holistic approach patient-centered care symptom management individualized treatment natural healing integrative medicine wellness practices chronic illness mental health traditional medicine complementary therapies wellness programs health outcomes holistic healing alternative health personalized medicine natural remedies traditional Chinese medicine Ayurveda naturopathy homeopathy functional medicine alternative medicine holistic approach patient understanding symptom treatment individualized care pathology assessment practitioner time comprehensive patient care alternative medicine holistic approach symptom treatment patient understanding whole person care medical practitioner comparison comprehensive assessment alternative medicine holistic approach patient understanding symptom treatment whole person care modern medicine limitations practitioner patient interaction diagnostic accuracy symptom management chronic illness perspective therapeutic relationship duration alternative medicine holistic approach patient time symptom treatment whole person care medical practitioners modern medicine limitations comprehensive assessment individualized treatment alternative medicine holistic approach patient understanding symptom treatment whole person care medical practitioners time spent with patients individualized assessment pathology recognition alternative therapies time spent with patients holistic approach symptom treatment whole person care individualized assessment patient understanding wider pathology modern medicine comparision practitioner effectiveness
test-economy-bepighbdb-con01a	Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, democracy economic development china economic policy free market south korea autocracy gini per capita spanish economic growth franco international trade eu membership civil war isolationism democracy economic development china's economic policies free market south korea economy spanish economic growth franco regime international trade gross national income economic miracles autocracy democratization world bank data democracy economic development china's economic policies freemarket policy dictatorship South Korea economy autocracy GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Franco regime international economy civil war EU membership democracy benefits economic development policy analysis china economic policies south korea democratization economic takeoff autocracy vs democracy spanish economic growth franco regime free market policies GNI per capita economic success fiscal policy political systems and economy international trade democracy economic development china's economic policies free market south korea autocracy democratization spanish economic growth frauco's regime growth metrics/world bank economic policies economic development democracy free market political systems China South Korea Spain Franco dictatorship GNI per capita EU membership civil war isolationism democracy economic development china's economic policies free market south korea economic takeoff autocracy democratization spanish economic growth franco 1960s economic miracle eu membership gini per capita democracy economic development china's economic policy free market autocracy South Korea economic takeoff Spanish economic growth 1950s economic miracle Franco regime World Bank GNI per capita democracy economic development china economic policies free market political systems South Korea economic takeoff autocracy GNI per capita Spain Franco 1950s economic growth international trade EU membership economic miracles isolationism democracy economic development free market policy growth China South Korea Spain Franco GNI per capita EU
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con02a	The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, liberal democracy china model government capitalism dissidents geopolitics rights civil liberties singapore authoritarianism trade cooperation Project Syndicate Foreign Affairs Yale Daily News liberal democracy Fukuyama's end of history Chinese model state capitalism authoritarian democracy civic liberties geopolitical map state-led capitalism dissidents communist party legitimacy economic growth political criticism cultural differences state punishment international cooperation social system governance models liberal democracy Fukuyama state capitalism Chinese model authoritarian democracy dissidents rule of law cultural relativism economic growth political freedoms governance models geopolitics international relations civil liberties political legitimacy political systems state power political criticism economic development human rights global cooperation liberal democracy alternative governance models state capitalism Chinese political system authoritarian democracy civic liberties state laws international relations geopolitical complexities economic growth vs liberties dissident suppression state legitimacy cultural relativism political paradigms global cooperation governance diversity political systems comparison political philosophy political stability civil rights economic development political freedom government authority political criticism political legitimacy political culture political economy political models political power political governance political dissent political systems analysis political ideology political philosophy theory political systems impact political systems evolution political systems critique political systems liberal democracy democratic paradigm state capitalism covenant with the people economic growth civil liberties authoritarian democracy geopolitics state's laws dissidents performance legitimacy modernization trade-offs geopolitical map state suppression cultural differences economic prosperity Western paradigm world economy social system cooperation peace one true model inferior models liberal democracy democratic paradigm state-led capitalist model Chinese model collective rights civil liberties geopolitical map state capitalism authoritarian democracy dissidents government authority economic growth political system comparison cultural differences state punishment globalization trade relations governance models dissent political legitimacy social system cooperation political criticism economic prosperity political repression political systems political freedom political legitimacy challenges political systems coexistence political power assertion political stability political influence political culture political philosophy political ideologies political economy political theory political sovereignty political authority political power political freedom trade-offs liberal democracy state-led capitalism covenant with the people civil liberties dissidents state's laws geopolitical map state capitalism authoritarian democracy collective model of rights civil liberties-centric model different versions of governance cooperation trade cultural differences superior model Western paradigm resentment conflict economic growth performance legitimacy communist party dissident punishment state authority social system world economy liberal democratic paradigm legitimate model of government china state-led capitalist model liberal democracy end of history Fukuyama geopolitical map different versions of governance states' laws respect covenant with the people communist party legitimacy economic growth prosperity dissidents trade-off authoritarian version of democracy singapore authoritarian democracy efficient peaceful state constraints on criticism rights model liberty model civil liberties-centric model cooperation trade peace resentment conflict cultures celebrate diversity democracies' paradigm liberal democracy Fukuyama's end of history Chinese model state capitalism authoritarian democracy dissidents geopolitics cultural relativism trade cooperation democracy promotion economic growth rights vs liberties Singaporean governance Amnesty International civil liberties collective rights liberal democracy Fukuyama state capitalism China's model authoritarian democracy dissidents governance models geopolitical map state-led capitalist model civil liberties collective rights Acemoglu Robinson Li Eric X Henderson Drew
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency medical treatment emergency response underling conditions presidential health ambulance delays emergency ward public awareness medical procedures prior notice political leadership fatal accidents healthcare protocols presidential mortality medical misinformation emergency services public health critical information sharing transparency emergency treatment medical protocol president health medical miscommunication ambulance delay emergency room presidential security advanced warning medical confidentiality political crisis transparency medical treatment presidential health emergency response ambulance dispatch hospital procedures advance notice public health political crisis medical ethics emergency protocols transparency emergency procedures medical awareness prompt treatment underlying conditions hospital admission presidential health media coverage public information emergency response medical protocols political transparency patient care emergency preparedness communication failure medical ethics government accountability healthcare system public trust crisis management patient rights medical communication leadership responsibility transparency emergency treatment prior warning doctors awareness ambulance delay presidential health emergency procedures 信息公开 救治时间 医疗通知 transparency medical treatment emergency response patient awareness healthcare procedures leadership accountability accident outcomes medical conditions emergency ward access public health medical protocols political impact crisis management information disclosure medical communication presidential health emergency response time decision making medical ethics public safety medical transparency healthcare transparency transparency medical treatment emergency procedures underling conditions prompt response ambulance hospital indecision emergency ward presidential health 信息公开 紧急医疗程序 隐性疾病 及时响应 transparency emergency procedures prompt treatment underlying conditions medical awareness presidential health medical protocols communication failures ambulance dispatch emergency wards misinformation public health political impact medical ethics information dissemination healthcare efficiency leadership health medical decision-making critical care emergency response political transparency medical confidentiality crisis management patient rights healthcare systems medical emergency planning public safety political scandals medical journalism healthcare policy patient care medical ethics guidelines public health policy medical training medical documentation patient history medical records medical emergencies medical communication medical errors patient consent healthcare communication transparency medical treatment emergency response political leadership accident survival advance notice healthcare procedures presidential health public awareness emergency services critical information medical protocols leadership responsibility medical decision-making political transparency patient care emergency communication medical ethics political scandal healthcare access public health medical misinformation political crisis management transparency medical treatment emergency response communication hospital procedures presidential health ambulance services decision making medical ethics public awareness healthcare transparency medical conditions emergency preparedness
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con03a	The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action UN Security Council Prosecutor discretion ICTY NATO Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure good faith successful military actions ICC authority political prosecution military action UN Security Council veto Prosecutor discretion NATO bombing Kosovo ethnic cleansing ICTY international law military strategy legal precedents ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action UN Security Council Prosecutor discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure Prosecutor investigation ex post facto international law military strategy legal precedent international criminal court veto power military prosecution international justice legal ethics ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action Prosecutor discretion UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure good faith military actions international law legal precedent ICC authority political prosecution military action Prosecutor UN Security Council ICTY NATO Kosovo ethnic cleansing military infrastructure ex post facto good faith global military actions ICC authority military action political prosecution UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo military infrastructure ethnic cleansing ex proprio motu Prosecutor discretion ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action UN Security Council Prosecutor ex proprio motu NATO Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ICTY ethnic cleansing precedent military infrastructure ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action UN Security Council Prosecutor investigation NATO Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure ICTY ex post facto good faith successful military actions ICC authority military action political prosecution UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo military infrastructure ethnic cleansing ex post facto good faith ICC authority military action political prosecution UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo ethnic cleansing military infrastructure
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro02a	Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. multilateralism bilateralism Latin America countries negotiating trade FTAA US Canada trade deals power imbalance Brazil CAFTA El Salvador gold mining environmental standards private firms poor states multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade deals negotiations FTAA Brazil CAFTA El Salvador environmental standards foreign investment power dynamics detrimental agreements gold mining industry poor states global power balance multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals negotiation FTAA negotiation failures US trade strategy balance of power detrimental terms developing countries El Salvador CAFTA environmental standards gold mining Brazil influence counterbalance power imbalance private firms exploitation poor states multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies power imbalance trade agreements El Salvador CAFTA environmental standards gold mining foreign investors Brazilian influence counterbalance global power emerging powers trade negotiations developing countries legal attacks international trade economic diplomacy trade imbalance negotiation tactics international relations trade policies multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade deals FTAA negotiations US influence Brazil CAFTA environmental standards private firms power dynamics poor states detrimental terms international trade economic agreements global power developing countries international law legal attacks gold mining industry Dominican Republic Nicaragua Salvador Honduras Guatemala Mexico multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US and Canada FTAA bilateral strategies power imbalance trade agreements El Salvador CAFTA environmental standards gold mining foreign investors legal attacks Brazilian influence global power emerging economies trade negotiations economic counterbalance multilateralism bilaterality trade agreements Latin America US trade policies FTAA Brazil CAFTA El Salvador environmental standards foreign investment power imbalances multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals FTAA negotiations power imbalance detrimental terms El Salvador CAFTA environmental standards Brazil emerging global power foreign investors legal attacks gold miningindustry power counterbalance multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals FTAA negotiations US influence bilateral strategies trade imbalances detrimental agreements El Salvador CAFTA environmental standards gold mining foreign investors Brazil global power power balance poor states legal attacks Gallager The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals FTAA negotiations US power CAFTA Brazil environmental standards gold mining investor attacks power imbalance developing countries global power balance
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con03a	The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. data collection targeted marketing niche markets advertising efficiency consumer behavior e-commerce growth personal data analysis market responsiveness aggregate trends digital marketing information technology consumer demands business strategy market segmentation data privacy advertising costs specialized services personal data storage sales niche markets marketing efficiency targeted advertising mass markets blunt instruments advertising budgets niche manufacturers data collection services consumer data business flourishing e-commerce information gathering consumer demands demand structure small businesses market access data collection targeted advertising niche markets consumer behavior e-commerce personal information marketing efficiency demographic data aggregate trends digital marketing small businesses market segmentation consumer preferences business adaptation internet advertising data analytics marketing strategies market research online marketing consumer demand competitive advantage business innovation marketing effectiveness data privacy digital economy targeted marketing big data consumer insights market dynamics advertising budget market analysis consumer segmentation data-driven marketing marketing technologies business growth consumer behavior analysis marketing trends market targeting customer relationship management marketing optimization business intelligence consumer feedback targeted marketing data collection services niche markets consumer data aggregate trends e-commerce personal information aggregation market access changing tastes business flourishing competition consumer responsiveness personal data marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers consumer desires e-commerce business responsiveness information gathering personal data marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising internet data collection e-commerce consumer behavior aggregation services business world efficiency producer competition changing consumer demands personal data marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising internet data collection e-commerce consumer behavior aggregate trends data analysis business responsiveness consumer demands personal data marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers consumer behavior e-commerce business responsiveness market access personal data marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising internet data collection e-commerce consumer behavior data aggregation business responsiveness market access consumer demands personal data marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising internet data collection consumer behavior e-commerce business responsiveness demographic targeting market segmentation data analysis advertising budget optimization consumer demand market competition
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro02a	"Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. developing countries China India GHG emissions fossil fuel deforestation climate change Joseph Romm renewable energy Kyoto Protocol Copenhagen Conference developing world emissions China emissions India emissions fossil fuel use deforestation GHG emissions climate change environmental movement Joseph Romm Copenhagen summit Kyoto Protocol developing countries GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation environmental movement standard of living Copenhagen Accord Kyoto Protocol climate change renewable energy Joseph Romm developing world emissions China emissions India emissions fossil fuel use deforestation impacts climate change mitigation greenhouse gas emissions developed countries standards environmental movement development Joseph Romm quote Copenhagen climate summit Kyoto protocol failure developing countries GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement Joseph Romm China India Kyoto Protocol Copenhagen Climate Conference search performance relevant expansion phrases query analysis global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation developing countries China India environmental movement standard of living atmospheric GHGs climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto Protocol developing countries China India GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation climate change Joseph Romm Kyoto Protocol Copenhagen Accord developing world Developing countries China India GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation environmental movement standard of living atmospheric GHGs climate change Joseph Romm Kyoto Protocol Copenhagen Conference developing countries GHG emissions fossil fuels deforestation environmental movement Copenhagen Accord Kyoto Protocol climate change renewable energy Joseph Romm Developing world GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation environmental movement standard of living Copenhagen Accord Kyoto Protocol Joseph Romm climate change"
test-international-ehbfe-pro05a	A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. federalism europe multinational businesses accountability globalization economic power standards workers social environmental global_warming sovereignty international bureaucracy capitalism integration politics economic_policy corporate_social_responsibility governance regulation federalism europe multinational businesses accountability globalization sovereignty economic power standards fairness working conditions environment global_warming international_relations policy-making capitalism integration governance federalism europe multinational businesses accountability globlalization economic power standards fairness safety environment global_warming sovereignty independence national_governments economic_significance policy workplace social_costs federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globilized economy tame corporations economic power high standards fair wages safe working conditions environmental issues global warming sovereignty economic independence holistic policies national government competition federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globlalised economy tame corporations social costs high standards fair wages safe working conditions environmental issues global warming economic significance effective independence federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globilized economy tame corporations social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions environmental issues global warming economic significance effective independence federal Europe multinational businesses accountability global economy tame corporations low wages social costs state protection powerful player standards of behaviour fair wages working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming economic significance sovereignty relevance effective independence federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globilized economy taming corporations social costs high standards fair wages safe working conditions environmental issues global warming economic significance effective independence federalism europe multinational businesses accountability globlalization corporations social costs environment global_warming politics economic policies sovereignty federalism europe multinational businesses accountability globalization social costs environmental issues global warming economic standards political unity international cooperation corporate governance worker rights sustainable development economic power regulatory framework sovereignty trade policies union effective governance public interest market regulation climate change workplace safety competitive advantage
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Eurozone Greece economic impact default stability investment hyperinflation austerity measures trade currency union economic benefits transitory benefits permanent benefits Eurozone exit Greece economic stability default hyperinflation austerity measures Euro stability trade efficiency investor confidence Greek economy currency collapse Open Europe The Guardian Eurozone crisis Economic stability Greek economy Eurozone benefits Austerity measures defaulting hyperinflation Greek trade investor confidence currency collapse transitory benefits permanent benefits investment efficiency Schengen area integration European Union policies economic consequences Economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation austerity measures Greek economy Eurozone benefits trade efficiency European trade currency collapse financial stability transitory benefits long-term consequences Economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation austerity measures Greek economy currency collapse international trade stability single currency transitory benefits permanent benefits eurozone crisis Greek default investments trade with Europe European Union austerity enforcement short-term costs long-term benefits Eurozone Greece economic stability hyperinflation austerity measures trade efficiency investor confidence currency collapse default consequences economic growth long-term benefits short-term costs Eurozone Greece default growth economic stability hyperinflation austerity measures investor confidence trade efficiency European Union currency collapse transitory benefits permanent benefits Economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation austerity measures Greek economy Eurozone benefits international trade European Union membership monetary policy currency collapse government debt management short-term costs long-term benefits economic recovery financial instability market speculation trade efficiency Currency union risks Euro exit consequences Greece's economic future Eurozone exit scenarios search optimization meaningful expansion terms enhancing query Leaving Eurozone Greece economic impact defaulting growth stimulation transitory benefits permanent benefits currency stability investor confidence hyperinflation trade efficiency Eurozone members austerity measures economic crises policy analysis economic forecasts EU membership currency unions trade barriers economic integration macroeconomic stability long-term planning financial markets economic resilience sovereign debt monetary policy economic indicators trade relations political economy European Union economic models macroeconomics microeconomics economic theory economic history financial crisis economic geography Economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation trade efficiency austerity measures long-term benefits Greek economy Eurozone membership default consequences currency collapse
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con02a	Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans marketcapitalism freemarket governmentregulation economicfreedom corporations religion politicalbalance economicinequality distributionwages poverty economics politics history market capitalism government involvement economics free market history taxation regulation state ownership citizen control corporate role organized religion economic outcomes wealth redistribution Republican ideology political economy conservative economics laissez-faire social consequences wealth inequality economic freedom political balance market capitalism free market government involvement economics deregulation corporatism religion income redistribution political ideology historical evidence economic outcomes citizen control Republican party economic freedom market failures social welfare libertarianism market capitalism government involvement economic outcomes corporate influence religious influence income redistribution political freedom historical examples citizen control economic freedom market regulation government power wealth distribution Republican beliefs free market economy capitalism advantages political spectrum economic policies social impact political ideology economic control government intervention market dynamics economic freedom benefits Republicans market capitalism freedom taxation regulation state ownership citizens rights corporations religion economic outcomes populism wage redistribution market capitalism free market government involvement economics regulation taxation citizen control corporate role religion wealth distribution social outcomes market capitalism government involvement economic freedom corporate influence regulation taxation history examples citizen control economic outcomes wealth redistribution Republican values counter-balance to government religion and politics market capitalism government involvement economic freedom deregulation corporate influence religious influence economic outcomes social control wealth redistribution citizen rights market efficiency political ideology free enterprise historical examples economic policies liberty conservative economics capitalist systems economic freedom vs equality Republicans market capitalism freedom government involvement history economic outcomes corporations religion populism wealth redistribution market capitalism government involvement economic freedom corporate influence regulation impact historical examples counterbalance to government wealth redistribution Republican beliefs
test-law-ralhrilglv-con01a	Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto prosecution Italian legal system Silvio Berlusconi court cases legal privilege convenience business interests legal system efficiency special treatment judicial process criminal defendants rights trial scheduling legal privileges Kenyatta Ruto trial prosecution speed Italian legal system judicial independence defendant convenience court proceedings legal rights prosecution delays criminal defendants rights trial date selection judicial independence legal proceedings scheduling public figures trials Italian legal system prosecution delays judicial processes defendant privileges court convenience criminal defendants rights trial date selection legal privileges Kenyatta Ruto trial Italian legal system judicial independence prosecution delays trial convenience special treatment defendants Criminal defendants trial dates pick and choose legal rights Kenyatta Ruto trial privilege Silvio Berlusconi Italian legal system legal proceedings personal convenience business interests criminal defendants rights trial date selection legal proceedings scheduling public figures in court legal system delays prosecution fairness defendant convenience judicial process speed trial privileges legal rights interpretation criminal defendants trial dates legal rights Kenyatta Ruto prosecution Italian legal system trial convenience special privileges Criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto legal privileges trial convenience Italian courts legal system speed prosecution offense trials criminal defendants trial dates legal rights Kenyatta Ruto prosecution Italian legal system Silvio Berlusconi court convenience special privileges Criminal defendants rights trial dates legal privileges Kenyatta Ruto prosecution delays Italian legal system Silvio Berlusconi
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers military targets international criminal court resolution enforcement civilians protection war crimes convictions militarization alternate survival strategies warfare characteristics Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets international criminal court ban enforcement war crimes convictions child protection child survival strategies Africa central Asia militarization community targets child soldiers military targets international criminal court resolution enforcement civilians protection war crimes armed conflict alternatives to child soldiering community security african warfare military tactics child protection ban enforcement child soldiers military targets international criminal court enforcement ban on child soldiers normalisation of tactics civilian targeting war crimes convictions child survival strategies militarisation community targets warfare characterization Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets ban enforcement international criminal court conflict zones war crimes convictions militarisation alternate survival strategy community targeting child protection warfare tactics Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC war crimes convictions children in conflict army tactics communities as targets militarisation alternatives to armed conflict survival strategies warfare characterization Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets ICC enforcement ban conflict zones civilian protection resolution militarization war crimes convictions European ideals child protection alternate survival strategies ravaged communities organized displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC conflict zones civilian protection war crimes convictions militarization child protection alternate survival strategies communities child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC international law civilian protection war crimes conflict zones child rights militarization community impact armed conflict child soldiers ban enforcement international criminal court civilian targeting war crimes convictions militarization of children community security alternate survival strategies military objectives conflict zones African warfare central Asian conflicts
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con02a	It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - arranged_marriages euro-asian_communities intolerance secular_liberism integration tensions_non-muslims_muslims extremist_tendencies veil_ban islamophobia [1] Walker_Paul [2] Younge_Gary arranged_marriages euro-asian_communities religious_practices intolerance extremism integration tensions muslim_community veil banning_practices secular_liberalism community_targeting legal_interventions identity_preservation potential_danger public_protests film_controversy residential segregation intolerance discrimination muslim community euro-asian culture religious freedom secularism integration tensions extremism veil ban community identity protest film criticism religious practice banning traditions resentment social tensions identity communities tensions Europe extremist tendencies blind intolerance secular liberalism banning practices inclusion integration veil Europe Muslims anti-Muslim sentiments community practices arranged marriages cultural sensitivity community identity European穆斯林 extremism integration religious freedom social tensions legal intolerance inclusion policies arranged marriages cultural sensitivity community identity religious practices integration policies social tensions extremism secular liberalism cultural preservation legal tolerance arranged_marriages cultural_identity community_targeting religious_tensions extremism integration_laws veil_ban Islamophobia European_communities cultural_sensitivity legal_intolerance resentment communities targeted arranged marriages identity Euro-Asian tensions non-Muslims Muslims protests extremism intolerance secular liberalism integration banning veil exclusion inflammation integration discrimination cultural practices search terms arranged marriages cultural practices community identity European tensions religious discrimination integration policies legal intolerance extremism immigrant communities cultural sensitivity religious freedom political correctness social inclusion legal implications public protest cultural conflicts arranged marriages intolerance laws secular liberalism integration tensions Muslims Europe veil banning communities extremist
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro02a	It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, unfairness new members EU CAP payments economic disparity EU farm reform food quality competitiveness equality in EU agricultural support payment differences EU countries euro per hectare greece latvia agricultural subsidies CAP payments agricultural subsidies EU farm policy economic disparity agricultural competitiveness EU structural funds EU farm reform eastern European agriculture western European agriculture EU member states support EU agricultural support EU budget allocation agricultural support disparity EU economic integration EU agricultural policy CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU farm policy agricultural subsidies EU member states economic disparity agricultural competitiveness EU farm reform EU agriculture CAP payments EU cohesion EU budget rural development agricultural support EU integration agricultural inequality EU farmers EU economic policies EU agricultural subsidies EU farm support EU agricultural payments unfairness EU CAP payments economic disparity EU agricultural support Europe new member states EU competition EU market CAP reform farm subsidies inequality EU farm policy Eastern Europe agriculture unfairness new members EU CAP payments economic disparity EU farm reforms food quality market competitiveness equality in EU agricultural support government subsidies Greece Latvia Poland Bulgaria Romania France Spain Germany EurActive EU CAP payments agricultural subsidies new EU member states old EU member states competitiveness in EU CAP reform EU farm policies economic disparity in EU agricultural support EU agricultural subsidies CAP reform needed EU agricultural inequalities EU CAP payments agricultural subsidies new member states CAP reform economic disparities agricultural productivity EU market competitiveness farm reforms Eastern Europe Western Europe EU ethos CAP distribution unfairness in eu new members eu cap payments disparity european agricultural policy eastern eu farm subsidies western eu agriculture support eu farm reform inequality in eu agricultural support variance eu member economic conditions eu farm payment discrepancies eu food production competitiveness eu economic disparity eu agricultural funding eu farm subsidy inequity eu economic support for agriculture EU CAP reform new member states fairness in EU economic disparity agricultural subsidies differences in subsidy rates EurActive farmland payments food quality competitiveness equality in EU unfairness EU CAP agricultural payments new EU member states western EU countries CAP reform economic disparity agricultural support competitiveness EU market access EU farm policies agricultural subsidies EU farm subsidies EU farm support EU agricultural inequality
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro01a	Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. religion justification offensive vitriol tolerance abortion women family bigotry religious beliefs objective measure homophobia LGBT secular moral judgment religious authority censorship ethics religious bigotry religious justification abortion women rights acceptable family LGBT discrimination homophobia secular views religious veneer moral authority religious tolerance religious extremism religious freedom LGBTQ rights religious hate speech religious backlash religious fundamentalism religion justify reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerate cassock bigotry abortion women family acceptable homophobia gay liberation secular speaker Harry Hammond LGBT condemnation torment sin God religious justification bigotry abortion women acceptable family homophobic views gay liberation LGBT vitriol condemnation secular speaker religious veneer offensive views Harry Hammond censorship religious extremism moral relativism religious tolerance discrimination religious freedom secular morality religious hypocrisy religious violence religion justify reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerated cassock bigotry abortion women family acceptable homophobia gayliberation secular HarryHammond Blake Heidi ChristianPreacher AprilFoolsDay religion justification offensive views vitriol tolerance abortion debate religious bigotry family acceptance religious hypocrisy LGBT rights secular criticism divine condemnation religion justify reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerance bigotry cassock objective measure abortion women family acceptable homophobia gay liberation religious justification secular speaker Homosexuality sin LGBT condemnation torment suffering religion justification reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerance bigotry cassock religiousbelief objective judgment abortion women family acceptable homophobia gayliberation secular HarryHammond HeidiBlake CatholicChurch sin condemnation LGBT religion justification reactionary offensive vitriol tolerance abortion women family bigotry cassock religious belief objective measure homosexuality LGBT condemnation secular suffer sin preacher arrest religion justify reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerated cassock bigoted religious belief objective measure abortion women family acceptable extremely religious homophobic gay liberation Harry Hammond secular LGBT torment condemnation God preacher auction blasphemy culture oppression social justice equality diversity faith sects denominations sectarian indoctrination moral relativism ethics philosophy discrimination legal rights protection secularism
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con02a	There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. nuclear waste storage above ground storage France nuclear policy reprocessing technology uranium mining environmental impact economic cost nuclear energy production western democracies waste management nuclear facility maintenance nuclear waste recycling underground nuclear waste storage french nuclear energy nuclear waste above ground technological progress in nuclear storage western liberal democracies nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling Uranium mining milling nuclear waste environmental impact of nuclear energy economic benefits of nuclear storage nuclear facility maintenance nuclear power funding nuclear waste storage above ground storage France nuclear policy uranium mining reprocessing technology nuclear waste management environmental impact economic cost nuclear energy production checks and balances underground storage alternatives nuclear facility maintenance underground nuclear waste storage french nuclear energy above ground storage nuclear waste management reprocessing technology nuclear power economics Uranium mining environmental impact nuclear facility monitoring western liberal democracies nuclear waste recycling nuclear waste storage above ground storage France nuclear energy uranium mining reprocessing technology environmental impact economic cost nuclear waste management democratic governance nuclear facility monitoring underground storage alternatives nuclear power generation nuclear waste storage above ground storage France nuclear policy uranium recycling environmental impact nuclear energy production reprocessing technologies underground storage alternatives nuclear waste management western democracies nuclear strategy underground nuclear waste storage above ground storage nuclear energy production France electricity generation reprocessing nuclear waste management technological progress western liberal democracies Uranium mining Uranium milling environmental benefits economic costs nuclear storage facilities checks and balances underground nuclear waste storage above ground nuclear waste storage benefits of above ground storage reprocessing nuclear waste recycling nuclear waste uranium mining uranium milling technological progress in nuclear energy economic cost of nuclear waste environmental impact of nuclear waste western liberal democracies nuclear storage facilities maintenance of nuclear facilities checks and balances on nuclear storage France nuclear power 1bn euro boost nuclear France underground nuclear waste storage french nuclear energy above ground nuclear waste storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling nuclear energy production nuclear waste monitoring nuclear waste storage facilities uranium mining nuclear power economics nuclear waste management nuclear energy technology nuclear waste disposal nuclear safety regulations underground nuclear waste storage above ground storage France nuclear energy technological progress nuclear waste management reprocessing recycling Uranium mining economic benefits nuclear safety environmental impact waste management liberal democracies nuclear power generation nuclear facility monitoring uranium resources nuclear energy production nuclear waste disposal nuclear technology development nuclear policy analysis
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con03a	Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Israeli settlements West Bank Gaza Strip East Jerusalem strategic importance Israeli-Palestinian conflict withdrawal 1967 borders settler community White House handshake Chaim Levinson George Mitchell two-state solution Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Sandy Tolan civil war moral obligation Jewish presence Palestinian land Israeli citizens outposts forcible removal internal turmoil fundamentalist Jews Israeli settlements West Bank Gaza Strip East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Palestinian land Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House peace accords forcible removal Jewish civil war settler citizens Israeli-Palestinian conflict internal turmoil moral duty two-state solution Israeli_settlers West_Bank Golan_Highlands East_Jerusalem 1967_borders Palestinian_conflict White_House_handshake Yitzhak_Rabin Yasser_Arafat Jewish_presence settlement_expansion forcible_removal civil_war Jewish_citizens moral_duty two_state_solution Israeli settlements West Bank occupied territories strategic importance Palestinian land Israeli citizens moral duty Jewish presence civil war White House handshake 1967 borders settlement expansion forcible removal Jewish civil war internal turmoil fundamentalist Jews two-state solution Israelis occupied territories West Bank settlements morality politics international law security economy Israeli citizens population growth conflict resolution diplomacy relevance expansion phrases search performance occupied territories Israeli citizens West Bank strategic importance settlements Golan Heights East Jerusalem White House handshake Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat civil war Jewish identity moral duty internal turmoil Palestinian land two-state solution Israeli citizens occupied territories West Bank Golan Heights settlements strategic importance 1967 borders Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House forcible removal Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews moral duty civil unrest Palestinian land two-state solution Israelis occupied territories West Bank settlements Israeli citizens strategic importance Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat moral duty White House handshake 1967 borders palestinian land settler removal jewish civil war civil rights geopolitical impact search results keyword expansion Israeli settlements occupied territories West Bank strategic importance demographic changes settlement expansion political implications Israeli-Palestinian conflict international law humanitarian concerns security considerations civil unrest moral obligations territorial integrity peace negotiations two-state solution Israelis occupied territories West Bank settlements East Jerusalem Golan Heights Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House handshake Israeli citizens moral duty strategic essentiality settlement expansions White House Israeli-Palestinian conflict civil war geopolitical strategy White House lawn 1967 borders Israeli government promises Haaretz.com Catholic Institute for International Relations Christian Science Monitor
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro03a	Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 transparency international relations suspicion hotline Cuban missile crisis strategic trust China US pivot towards Asia arms race nuclear war diplomatic communication international tension diplomatic trust mistrust cold war dynamics transparency international relations distrust strategic trust hotline communication Cold War lessons arms race prevention diplomatic crises geopolitical tensions information sharing strategic stability nuclear deterrence hotline systems strategic communication confidence-building measures international diplomacy mistrust implications security studies diplomatic history crisis management global security geopolitical trust political transparency diplomatic tensions transparency international relations suspicion nuclear war Cuban missile crisis hotline White House Kremlin strategic trust China US pivot America Asia arms race conflict diplomacy diplomatic relations international communication military tension diplomatic tension diplomatic crisis international crisis diplomatic trust international trust diplomatic miscommunication international miscommunication diplomatic breakdown international breakdown diplomatic misunderstanding international misunderstanding diplomatic failure international failure diplomatic success international success diplomatic negotiation international negotiation international diplomacy diplomatic transparency international relations suspicion international affairs hotline diplomacy Cuban missile crisis trust deficit中美关系 战略互信 核战争威胁 信息透明度国际安全 国际信任危机 外交沟通渠道 国际紧张局势缓解 Transparency international relations suspicion hotline Cuban missile crisis trust deficit China US pivot towards Asia arms race miscalculation nuclear war diplomatic perspective transparency international relations international tension mistrust communication hotline strategic trust arms race nuclear war diplomacy information exchange geopolitical tensions Cold War diplomatic relations security global politics diplomatic communication crisis management political trust conflict prevention geopolitical trust diplomatic openness diplomatic history trust issues international conflict diplomatic strategies strategic communication diplomatic deficits international cooperation diplomatic negotiations diplomatic crises diplomatic tensions diplomatic misunderstandings diplomatic conflicts diplomatic solutions diplomatic trust diplomatic gaps diplomatic challenges international relations suspicion misunderstanding hotline diplomacy trust nuclear war strategic trust arms race Cuban missile crisis White House Kremlin China US pivot international tension transparency international relations state actions assessment suspicion threat inflation nuclear war prevention hotline installation strategic trust arms race China-US conflict international relations suspicion transparency Cuban missile crisis strategic trust hotline diplomacy arms race China US pivot Africa suspicion war miscalculation diplomatic communication trust deficit diplomatic transparency transparency international relations suspicion hotline diplomacy Cuban missile crisis strategic trust arms race china us asia pivot
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con01a	Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . rehabilitation criminal justice system repeat offenders crime prevention society protection retribution moral values deterrence prison programs public outrage jamaica prison system rehabilitation effectiveness criminal justice priorities retributive justice prison programs repeat offenders public safety deterrence theory societal needs inmate rehabilitation criminal recidivism prison reform legal ethics community protection prison sentencing public opinion on justice moral values in law rehabilitation vs retribution rehabilitation criminal justice system repeat offenders society protection retribution prison programs Jamaica crime moral values deterrence public outrage rehabilitation effectiveness inmate activities prison education offender removal societal needs criminal defence punishment symbolism rehabilitation effectiveness criminal justice goals societal protection retributive justice prison programs inmate rehabilitation repeat offender impact public morals crime deterrence societal needs criminal justice priorities offender removal moral values reinforcement prison reform rehabilitation limitations criminal behavior analysis justice system efficiency public safety measures rehabilitation effectiveness society criminal justice system repetition prison programs public safety moral values deterrence Jamaica retributive justice group activities qualification deterrent effect offender removal non-guilty parties public outrage rehabilitation effectiveness costs of rehabilitation repeated offenders prison programs society protection criminal justice priorities retribution vs rehabilitation prison activities deterrence moral values in justice system internationally successful rehabilitation programs Jamaican criminal justice system rehabilitation criminal justice system repeat offenders societal protection prison programs retributive justice public outrage moral values deterrent effect Jamaica crime statistics inmate rehabilitation group activities cooking qualifications rehabilitation efficacy expansion keywords jamaica criminal justice system repeat offenders crime reduction prison programs deterrence moral values society protection criminal justice system rehabilitation effectiveness repeat offenders societal protection retributive justice prison programs public outrage moral values deterrence offender removal societal needs prison reform criminal behavior rehabilitation challenges crime prevention justice priorities inmate activities legal ethics rehabilitation criminal justice system repeat offenders society protection prison programs retributive justice public outrage deterrence inmate activities qualification benefits non-guilty parties moral values crime reduction long-term protection short-term concerns offender removal Jamaica criminal justice group activities cooking qualifications retributive approaches public message offender actions
test-international-segiahbarr-con01a	Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals Africa inequality hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability UNDP failure criteria growth development efforts united nations Millennium_Development_Goals Africa united_nations_development_programme inequality hunger child_mortality maternal_health environmental_sustainability development_goals failure_reasons MDG_progress_reports_2013 Millennium_Development_Goals Africa development economic_growth hunger child_mortality maternal_health environmental_sustainability inequality UNDP MDG_progress_reports 2013 Millennium Development Goals African governments hunger reduction child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability Africa development inequality UNDP reports Millennium Development Goals Africa united nations inequality hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability development economic growth UNDP failure causes Millennium Development Goals Africa inequality hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability United Nations Development Programme MDG progress reports Millennium Development Goals African governments hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality UNDP development progress Africa UNDP reports Millennium Development Goals Africa government efforts hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality UNDP progress reports development goals economic growth Millennium_Development_Goals Africa UNDP hunger child_mortality maternal_health environmental_sustainability inequality government_efforts development_progress Millennium_Development_Goals Africa inequality hunger child_mortality maternal_health environmental_sustainability United_Nations_Development_Programme UNDP economic_growth development_goals failure_reasons
test-politics-lghwdecm-con03a	Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. mayoral election costs municipal budgets referendum administrative expenses publicity budget elected officials budget cuts municipal services elections expenses mayoral staff deputies council spending costs elected mayors budget cuts council services administrative expenses deputies staff offices publicity budget Referendum election expenses financial impact local governance costs elections administrative budget councils services expenses political expenses mayoral publicity funding referendum cuts payroll staffing deputies office cars economic population impact election finance elected mayor administration economist birmingham mail elected mayors cost administrative costs mayor expenses budget cuts council services referendum cost election expenses mayor staff mayor office mayor car publicity budget mayor deputies local government finance costly elections mayoral salaries council spending priorities costs elections administrative budget cuts services mayors deputies staff offices cars publiicity expenses funding political economy population voting publicfinance government localadministration elected mayors budget costs administrative expenses referendum election expenses mayor staff municipal services council finances budget cuts public spending mayor election cost administrative expenses mayoral referendum budget allocation council services mayoral staff council budgets elected mayors publicity costs Bristol council costly_mayor referendum_cost election_cost administrative_expenses deputies_staff office_expenses car_expenses publicity_budget council_budget_cuts municipal_services_funding costs elected mayors budget cuts council services administrative expenses referendum staffing publicity budget deputies civic expenses political finance municipal budgets political costs elected mayors administrative costs referendum budget cuts municipal services deputy mayors staff salaries office expenses publicity budgets
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con04a	The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, multilingualism United States history immigration impact Native American languages Cajun French linguistic diversity political correctness ethnic heritage linguistic justice multilingualism United States historical linguistics immigration history Native American languages Cajun French stigmatization ethnic diversity linguistic heritage historical justice language preservation Colonial America multiple languages in US history early immigrant languages Native American languages linguistic diversity American colonial history immigrant contributions linguistic justice historical linguistics ethnic composition colonies language stigmatization language preservation linguistic heritage cultural contributions linguistic rights multiple languages United States historical linguistics in America demographics colonial era immigrant languages in USA Native American languages linguistic diversity USA Cajun French Louisiana state languages language rights USA historical justice in language ethnic composition colonies 1750 linguistic heritage America US linguistic history immigrant languages historical tradition Native American languages colonial immigration linguistic diversity historical justice language stigmatization Cajun French American history contributions multilingualism historical linguistics immigrant languages American heritage ethnic diversity linguistic diversity colonial history Native American languages cultural contributions linguistic justice multiple languages United States historical linguistics immigration history American colonial history Native American languages Cajun French stigmatization multiculturalism linguistic diversity ancestral origins ethnic composition linguistic heritage multilingualism United States historical linguistics immigration language diversity Cajun French Native American languages ethnic composition linguistic heritage historical justice linguistic diversity US language history multiple immigrant languages Native American languages linguistic diversity American colonial languages Cajun French Louisiana state language preserving linguistic heritage historical justice ethnic composition colonial immigration patterns multiple languages United States historical tradition immigration linguistics ethnic diversity Cajun French Native American languages historical justice linguistic heritage colonial history language preservation immigrant contributions
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con02a	Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. sexism advertising subjectivity codification cultural imperialism social values personal values marketing effectiveness censorship body image gender roles beauty standards subjective广告 社会价值观 文化差异 性别角色 瘦身标准 民族主义 广告审查 性别歧视 市场营销效果 跨文化理解 审美标准 sexism codification advertising effectiveness subjectivity social values cultural values personal values marketing universal standards censorship cultural imperialism gender roles body image societies biological differences sexualized advertising cultural values in marketing gender roles in ads beauty standards advertising body image in media censorship in advertising marketing ethics subjective advertising societal norms in ads advertising regulations cultural sensitivity in marketing gender equality in advertising body diversity in advertising marketing effectiveness consumer appeal analysis social values in advertising cultural differences in advertising ethical advertising practices gender stereotypes in media advertising impact on culture consumer behavior and advertising media representation and gender search efficiency expand query sexist advertising subjective codify effective advertising social values cultural values personal values marketing outcomes censorship cultural imperialism standards biological differences societal beliefs gender roles body types sexuality relevance expansion phrases query refinement subjective advertising effectiveness social values cultural values personal values marketing goals audience appeal societal beliefs gender roles beauty standards body types censorship cultural imperialism standards development sexism advertising cultural values social norms personal values marketing effectiveness censorship standards cultural imperialism subjective experience societal differences gender roles body image consumer behavior sexist advertising subjective nature codification difficulties social values cultural values personal values consumer appeal marketing effectiveness beauty standards body types gender roles societal differences universal definitions censorship concerns cultural imperialism marketing standards sexism advertising codification subjective social values cultural values personal values marketing censorship standards cultural imperialism beauty body types sexuality gender roles societal differences search outcomes expansion terms beneficial keywords sexist advertising subjective nature codification difficulties social values cultural values personal values advertising effectiveness consumer appeal marketing goals universal definitions societal beliefs body types gender roles cross-cultural issues censorship concerns cultural imperialism marketing standards
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con04a	Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: terror organizations military violence organized crime power corruption discussion terrorism ideological extremism minority interests civilian harm inefficient governance persecution dissidents political background Westernizing state Islamic state corruption terrorism political violence organized crime governance ideological extremism state institutions civil liberties political processes power dynamics minority interests democratic deficits state security human rights judicial systems economic inefficiency social justice political ignorance fringe groups persecutions Westernizing states religious states dissident suppression terrorist organizations military violence civilian harm power corruption ideological politics organized crime democratic processes dissident persecution religious states westernizing state hostile regimes corrupt institutions terrorist organizations political inefficiency ideological bias civilian harm power abuse political processes Westernizing state Islamic state persecution fringe interests corruption terrorist organizations military violence organized crime political processes dissidents Iran ideology bias efficient governance civilian harm fringe interests corruption terrorist organizations power dynamics ideological bias military violence civilian harm political ignorance dissident persecution organised crime Westernizing state Islamic state corruption terrorism organized crime political violence civilian harm ideological extremism inefficiency bias persecution political processes Westernizing state Islamic state dissidents corruption terrorism military violence organized crime power dynamics ideology political inefficiency discrimination civilian harm minority interests Iran political history corruption terrorism military violence organized crime political inefficiency ideological bias dissidents hostile regime Westernizing state Islamic state persecution power dynamics political background fringe interests minority interests ideology application of power ignorance of political processes appointment of ideologues military and violent character of terrorists glorification of illegitimate acts justification of harm to civilians complicity in violence terrorist organizations in power impact on governance persecution of opposing views transformation of state ideologies international relations authoritarian corruption terrorism organized crime political processes ideological extremism institutional inefficiency minority interests persecution power structures Westernizing state Islamic state dissidents
test-international-aghwrem-con04a	Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. international community Myanmar human rights democracy regional players China India good governance economic disparity corruption legal processes Russian markets stability vested interests international community Myanmar democracy human rights violation economic disparity political stability good governance corruption legal processes regional players China India military-controlled government Russian market evolution international community Myanmar human rights democracy China India governance economic disparity corruption legal processes regional stability military-controlled government model democracy economic benefits political benefits cultural violation reengagement strategy good governance economic disparity market evolution Russian economy international community impact regional players role china myanmar relations india myanmar relations human rights violations in myanmar democracy development challenges good governance principles economic disparity in myanmar cost of short-term gains long-term stability concerns myanmar market evolution russian market comparison military controlled government economic reform hurdles potential democratic failure region stability threats international community Myanmar human rights democracy economic disparity corruption good governance regional players military-controlled government stability international interest Myanmar democracy regime legitimacy regional players human rights economic benefits political benefits long-term consequences good governance corruption economic disparity legal processes market stability Russian markets military-controlled government poor democracy regional stability international community Myanmar human rights democracy corruption governance economic disparity regional players China India military-controlled government stability vested interests short-term gains long-term consequences international interest Myanmar cultural violations human rights regime legitimacy economic disparity corruption good governance regional players china india democracy stability Military-controlled government legal processes Russian markets 1990s economic benefits political benefits short-term benefits long-term harm fundamental principles monopolistic environment legal frameworks Myanmar democracy regime change Myanmar politics Myanmar economy international reengagement Myanmar human rights Myanmar governance Myanmar stability international community Myanmar human rights governance democracy economic disparity corruption China India regional players military-controlled government stability reengagement good governance legal processes economic benefits political benefits democratic state long-term harm short-term gain cultural violation democratic framework market evolution economic disparity Russian example international community Myanmar human rights governance democracy economic disparity corruption regional players China India military-controlled government stability democratic framework legal processes economic benefits political benefits short-term gains long-term consequences model democratic state good governance market evolution Russian economy 1990s economic disparity political stability
test-international-gsciidffe-con02a	Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, governments censorship human rights freedom population protection stability internet filtering hate speech child pornography pornography bans internal divisions external intervention [1] governments censorship legitimacy protective censorship legitimate censorship hate speech censorship child pornography censorship pornography censorship international censorship standards free society censorship external censorship internal censorship debates stability through censorship governments censorship popular consent internet freedom human rights cultural values political stability child safety hate speech information control international standards free society regime comparison legitimacy outsider interference governments protect citizens hate speech censorship child pornography filters pornography ban Iceland censorship China censorship Iran censorship international criticism of censorship legitimacy of government censorship stability through censorship free society values external imposition of censorship Governments censorship hate speech child pornography protection freedoms Iceland pornography China Iran legitimacy divisions free society external intervention Governments censorship human rights freedom internet policy legitimacy protection stability international law values hate speech child pornography regimes China Iran Iceland pornography free society critics internal divisions external interference justification alternative Governments censorship hate speech child pornography pornography Iceland free society international perspective stability values legitimacy free speech regimes China Iran outsider intervention divisions free societies protection restrictions governments censorship hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography free society legitimacy protecting citizens values stability external interference internal divisions governments censorship human rights freedom of speech internet filtering hate speech child pornography pornography bans global perspectives legitimacy regimes China Iran Iceland civil liberties stable societies outsider interference internal divisions Governments citizen protection censorship legitimacy hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban internal divisions external interference freedom of expression free society regimes China Iran stability legitimacy
test-international-amehbuaisji-con01a	Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. ratification international criminal court icc rome statute national sovereignty us policy american criminals israeli criminals international justice sovereignty threat power to prosecute non-state parties concept of sovereignty authority for justice ratification international criminal court national sovereignty Rome Statute ICC sovereignty threats US position on ICC ICJ jurisdiction non-state party prosecution sovereignty principles ratification international criminal court rome statute national sovereignty us policy icc authority citizenship jurisdiction sovereignty threats international justice national control power dynamics criminal law principle based opposition nation states court jurisdiction international courts ICC prosecution rights of sovereignty Rome Statute International Criminal Court national sovereignty US stance Israeli sovereignty American criminals state parties sovereignty threats international justice authority for justice nation sovereignty sovereignty vs international law ratification international criminal court icc rome statute national sovereignty american sovereignty israeli sovereignty international criminal law ICC authority sovereignty threats citizens' rights national control principle of sovereignty states' rights ratification international criminal court national sovereignty rome statute ICC sovereignty threat citizens' rights jurisdiction authority principle US stance international justice national control military intervention power dynamics Rome Statute international criminal court national sovereignty ICC United States Israel citizens' rights principle of sovereignty criminal justice territorial jurisdiction states' rights international law violation of sovereignty US foreign policy Israeli sovereignty ratification international criminal court national sovereignty Rome Statute ICC power criminals jurisdiction sovereignty principle U.S. Israel nation-states justice citizens rights violation authority territory ratification international criminal court rome statute national sovereignty ICC us policy american criminals israeli criminals authority for justice international criminal law violation of sovereignty ceding sovereignty national control state parties ratification Rome Statute International Criminal Court national sovereignty ICC authority for justice state parties citizens' rights international law sovereignty threats US foreign policy
test-health-dhghhbampt-con02a	The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. pharmaceutical_industries economic_interests medical_treatments alternative_medicine patents gene_patenting cost_efficiency traditional_therapies cultural_practices disease_treatment pill_pragmatism free_treatments establishment_interests pharmaceutical_profitability medical_establishment_interests traditional_medicine_effectiveness alternative_therapy_economics patent_rights_controversy drug_cost_analysis healthcare_system_biases free_therapies_utilization pharmaceutical_industry_research_funding global_healthcare_access western_medical_models_challenges pharmaceutical_industries medical_industries market_value affordability alternative_therapies traditional_medicine patent_laws gene_patents public_health economic_interests health_care_systems pharmaceutical industry profitability medical establishment interests cheaper alternative remedies traditional medicine effectiveness patenting natural remedies ignored free treatments disease treatment alternatives pharmaceutical company profits historical medicinal practices pharmaceutical industry medical establishment efficacy free remedies cheaper treatments vested interests traditional medicine patents gene therapy pharmaceutical industry profits medical establishment interests traditional remedies gene patenting alternative medicine cost-effectiveness of treatments pharmaceutical company influence ignored remedies vested interests in healthcare free natural cures pharmaceutical industry medical establishment traditional remedies gene patents alternative medicine cost-effective treatments vested interests drug efficacy free healthcare solutions pharmaceutical_profitability medical_ignorance traditional Remedies patent_rights gene_patenting alternative_medicine cost_efficiency vested_interests pharmaceutical_industries medical_industries economic_interests drug_costs traditional_medicine patent_protection gene_patents alternative_therapies healthcare_economics public_health biopharmaceuticals traditional_medicinal_plants pharmaceutical_industry medical_treatment traditional_medicine patent_rights alternative_care drug_cost global_health medical_establishment gene_patents free_treatments
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con02a	It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. war criminals ICC political prosecution U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein legal ramifications long protracted trials psychological control therapeutic International Criminal Court Congressional Research Service war criminals ICC political prosecution U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein legal ramifications therapeutic psychological control prolonged trials International Criminal Court therapeutic justice U.S. foreign policy humanitarian considerations war criminals ICC political prosecution U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein international criminal court therapeutic psychological control protracted trials search utilization expansion phrases victims state war criminals ICC political prosecution peace effectiveness human rights violations U.S.policy Polt dictatorship legal ramifications trial population therapeutic melancholic psychological control policy papers International Criminal Court CRS legislation oppression criminology international law justice humanitarian isolation consequences dictatorial rhetoric violence dictators humanity warfare casual search efficiency expand query war criminals trial ICC political prosecution U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein legal ramifications therapeutic protracted trial psychological control oppressed population International Criminal Court U.S. policy papers impact of trials prolonged justice victim's perspective legal ramifications international law humanitarian considerations relevance expansion phrases search performance victims war criminals ICC political prosecution effectiveness peace U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations international criminal court therapeutic oppressed population long protracted trials psychological control events melancholic qualities search accuracy expansion terms enrich query war criminals trial ICC political prosecution effectiveness peace victims U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein legal ramifications international criminal court Congressional Research Service therapeutic oppressed population psychological control melancholic dictatorship legal implications human rights justice system international law judicial process victim's rights conflict resolution humanitarism war crimes justice diplomacy search efficacy expansion keywords war criminals trial effectiveness ICC political prosecution U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein legal ramifications therapeutic impact long protracted trials psychological control International Criminal Court victim's rights state interests war criminals ICC political prosecution U.S. policy human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein legal ramifications therapeutic psychological control international criminal court long protracted trials oppression victim's interests peace U.S. policy papers International Criminal Court human rights therapy despotic leaders psychological impact victims' perspective peacekeeping justice legal systems humanitarian law war crimes international justice state interests therapeutic justice victims' interests political prosecution ICC effective means lasting peace long protracted trials despots human rights violations legal ramifications U.S. policy popular control melancholic qualities international criminal court therapeutic impact
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con01a	It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. right to die moral absolutes killing people explicit agreement state intervention rare circumstances time of war blanket ban caveats shaken baby syndrome murder sentencing justification guilt determination legal aftermath coercion consent assumption dying relatives right to die moral absolutes assisted suicide abuse shaken baby syndrome legal justification guilt determination courts sentencing coercion consent clear cut approach right to die moral absolutes killing people blanket ban murder sentencing shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide coercion consent right to die moral absolutes killing people is wrong explicit and specific agreement state special circumstances times of war blanket ban caveats understandings shades of grey legal approach murder sentencing shaken baby syndrome parental love frustration coercion consent assisted suicide right to die moral absolutes killing people murder societies state authority time of war shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide gUILT DETERRENCE LAW ENFORCEMENT EVIDENCE JUSTICE SYSTEM right to die moral absolutes killing people explicit agreement rare circumstances time of war blanket ban caveats understandings shades of grey assisted suicide shaken baby syndrome murder sentencing justified killing coercion consent appearance of consent right to die moral absolutes killing people murder shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide consent government abuse legal standards evidence coercion right to die moral absolutes killing people murder societies state approval war circumstances blanket ban caveats misunderstandings shades of grey shaken baby syndrome judgment guilt sentencing proven justified killing another moment of frustration coercion appearance of consent assisted suicide right to die moral absolutes killing people wrong blanket ban misunderstandings societies murder shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide Stephen Drake Diane Coleman right to die moral absolutes killing people murder societies shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide coercion guilt determining guilt court cases justification explicit consent blanket ban
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con03a	The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. amnesty bloggers discrediting foreign agents propaganda nationalism media control diplomacy democratization oppression territorial disputes China public opinion government manipulation democratic values international relations amnesty bloggers propaganda nationalism democratic states government oppression media control public opinion foreign interference diplomatic relations amnesty bloggers democracy government propaganda treason international interference mainstream media public opinion nationalism diplomatic relations justice system amnesty bloggers propaganda democracy nationalism government manipulation public perception foreign agents treason China Japan media control diplomatic redress public opinion manipulation amnesty bloggers propaganda nationalism democratic states government control media manipulation diplomatic redress public opinion territorial disputes China The Economist amnesty recommend relevant expansion phrases query home governments discredit bloggers foreign agents interruption public views comments coloured government claim collusion propaganda treason individual cases cause democracy prison beliefs seek succour Western powers states offered platter exploit publiconsciousness better plan diplomatic redress interference justice harm relations regimes people against proponents condemn amnesty bloggers propaganda nationalism democracy 中国政府 媒体控制 公共舆论 司法独立 外交干涉 amnesty bloggers foreign agents propaganda treason democracy nationalism media control government interference diplomatic redress public opinion state justice regime relations amnesty bloggers foreign agents propaganda nationalism democracy China territorial disputes public opinion media control diplomatic redress governmental interference amnesty bloggers democracy home governments foreign agents propaganda treason international relations mainstream media nationalism territorial disputes diplomatic redress
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct children armed conflict recruitment propaganda domestic violence coercion moral standards international law ICC universal values demobilization rehabilitation human rights atrocities exploitation dehumanization cultural relativism legitimacy warlords resistance movements armed conflict child soldiers recruitment propaganda domestic violence forced marriage coercion exploitation rehabilitation universal values ICC cultural relativism human rights international law military organizations humanitarian crisis psychological trauma international criminal court child soldiers armed conflict recruitment domestic violence forced marriage propaganda social disintegration abuse exploitation militarization rehabilitation universal values ICC cultural relativism warlords legitimacy Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict child recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage military units child soldiers political and military objectives coerced enlistment abuse and exploitation drug addiction relatable morality universal values ICC cultural relativism warlords legitimate resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct children armed conflict recruitment propaganda domestic violence abduction exploitation abuse moral relativism universal values ICC demobilisation rehabilitation suffering resistance movements search performance relevant expansion phrases Punishing objectively harmful conduct child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation moral relativism ICC universal values cultural relativism resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict child soldiers recruitment methods propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation dehumanization ICC cultural relativism universal values international criminal court Punishing objectively harmful conduct armed conflict child soldiers recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility immortality belief financial rewards drugs addiction healing international criminal court universal values cultural relativism legitimacy resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda domestic violence coerced abduction abuse exploitation drug addiction moral relativism international criminal court universal values cultural relativism resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda domestic violence forced marriage abduction exploitation drug addiction moral relativism ICC universal values cultural relativism resistance movements
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con01a	Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) gun rights self-defense concealed carry deterrence police response citizen safety home defense firearms ownership second amendment law enforcement effectiveness public safety gun rights self-defense concealed carry armed robbery mugging police response home security second amendment protection firearm ownership gun control Second Amendment home defense concealed carry deterrence law enforcement personal protection self-defense rights firearm legislation crime prevention public safety constitutional rights armed citizens police response time gun control second amendment home defense personal safety concealed carry deter crime police response citizen rights self protection anti-gun legislation firearm ownership public safety law enforcement violence prevention constitutional rights legal protection firearm storage home security legal self-defense armed citizens gun regulation right to bear arms gun control Second Amendment self-defense home security law enforcement crime prevention concealed carry public safety violence deterrence legal rights self-defense gun rights law-abiding citizens home protection police response deter criminals concealed carry safety personal defense crime prevention second amendment firearm ownership public safety gun control second amendment home defense personal safety concealed carry deterrence law enforcement response self-protection legal rights firearm ownership public safety crime prevention armed citizens property protection domestic security legal defense victim protection crime deterrence public opinion on guns gun control second amendment home defense concealed carry deterrence personal safety self-defense rights law enforcement effectiveness public safety firearm ownership benefits gun control second amendment self-defense home security concealed carry crime deterrence police response time armed robbery domestic violence personal protection lawful use of firearms public safety constitutional rights gun control second amendment concealed carry laws home defense law enforcement response time personal safety firearm statistics crime deterrence constitutional rights public safety measures
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro01a	"450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric ppm developed world emission reduction 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions growth climate change global warming environmental policy greenhouse gases environmental impact sustainability mitigation strategies renewable energy fossil fuels carbon footprint climate targets international agreements IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions stabilization temperature rise developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions reduction climate change atmospheric concentrations environmental policy global warming greenhouse gases emissions targets mitigation strategies IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions stabilization temperature rise ppm climate change developed world emissions reduction developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions data China 450 PPM IPCC report GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric concentration developed world emissions developing countries emissions Kyoto Protocol carbon reduction climate change greenhouse gases emission rates global warming climate policy environmental impact sustainability mitigation strategies energy transition carbon footprint climate targets environmental policy 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions atmospheric concentrations temperature rise developed world emission reductions 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions data China 450 PPM IPCC report greenhouse gas emissions temperature rise developed world emissions developing countries emissions Kyoto Protocol climate change global warming carbon dioxide emissions China emissions 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric ppm developed world emissions reduction 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol annual GHG emissions China carbon dioxide emissions Europe climate change 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric ppm developed world emissions reduction 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol annual GHG emissions China carbon dioxide emissions 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric ppm climate change developed world emissions reduction 2020 2050 Kyoto Protocol developing countries emission rates Europe China carbon dioxide emissions data 450 PPM IPCC greenhouse gases climate change stabilization temperature rise emissions reduction developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol global warming CO2 carbon emissions environmental policy climate policy environmental impact climate targets"
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. transparency citizen rights leadership health democratic accountability voter information electoral fitness public health democratic principles political transparency health disclosure leader capability transparency citizen rights leader health democratic accountability voter informedness public health political transparency electoral integrity health disclosure governance quality democratic principles leadership fitness civic engagement political ethics transparency citizen rights leader health electoral accountability democratic process public information governance quality health disclosure political transparency voter confidence transparency in leadership health and fitness of leaders informed citizenry electoral accountability hidden health conditions leader's ability to serve democratic elections clear information accurate information up-to-date information voter choice leader's fitness democratic process public health political transparency citizen participation government accountability election integrity health disclosure fitness criteria transparent governance transparency citizen choice leader health democratic accountability voter informed electoral fitness public trust health disclosure leadership suitability democratic process election integrity transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning voter rights electoral information accountability democracy public health leader fitness term serving health conditions electorate knowledge voter trust clear information accurate information up-to-date information electoral transparency voter decision-making leadership accountability election criteria health disclosure democratic principles transparency citizen rights health fitness democratic process accountability electorate knowledge leader selection public health political transparency election integrity voter informed decision-making hidden health conditions leadership fitness democratic governance health disclosure electoral transparency public trust democratic principles political accountability transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning electorate health conditions voters serving term democracy accountability clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness vital information transparency voter choice health fitness leadership accountability democratic process information accuracy public trust electoral rights hidden health conditions leader suitability democratic principles civic engagement political transparency electorate rights transparency citizen choice leader health fitness assessment electorate rights health disclosure democratic accountability voter informedness medical fitness for office public health information transparency benefits
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro04a	As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship film regulation video regulation media power emotive media user-generated content information portrayal media comparison internet censorship media equivalence digital media regulation Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship film regulation video regulation internet content user-generated content emotive media powerful media information portrayal opinion dissemination regulatory comparison media equivalence internet equivalents media diversity digital censorship online regulation Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation media censorship online censorship state regulation media influence internet influence information dissemination media power internet content regulatory frameworks media ethics digital age media media diversity internet surveillance content control media laws internet freedom free speech online digital media multimedia content media regulation history internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship film regulation video regulation emotive content internet content user-generated content regulatory comparison media forms comparison internet power media diversity information portrayal online media digital censorship media influence internet oversight media equivalence online regulation content regulation media control digital media internet censorship Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship regulatory comparison emotive content user-generated content information portrayal media diversity regulatory gaps internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship film regulation internet content user generated content emotive media powerful media information portrayal media comparison regulatory analogy Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship book censorship emotional impact of media regulatory comparison user-generated content digital media power information portrayal emotive content regulatory expansion media forms comparison Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship video regulation media comparison internet content media power emotive media user-generated content regulatory gaps information portrayal media diversity internet control media influence digital censorship media equivalence internet regulations Internet regulation media regulation censorship history television censorship newspaper censorship video regulation online content moderation user-generated content emotive media powerful media information dissemination regulatory comparison media equivalence digital media control internet surveillance government intervention online Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship newspaper censorship video regulation online media user-generated content emotive media powerful media information portrayal media comparison internet censorship digital media regulation
test-politics-oapghwliva-con02a	"The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX constitution amendment caution United States presidential authority line item veto Supreme Court interpretation legislation governance federal budget constitutional amendment judicial review executive power legislative procedure legal challenge presidential authority states rights federalism democratic process constitutional interpretation legal precedents legislative history constitutional law judicial activism constitution amendment line item veto presidential authority supreme court article v judicial review federalism constitutional law executive power separation of powers governance legislative process budgeting legal interpretation constitutional interpretation amendment procedures governor's authority spending control presidential spending power constitutionality legislative history constitutional amendment process constitutional amendments constitutional changes presidential line item veto constitutional provisions congressional authority federal budget constitutional implications constitutional interpretation methods constitutional doctrine constitutional principles constitutional safeguards constitutional balance constitutional amendments process constitutional reform constitutional analysis constitutional arguments constitutional debate constitutional scholars constitution amendment caution interpretation legislation presidential authority Supreme Court line item veto governors Article V constitutional amendment legal challenges precision clarity presidential powers spending override judicial review federal budget interpretation differences constitutional interpretation legal precedents separation of powers federalism constitutional law constitutional amendments legislative processes judicial activism constitution amendment presidential authority line item veto budgetary process supreme court decision constitutional interpretation federalism executive power legislative process amendment procedures presidential vetoes state governors legal challenges judicial review constitutional law fiscal responsibility political science constitutional amendments congressional powers constitution amendment caution United States presidential authority Line Item Veto Act Supreme Court interpretation legislation Article V governors spending clarity precision legal challenges congressional override presidential veto judicial review constitutional amendment process constitutional amendment president authority line item veto amendment process interpretation Supreme Court Constitutional law governor authority budget process legal challenge Article V constitution amendment caution interpretation Supreme Court legislation presidential authority governors budgetary precision confusion legal challenges Line Item Veto Act Scalia Stevens Article V congressional override wording overturn experience prohibition alcohol constitutional mandate governors authority influence spending procedure text determine become law new role procedure text become law constitutional amendment procedures subcommittee judiciary house representatives hearing clause veto powers legislative process interpretation amendments presidential constitution amendments cautious experience overturn consequences clarity interpretation precision confusion legal challenges presidential authority line item veto budgetary process Supreme Court Article V legislation governors authority precedent unconstitutional majority opinion procedural changes text determination federal budget legislative powers judicial review constitutional amendments constitutional law executive power checks and balances separation of powers legal interpretation constitutional interpretation amendment procedures constitution amendment caution presidential authority budgetary process interpretation legal challenge Supreme Court Line Item Veto Act governance state governors constitutional amendment legislation Article V Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia Supreme Court Justice Stevens executive power federal budget presidential veto constitutional law judicial review federalism constitutional interpretation constitutional amendments congressional power executive branch legislative process separation of powers constitutional principles constitutional convention constitutional convention history constitutional reform constitutional evolution constitutional challenges constitutional interpretation debate presidential line-item veto constitutional scholars constitutional debates constitutional amendments process constitutional constitution amendment caution United States presidential authority line item veto Supreme Court interpretation legislation Article V governors spending legal challenge precision clarity counterpoint authority constitutionality amendment procedures"
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con01a	It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) police enforcement arranged marriages communities cultural traditions law enforcement resources privacy violations honor killings domestic violence legal effectiveness community resistance resource allocation crime priorities legal harm misdemeanor serious crimes forced marriages arranged marriages police enforcement cultural traditions community resistance legal enforcement resource allocation honor killings domestic violence minor crimes serious crimes impossible law enforcement arranged marriages community practices cultural traditions police resources forced marriages harms legal enforcement honor killings domestic violence minor offenses serious crimes search utility legal enforcement arranged marriages community practices cultural traditions police resources honor killings domestic violence legal harms resource allocation minor offenses serious crimes police law enforcement arranged marriages forced marriages communities cultural traditions divorce abuse honour killings resources misdemeanours serious crimes enforcement efficiency legal implications political impact international law cultural sensitivity search optimization enforcement strategies community resistance legal enforcement cultural traditions police resources misdemeanors serious crimes enforced reporting marriage laws enforcement challenges police enforcement arranged marriages community practices cultural traditions legal enforcement resource allocation honor killings domestic violence legal harms minority rights cultural sensitivity law enforcement priorities police enforcement arranged marriages cultural traditions community resistance legal enforcement resources allocation intrusiveness honor killings rape domestic violence misdemeanor law prioritization investigative labor social harm search optimization enforcement strategies community policing cultural practices dissatisfaction detection forced marriage police resources serious crimes honour killings domestic violence legal enforcement minor offenses migrant communities tradition preservation cultural sensitivity law effectiveness police enforcement arranged marriages cultural practices community resistance legal enforcement resource allocation intrusiveness honor killings domestic violence legal consequences minority rights social norms legal impact human rights law enforcement priorities
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro02a	Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. georgian south ossetia historical illegitimacy soviet union independence genocide cultural suppression indigenous language distinct culture conflict history augmentation terms South Ossetia Georgian rule Soviet Union Ossetian language cultural distinctness historical illegitimacy autonomy independence Ossetian genocide Georgian suppression international recognition de facto independence Ossetian history georgian south ossetia historical claims soviet union independence genocide cultural suppression linguistic distinctness autonomy conflicts international recognition sovereignty indigenous peoples migration history ethnic tensions demographics political borders cultural identity language preservation genocide allegations cultural rights soviet policies nationalism borders conflict resolution ethnic relations regional history Georgian rule South Ossetia historical legitimacy Soviet Union autonomy Ossetian language cultural distinctness Georgian genocide Ossetian identity de facto independence Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive Modern Georgia sustained legitimate sovereign control 1991 de facto independence USSR recognition Ossetian language distinct history genocide 1920 1993 2008 cultural suppression Ossetian autonomy Georgia's claims Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia S. Ossetia 1991 independence de facto independence S. Ossetia's distinct language genocide accusations Ossetian culture Georgia's claims indigenous rights Indo-European languages Ossetian autonomy S. Ossetian identity S. Ossetia's independence Georgia's historical claims S. Ossetia's distinct identity S. Ossetia's distinct history S. Ossetia's autonomy under USSR S. Ossetia's long history of independence Georgia's war crimes Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia sustained control Soviet Union Ossetian language distinct identity cultural suppression genocide conflicts banned language autonomy Kremlin BBC News Ruslan Bzarov Omniglot Kommersant RIA Novosti Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia de facto independence 1991 independence Soviet Union recognition Ossetian autonomy indigenous language distinct identity genocide accusations cultural suppression Ossetian language Georgia's claims legitimacy disputes language preservation sustained control cultural distinctiveness geopolitical history internal affairs Kremlin statement Ossetian autonomy Georgia-USSR relations language rights ethnic cleansing Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia S. Ossetia declared independence 1991 de facto independence S. Ossetia 1991 disintegrating USSR S. Ossetia USSR recognized distinctness Kremlin statement Ossetic language indigenous language Ossetian identity genocide accusations 1920 1993 2008 cultural suppression Ossetian autonomy Georgia S. Ossetia nationalism language rights international recognition Osset Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive cultural distinctness linguistic distinctness sustained control soviet recognition Ossetian language genocide conflicts culture suppression autonomy indigenous rights Georgia's claims kosovo comparison
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro03a	Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. trade policies democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America regional influence oil economy freedom of speech presidential term limits economic connections United States Brazil dictatorship anti-American Iran trade fairness [1] Carroll Rory The Guardian economic influence[1] trade policies democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil investments freedom of speech presidential term limits economic connections United States Brazil anti-American Iranian relations dictatorship trade economic connections democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil money regional tours freedom of speech presidential term limits dictatorship US influence Brazil Democratic states anti-American stance supporter of Iran international relations global politics economic policy regional stability trade fair practices cold war mentality geopolitics trade policies democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America economic influence regional tours oil money anti-American stance speech restrictions presidential term limits dictatorship US-Latin America relations Brazil democratic states trade fairness international politics Trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator US influence Brazil economic connection anti-American Iranian support The Guardian trade policies democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits economic connections United States Brazil dictatorship regional tours investment economic influence counterbalancing influence undermining trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America regional tours investments oil freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator US Brazil economic connection anti-American Iran [1]Carroll Rory The Guardian trade economic connection democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil money regional tours freedom of speech presidential term limits anti-American Brazil Iran dictatorship United States [1] Carroll Rory The Guardian trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator US influence Brazil economic connections anti-American Iran regional tours investment Carroll Rory The Guardian trade policy democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America regional influence oil wealth freedom of speech presidential term limits economic connections US-Latin America trade Brazil dictatorship anti-American stance support for Iran Carroll Rory
test-law-ralhrilglv-con02a	Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya ICC Waki Commission justice system ethnic violence impunity courts peace trial Parliament ICC Kenya justice system Waki Commission tribal violence peace impunity ethnic conflict Wachira Muchemi Daily Nation Kenya trial justice peace Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity courts tribal rivalries Kenya justice system failure Waki Commission ICC intervention ethnic violence impunity court action cattle raids tribal rivalries perennial conflict Kenya trial justice peace ICC Waki Commission ethnic violence impunity courts Wachira Daily Nation Kenya justice system ICC intervention Waki Commission rejection ethnic violence Kenya impunity prevention court justice importance Kenya trial justice peace ICC Waki Commission ethnic violence impunity courts cattle raids tribal rivalries Kenya trial justice peace Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity courts Kenya justice system Wachira Muchemi Daily Nation cattle raids tribal rivalries Kenya trial ICC justice system Waki Commission ethnic violence impunity courts peace Kenya signing ICC Kenya ICC justice system Waki Commission ethnic violence impunity courts peace tribal conflicts
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con01a	Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans economic_growth tax_cuts Bush Republican_Congress jobs_creation Dow_Jones recession_real_goods sinecures economic_growth tax_cuts private_sector jobs_creation dow_jones republican_policies job_creation fact_sheet economic_stimulus bush_administration economic_growth tax_cuts private_sector jobs_creation dow_jones republican_policy job_creation fiscal_policy economic_stimulus real_gdp government_spending bush_administration economic_data employment_statistics [i] [i]_white_house economic growth stimulation Republican tax cuts President Bush economic data analysis job creation statistics private sector growth real income increase Dow Jones record highs economic policy evaluation tax cuts impact Republicans economic growth tax cuts Bush Congress Dow Jones jobs private sector economic situation fact sheet republicans economic growth tax cuts jobs created Dow Jones after-tax income real goods services job creation fact sheet economic growth tax cuts Republicans President Bush Republican Congress real income Dow Jones job creation private sector economic situation White House tax cuts economic growth Republican Congress real income Dow Jones jobs created private sector economic stimulation job creation fact sheet tax_cuts economic_growth job_creation private_sector Republican_President_Bush Dow_Jones_index after_tax_income economic_stimulus economic_situation fact_sheet jobs_created economic growth tax cuts Republican policies job creation private sector Dow Jones after-tax income economic stimulus real goods services provision
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con04a	No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 crises war prevention state monopoly conflict management sovereignty African Union territorial integrity member states good practice conflict resolution African Union state sovereignty conflict prevention international relations sovereignty territorial integrity interstate conflicts internal conflicts good governance reactive measures preventive mechanisms crises prevention war prevention state sovereignty African Union conflict management state monopoly international relations territorial integrity good practice internal conflicts sovereignty enforcement peacekeeping mechanisms prevent crises state monopoly conflict prevention sovereignty rights international relations AU's role state sovereignty territorial integrity conflict management good practice crisis prevention state force internal conflicts diplomatic reactions conflict resolution international laws sovereignty respect conflict escalation regional stability peacekeeping efforts conflict early warning state autonomy global governance conflict mediation state autonomy sovereignty infringement state intervention conflict avoidance international cooperation conflict prevention mechanisms state-centric approach conflict resolution strategies international norms state rights conflict prediction state authority sovereignty challenges international disputes conflict prevention strategies state power international crises war mechanism state monopoly force law order sovereignty territorial integrity African Union AU conflicts internal react good practice prevent crises war mechanisms state monopoly conflict prevention sovereignty rights AU response internal conflicts good practices international hierarchy African Union sovereignty state monopoly conflict prevention internal conflicts external conflicts international hierarchy good practice pledge territorial integrity crises prevention state monopoly sovereignty rights African Union internal conflicts interstate conflicts territorial integrity good practice conflict resolution African Union sovereignty state sovereignty state monopoly conflict prevention international relations crisis management territorial integrity good practice stakeholder responsibility peacekeeping diplomatic solutions regional security conflict resolution sovereignty rights international law state autonomy search outcomes expansion terms query enhancement prevention mechanisms crises war state monopoly law and order African nations sovereign right state affairs African Union member states sovereignty territorial integrity internal conflicts conflict prevention international relations peacekeeping global governance conflict resolution diplomatic strategies international cooperation security studies conflict management
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con02a	Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. alternative_funding efficient_methods university_funding graduate_tax full_state_funding welfare_state general_taxation social_classes individual_student_payments investment_in_future_earning enrollment_levels higher_education_access USA commercial_loans repayment_schedules graduate_taxes open-ended_repayments educational_costs efficiency_savings teaching_focused research_focused academic_specialization graduate tax funding models higher education efficiency savings EU countries student loans USA enrollment commercial loans work study academic specialization research focus welfare state general taxation enrollment rates investment in education cost savings funding-universities graduate-tax-alternatives state-funding-higher-education tuition-fees student-loans efficiency-savings-education teaching-focused-institutions academic-specialization higher-education-access welfare-state educational-costs cross-country-comparisons financing-strategies alternative_funding_methods efficient_university_funding graduate_tax_viability full_state_funding EU_welfare_model higher_education_access student_loans USA_higher_education cost_savings_universities teaching_focused_institutions academic_specialization funding_efficiency welfare_state_model tuition_fees_effectiveness commercial_loans_repayment graduate_tax_alternatives funding universities graduate tax full state funding welfare state social classes student loans commercial loans efficiency savings teaching research academic specialization enrollment access earning potential higher education cost countries EU USA funding models alternative financing graduate tax full state funding welfare state tuition fees student loans efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization funding universities alternative funding methods graduate tax full state funding welfare state higher education costs efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization student loans enrollment rates earning potential alternative_funding efficient_methods graduate_tax full_state_funding EU_countries welfare_state general_taxation student_debt USA_higher_education enrollment_levels commercial_loans efficiency_savings teaching_focus academic_specialization funding-universities graduate-tax state-funding welfare-state higher-education-access student-loans efficiency-savings teaching-research academic-specialization alternative_funding efficient_methods graduate_tax full_state_funding welfare_state social_classes individual_student_payment future_earning_potential enrollment_rates access_to_higher_education commercial_loans efficiency_savings teaching_focused_institutions academic_specialization
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro03a	Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. governments industry standards open source software network effect economists Brazil Digital Inclusion Program Microsoft Windows Office software citizen interaction economic challenges software adoption free software public sector IT open source software government standards network effects industry standards economic impact Brazilian Digital Inclusion Program Microsoft monopoly Windows Office software citizen interaction local authorities closed source alternatives open source software government industry standards network effect economic monopolies Brazil digital inclusion Microsoft Windows Microsoft Office closed source alternatives electronic governance citizen interaction public sector IT adoption open source software network effect industry standards government policy digital inclusion economic benefits technological interoperability public sector IT software licensing collaboration platforms open source software governments industry standards network effect economists Microsoft Windows Office Brazil Digital Inclusion Program citizen interaction economic barriers open source software governments industry standards network effect economists microsoft windows microsoft office brazil digital inclusion program interaction citizens businesses free software information technology monopoly alternatives open source software government standards industry standards network effect economists Microsoft Windows Microsoft Office Brazil Digital Inclusion Program economic benefits collaboration citizen interaction electronic government monopoly challenging market dominance free software information technology adoption closed source alternatives governments industry standards open source software network effect economists Brazil Digital Inclusion Program Microsoft Windows Office citizens private businesses easier interaction information technology memory management licensing cost software interoperability collaboration fiscal savings cybersecurity public sector IT electronic governance free software monopoly challenging monopolies open source software government standards industry standards network effect economists Microsoft monopoly Brazil Digital Inclusion Program electronic government interaction cost savings information technology adoption collaboration communication platforms monopoly challenging monopolies closed source software public sector IT public-private collaboration technological accessibility government efficiency citizen engagement open source software network effect industry standards government policy digital inclusion communication platforms economic benefits software interoperability public sector IT technological collaboration
test-international-gsciidffe-con03a	This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, internet censorship dissidents proxies private software russia foreign agents NGOs government control policy analysis [1] internet censorship state censorship private software proxies foreign government intervention Russia internet policy foreign agents NGOs cyber dissent digital sovereignty human rights online internet freedom digital surveillance censorship technology digital diplomacy cyber security policy internet governance digital activism internet censorship state control private software proxies dissidents foreign intervention digital rights surveillance foreign agents NGO influence cyber security policy effectiveness government tactics digital activism information control international cooperation internet censorship policy analysis digital rights privacy protection dissident software proxy servers censorship circumvention foreign interference NGOs and state policies russian internet regulations foreign agent laws internet censorship dissidents privately developed software proxies foreign governments state policies Russian internet regulation NGO influence foreign agents internet censorship foreign government intervention privately developed software proxy servers digital dissidence state policies foreign agents NGO assistance cyber sovereignty digital freedom online activism technology regulation information control digital rights state censorship software circumvention tools government surveillance digital diplomacy cyber security digital governance internet freedom technological neutrality digital divide privacy protection cybersecurity measures digital democracy digital authoritarianism internet censorship state censorship dissidents proxies privately developed software foreign government interference Russia internet policy NGOs foreign agents digital rights surveillance free speech online cyber security human rights online search efficacy expansion keywords query optimization internet censorship state censorship dissidents privately developed software proxies foreign governments policy analysis digital rights internet freedom Russian internet policy NGO influence foreign agents extremism digital privacy cybersecurity human rights internet governance technological sovereignty digital authoritarianism internet censorship policy analysis dissident protection proxy software foreign interference NGOs russia surveillance policy efficacy software development cybersecurity measures internet censorship dissidents proxies privately developed software foreign governments surveillance political activism russia/ngos [1]
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con03a	Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 natural resources economic development Africa jobs employment mining labour market local workforce economic stability indigenous employment foreign investment GDP national income industry sectors resource extraction labor standards regional economics job creation economic growth resource management environmental impact social development natural resource extraction job creation African economies labor force regional economic stability Shell Nigeria employment impact GDP per capita resource exploitation workforce development economic strengthening foreign investment local hiring employment standards economic benefits resource industries labor market economic growth natural resources job creation African economies labor force employment impact economic stability resource extraction workforce development regional economics labor market employment opportunities economic growth workforce diversity industry employment wage levels GDP per capita local hiring multinational corporations resource-based economy economic benefits employment rates resource management workforce skills economic indicators job security income generation economic empowerment labor market dynamics employment statistics natural resources job creation economic impact of natural resources employment in natural resource sector job creation in african countries labor market dynamics in resource-rich nations economic stability through natural resources resource extraction and employment workforce development in natural resource industries domestic vs foreign firm employment wage levels in natural resource sectors GDP per capita comparison resource extraction companies local labor force utilization economic benefits of natural resource presence regional economic stability workforce recruitment strategies employment statistics in natural resource industries natural resources employment creation African economies labor force economic stability job opportunities Shell Nigeria GDP per capita natural resource employment job creation African economies local labor force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employment local hiring economic strengthening gdp per capita natural resources economic development Africa jobs employment labour force regional stability Shell Nigeria GDP per capita natural resources economic growth African economies job creation employment local labor force regional economic stability foreign investment Shell Nigeria GDP per capita natural resources economic growth African economies job creation employment labour force regional stability foreign investment local hiring wages GDP per capita Nigeria Shell natural resource employment job creation African economies labor force economic stability Nigerian economy Shell Nigeria GDP per capita
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con03a	A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. graduate tax university autonomy tuition fees centralized funding higher education government control university planning independence state funding educational finance graduate tax university autonomy tuition fees national treasury higher education funding centralized funding NUS university planning state control university independence graduate tax university funding tuition fees national union of students centralized higher education fund university autonomy state control educational planning funding uncertainty graduate tax university funding autonomy centralized fund higher education tuition fees government control university planning student bodies independence state funding educational planning funding uncertainty graduate tax tuition fees university funding independence autonomy national treasury higher education fund funding uncertainty university planning UK National Union of Students education investment graduate tax university funding tuition fees national treasury higher education centralized fund government distribution university autonomy educational independence planning investments funding uncertainty graduate tax university autonomy tuition fees national treasury higher education funding centralized fund government distribution university independence state influence planning investments funding uncertainty graduate tax university autonomy centralized funding tuition fees higher education government funding university planning independent universities NUS proposals university competitiveness graduate tax university funding tuition fees higher education national treasury centralized fund university autonomy education planning government funding student bodies university independence graduate tax university funding tuition fees centralization higher education government funding autonomy planning investment independence national union of students funding uncertainty
test-international-segiahbarr-con04a	War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War Civil unrest African economies Regional instability Ethiopia Eritrea Banditry Human development Failed states Economic growth BBC report African conflicts Conflict economics Social infrastructure Armed groups Grievances Poverty Development funding Warfare Africa economic growth civil unrest human development regional instability BBC report Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict Banditry failed states war civil unrest economic development Africa regional instability conflict costs economic infrastructure demilitarization banditry profit-oriented violence human development failure states grievances armed groups BBC report Ethiopia Eritrea War costs Economic disruption Civil unrest Africa development Banditry in conflicts Rising demands during war Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict Human development instability Failing states Legitimate grievances Rape and violence Constant disruption Regional instability War Civil unrest African development Economic growth Regional instability Conflict costs Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict Banditry Rape Economic infrastructure Human development BBC report African states Grievances Livelihood disruption Civilian impact Failed states war civil unrest economic growth regional instability development barriers African conflicts banditry economic disruption social infrastructure conflict costs humanitarian crisis failed states perpetual warfare human development political objectives resource allocation conflict economics violence against civilians economic sanctions peacekeeping efforts international aid conflict resolution military spending economic recovery post-conflict reconstruction conflict prevention humanitarian assistance War Civil unrest Africa economic development regional instability conflict costs development funding civilian disruption population displacement human development banditry profit-oriented violence failing states grievances legitimacy war economic growth civil unrest Africa regional instability conflict costs development banditry army governance human development failure profit-oriented bloodshed disruption civilian War Civil unrest Economic growth Africa Regional instability Conflict costs Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict Banditry Rape Civilians Human development Failed states Legitimate grievances Bloodshed African conflicts War Economic growth Civil unrest Africa Regional instability Banditry Ethiopia Eritrea Human development Conflict economics Failing states
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con01a	Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: legitimacy human rights terrorism victim innocence government targets civilian harm political targets military targets infrastructure damage innocent population kurdish revolt turkish authorities guerilla warfare casualties backlash legitimacy terrorism civilian casualties political targeting military targeting infrastructure attacks human rights causality insurgent violence government buildings guerrilla warfare population harm access to healthcare backlash innocent civilians terrorist acts causalities Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities terrorism human rights civilians military political targets infrastructure harm justification suppression causalities backlash guerrilla warfare innocent populations government buildings Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities Washington Post legitimate harm civilian targets political targets military targets infrastructure attacks terrorism ethics human rights backlash effect kurdish revolt turkish authorities guerilla war innocent population access to healthcare causalities harm legitimacy terrorism civilians political military infrastructure government casualties innocence suppression human rights backlash access healthcare marginalization causalities kurds turkey guerilla war legitimate harm suppression human rights acts of terror civilian casualties political targets military targets infrastructure attacks guerilla war Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities population harm access to healthcare legitimacy human rights terrorism civilians political targets military targets infrastructure destruction innocent population backlash guerilla war kurds turkey casualties accessing basic capacities harming population harmful acts suppression human rights terrorism civilians political targets military targets infrastructure attacks innocent population causalities marginalization backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war access to healthcare innocent victims unjustified violence legitimate harm suppression human rights acts of terror civilian targets political targets military targets infrastructure attacks innocents government buildings causalities insurgent support Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war population harm basic capacities access healthcare access road destruction hospital destruction Washington Post Kurdish history legitimacy harm suppression human rights terror civilians political military authorities structures innocent causalities government basic capacities healthcare backlash insurgents [1] Washington Post kurds turkey guerilla war casualties
test-politics-lghwdecm-con02a	Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates party politics single issue campaigning glib promises headline grabbing paul massey salford council lutfur rahman tower hamlets muslim extremism racial tensions far-right候选人 低投票率 地方政府权力限制 directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates single issue politics glib promises power limitations far-right candidates racial tensions Tower Hamlets Lutfur Rahman Paul Massey Salford political alienation voter disappointment mayoral elections local government immigration concerns muslim extremism voter turnout us-style mayors London boroughs directly-elected-mayors populism maverick-candidates single-issue-campaigning glib-promises headline-grabbing far-right-politics racial-tensions local-government pet-issues elected-councillors party-politics convictions voter-disappointment muslim-extremism low-turnout power-limits Labour-partyn-split Tower-Hamlets-Mayor Lutfur-Rahman political-exploitation directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates unpopularity of party politics single issue campaigning glib promises political opportunism far-right candidates racial tensions voter disappointment local government far-right extremism low voter turnout extremist links directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates promises council leaders far-right far-right exploitation political alienation single issue campaigning convictions power limitations local government neglect immigration concerns racial tensions Muslim extremism low voter turnout Tower Hamlets pet issues Lutfur Rahman political scandals potential election outcomes local partnerships party politics Labour Party Middlesbrough council Peter Hetherington Andrew Gilligan directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates single issue campaigning glib promises popular unpopularity far-right exploitation local government alienation elected councillors racial tensions convictions mayoral elections voter disappointment power limitations far-right mayors immigration concerns low turnout extremist groups Muslim extremism town hall dictatorship directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates single issue politics glib promises promises limitation far-right candidates racial tensions local concerns immigration asylum-seekers elected councillors muhammad extremist group voter disappointment local government pet issues paul massey lutfur rahman tower hamlets peter hetherington andy gilligan directly-elected-mayors populism maverick-candidates single-issue-politics glib-promises headline-grabbing far-right council-alienation voter-disappointment pet-issues local-government racial-tensions low-turnout extremist-group Muslim-extremism Tower-Hamlets Paul-Massey Lutfur-Rahman Middlesbrough-council Salford-council directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates promise-making power limitations far-right candidates racial tensions local government convictions elected councillors single issue politics party politics low voter turnout muslim extremism directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates single issue campaigning glib promises power limitations far-right candidates racial tensions Tower Hamlets Lutfur Rahman pet issues political alienation voter disappointment past convictions potential election outcomes Middlesbrough council Paul Massey local government challenges
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro04a	Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 tourism pollution Tunisia sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure waste European tourists Russians CO2 emissions travel impact overuse of water land degradation littering UNEP climate change holiday flights tourism pollution sustainable tourism environmental impact tourism Tunisia environmental issues tourist carbon footprint tourism infrastructure impact over-tourism environmental degradation tourism European tourism Russian tourism growth CO2 emissions flights sustainable development tourism water usage tourism land degradation tourism littering impact tourism tourism environmental pollution Tunisia economic growth sustainability infrastructure waste European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions plane travel environmental impact water use land degradation littering UNEP tourism environmental impact pollution in tourism sustainability in tourism tunisia environmental damage tourism infrastructure impact travel carbon footprint air travel pollution environmental beauty preservation tourism waste management overuse of water in tourism land degradation tourism littering impact tourism alternative travel methods tourism pollution Tunisia sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure travel waste European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions plane travel CO2 per km water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme tourism pollution environmental impact tourism sustainability tourism economic growth tourism infrastructure construction tourism waste production tourism European tourists Tunisia Russian tourists Tunisia CO2 emissions flight holiday carbon footprint travel pollution water overuse tourism land degradation tourism littering tourism Tunisia environment damage tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure waste environmental beauty construction travel CO2 emissions plane travel CO2 per km European tourists Russian tourists travel distance carbon footprint water overuse land degradation littering holiday flights United Nations Environment Programme environmental impacts tourism pollution Tunisia sustainability economic growth environmental damage infrastructure construction travel waste European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions plane travel carbon footprint water overuse land degradation littering UNEP tourism pollution Tunisia sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure waste travel CO2 European tourists Russian tourists plane emissions water overuse land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC environmental impact tourism sustainability pollution Tunisia economic growth infrastructure waste CO2 emissions russian tourists European tourists travel water usage land degradation littering reputation aviation carbon footprint
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con04a	Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, democracy international interference sovereignty amnesty judicial system blogger cuba human rights justice mediation negotiation pope democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference amnesty justice system legal proceedings bloggers persecution negotiations Human Rights Watch Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II democracy internal affairs authoritarianism sovereignty interference amnesty judicial system blogger cuba human rights justice foreign intervention negotiation pope democracies internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty judicial system blogger amnesty justice system international interference negotiations Human Rights Watch Cuba dissidents pope democracy internal affairs authoritarianism sovereignty foreign intervention judicial system blogger amnesty justice legal proceedings cuba human rights rule of law pope diplomacy evidence negotiation dissident democracy sovereignty meddling internal affairs authoritarian justice system amnesty legal proceedings bloggers public opinion international relations human rights negotiation sovereignty respect external intervention democracy authoritarianism sovereignty internal affairs justice system amnesty legal proceedings bloggers judicial system negotiations Human Rights Watch Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference amnesty justice bloggers legal proceedings negotiations Human Rights Watch Cuba Pope John Paul II search optimization expansion terms democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference justice Amnesty foreign influence legal proceedings blogger negotiation human rights dissident Vatican Pope negotiation Cuba democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference justice amnesty bloggers legal proceedings negotiation human rights Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II
test-health-dhghhbampt-con01a	A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine patient access treatment efficacy academic orthodoxy drug interests treatment acceptance technique evolution healthcare reform alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices evolution patient access treatment acceptance academic orthodoxy vested interests healthcare reform traditional medicine evidence-based medicine alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices evolution of medicine orthodox medicine patient rights medical acceptance cure availability veteran treatments innovative therapies scientific validation healthcare reform academic orthodoxy medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine treatment access patient rights academic orthodoxy vested interests technique acceptance health reforms treatment efficacy medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine patient access treatment acceptance academic orthodoxy vested interests reform refinement sick people cures medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine patient access treatment acceptance healthcare reform orthodoxy vested interests technique evolution treatment fairness medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine patient access treatment acceptance orthodoxy vested interests technique validation time for acceptance medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine treatment access patient rights orthodoxy vested interests technique acceptance medical reforms medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine patient access treatment acceptance orthodoxy vested interests reform refinement techniques transition alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices patient access treatment acceptance academic orthodoxy vested interests technique acceptance healthcare reform clinical practice guidelines
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises philosophical belief human values right and wrong conflicts and crises ritual and regularity value systems international community national laws morally valuable principles child soldiers ICC cultural contexts plurality war crimes dissident commanders philosophical beliefs cultural relativism human rights universal values legal systems cultural conflicts minority rights international law cultural practices child soldiers cultural evolution ICC international community national laws plurality crimes against humanity ethics morals universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises philosophical belief human values conflicts and crises ritual and regularity group behavior plural value systems international community national laws value systems cultural evolution child soldiers ICC war crimes cultural context impoverished communities dissident commanders moral values child labor ethical dilemmas global norms legal systems minority rights majority culture plural societies cultural practices leadership ethics tribal beliefs child rights social justice humanitarian law cultural identity legal pluralism legal relativism eth universal rights cultural relativism collective compromises philosophical belief human values ritual and regularity culturally relative values international community nation states plural value systems value common among cultures majority minority ICC child soldiers war crime commanders culpability dissident commanders orcaken boys impoverished communities ethics and morality universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief equal value relative right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights cultural values evolution conflicts crises group behavior relativist laws cultural practices plural value systems international community nation states child soldiers war crimes ICC charismatic leaders impoverished communities dissent humanitarian principles moral values universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief equal value relative right wrong cultural contexts universal human rights universal human values culturally relative values conflicts crises perverse destructive behavior ritual regularity group's conduct culturally relative values evolution practices continuous hundred years hundred days systems law opinions practices values plural population international community individual nation states adjust laws reconcile competing demands plural value systems majority cultures objections universal human rights doctrine fragmentary sensible morally valuable principle ICC charismatic leaders impoverished communities send sons daughters combat war crime officers politicians diss philosophical belief cultural relativism universal human rights collective compromises cultural contexts universal values culturally relative values conflict resolution crisis management ritual behavior group conduct legal systems plural value systems international community nation states war crimes ICC child soldiers moral principles humanitarian laws universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief equal value relative right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights cultural values relativist human values culturally relative values conflicts and crises perverse behavior destructive behavior group conduct cultural justice survival values systems of law plural population international community nation states adjusting laws plural value systems competing demands majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC officers politicians dissident commanders child soldiers orphaned boys cultural defense abuse of defense universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism philosophical belief equal value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural contexts human values culturally relative values conflicts and crises group behavior culturally relative practices value evolution systems of law plural population universal human rights doctrine international community individual nation states laws adjustment competing demands plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC commanders fear cultural relativism universal human rights collective compromises philosophical belief value systems international community ICC child soldiers war crimes charismatic leaders impoverished communities tribal leaders orphaned boys Sudanese boys military ethics humanitarian law plural value systems human values moral arguments legal evolution conflict resolution ethical relativism state laws global morality humanitarian principles
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con05a	The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Third Reich Allies Nazi leadership execution trials judicial forum International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia ICTY Kosovo ethnic cleansing Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb campaign gross human rights violations reasonable and rational individual ICC international criminal court atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership ethnic cleansing International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia ICTY Slobodan Milosevic Bosnia Kosovo human rights violations judicial forum reasonable and rational individual ICC international criminal court atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Third Reich Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY Kosovo ethnic cleansing Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army gross human rights violations reasonable and rational individual court well intentioned commission of crimes ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Allies Third Reich Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal Hague ethnic cleansing judicial forum human rights violations ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Third Reich Allies Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Kosovo ethnic cleansing judicial forum gross human rights violations ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazism judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Hague ethnic cleansing human rights violations reasonable and rational individual ICC international criminal court atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution trials judicial forum International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY ethnic cleansing Kosovo Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army gross human rights violations reasonable and rational individual court effectiveness preventive justice international law legal deterrents ethical considerations ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Third Reich Allies Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Kosovo ethnic cleansing judicial forum gross human rights violations ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia Hague ethnic cleansing Kosovo Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army gross human rights violations reasonable and rational individual court well intentioned crimes prevention deterrence legal system historical examples judicial effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Holocaust Third Reich Allies Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Kosovo ethnic cleansing judicial forum international criminal law human rights violations reasonable and rational individual
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro03a	Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. innocent websites social networking sites Facebook blackberry instant messenger coordinating riots damaging property physical violence deaths internet censorship government action UK riots violence during riots Vietnamese government censorship for safety online communication and real-world actions social networking sites banning government censorship internet site regulation riot coordination facebook role in riots blackberry messaging online forums for crime property damage from riots physical violence incidents social media impact on society governmental response to social media internet safety measures social networking sites Facebook riot coordination internet censorship government response property destruction physical violence social media impact online communication technological surveillance public safety digital activism cybercrime civil unrest media influence digital divide privacy concerns law enforcement cyber warfare information dissemination virtual protest online anonymity digital democracy social media monitoring digital governance cyber terrorism online radicalization cyber security digital rights cyber warfare digital ethics cyber law digital citizenship innocent sites impact social networking site banning government censorship internet misuse rioting coordination Facebook usage digital communication during riots property damage physical violence cyber-enabled crime Internet regulation public safety innocent sites social networking sites Facebook riots Vietnamese government BBC News Internet censorship England riots Cameron looting water cannons property damage physical violence censorship online coordination innocent citizens internet forums social networking sites banning coordinating riots internet censorship Facebook usage damaging effects innocent sites citizen behavior property destruction physical violence government action rioters communication UK riots innocent appearance public safety technological impact social media regulation social networking sites Facebook riots coordination destruction government censorship innocent appearance internet dangers riot planning misinformation spread social media impact public safety property damage violence death technological misuse government response internet regulation citizen behavior technological tools social media policing social networking sites Facebook riot coordination government censorship internet site effects online communication rioters communication property damage physical violence deaths social media impact public safety internet regulation social networking sites Facebook riots government censorship instant messaging property destruction physical violence deaths internet regulation public safety online communication riot coordination digital activism cybercrime social media impact civil unrest technological influence law enforcement response social networking sites censorship government action internet security riots Facebook Blackberry Messenger property damage physical violence digital communication social media impact innocent sites risk assessment population protection order maintenance
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> EU foreign policy Iraq war NATO military power common approach international relations Yugoslavia national interests EU claims independent voice EU foreign policy failures Iraq war impact Yugoslavia crisis NATO dependence US military influence EU military capability common European foreign policy national interests conflicts EU economic power limitations EU foreign policy common foreign policy War in Iraq NATO US military power military dependency European Union capabilities international politics Yugoslavia national interests public opinion military strength economic power independent voice EU foreign policy failures common foreign policy Iraq war impact EU military power NATO dependency US military influence European unity international political influence EU national interests public opinion on EU policies EU foreign policy test failure Iraq War yugoslavia breakup national interests military power NATO US military world politics independent voice EU foreign policy common approach War in Iraq NATO US military power independent voice military presence European Union military dependency national interests international scene common foreign policy former Yugoslavia economic power EU foreign policy common policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia crisis national interests military power NATO US military independent voice international relations EU foreign policy common approach War in Iraq NATO dependency military power failed policies international politics common foreign policy European Union Yugoslavia conflict EU foreign policy common foreign policy Iraq war Yugoslavia NATO US military power military capability independent voice international relations European Union national interests public opinion military dependency EU foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia NATO military power EU sovereignty international politics public opinion national interests economic power"
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro04a	"Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. GHGs methane CO2 glaciers ice sheets permafrost water levels atmospheric heat ocean acidification coral reefs carbon sink extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes ecosystem destruction forests peat bogs climate feedback irreversible effects global warming greenhouse gases environmental impact climate change mitigation GHGs climate change glaciers ice sheets permafrost sea level rise methane CO2 ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes ecosystems forests peat bogs feedback loops climate tipping points GHGs methane CO2 climate change feedback loops ocean acidification extreme weather permafrost melting glaciers coral reefs forests peat bogs C02 absorption irreversible effects consequences increased GHGs melting glaciers ice sheets permafrost water levels methane CO2 global warming ocean acidification coral reefs carbon sink extreme weather hurricanes floods record temperatures ecosystems forests peat bogs climate change feedback reversibility temperature thresholds GHGs melting glaciers methane permafrost ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods CO2 absorption climate feedbacks irreversible changes global warming GHGs glacier melting permafrost sea level rise methane CO2 global warming ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods CO2 absorption ecosystem destruction forest loss climate feedback temperature rise irreversible changes GHGs climate change glaciers ice sheets permafrost water levels methane CO2 ocean acidification coral reefs carbon sink extreme weather hurricanes floods CO2 absorption ecosystems forests peat bogs temperature rise feedback loops climate tipping points GHGs melting glaciers methane permafrost sea level rise increased acidity coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods CO2 absorption irreversible climate change 2.5C temperature threshold GHGs climate change feedback mechanisms methane ocean acidification permafrost melt sea level rise extreme weather carbon sinks ecosystem disruption greenhouse gases global warming atmospheric heating CO2 climate resilience long-term effects environmental impacts sustainability temperature thresholds irreversible changes GHGs methane CO2 perma frost ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods forest degradation climate feedback irreversible effects"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro03a	South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetia independence prevention conflict status quo militarized clashes self-determination de facto independence re-integration Georgia ethnic cleansing war of aggression humanitarian consequences reconciliation Russia ethnic struggle South Ossetia independence conflict prevention militarized clashes de facto independence Georgia self-determination ethnic cleansing Russian involvement humanitarian consequences reconciliation aggression 2008 war ethnic struggle insurgency wider war humanitarian impacts South Ossetian independence militarized clashes de facto independence re-integration into Georgia self-determination ethnic cleansing war of aggression reconciliation humanitarian consequences Russian involvement Georgia-Russia conflict 2008 South Ossetia war ethnic struggle South Ossetian independence de facto independence militarized clashes recognition of independence forced re-integration self-determination democratic principles ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict reconciliation Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences South Ossetia independence conflict prevention militarized clashes de facto independence Georgian re-integration ethnic cleansing Russian involvement humanitarian consequences self-determination democratic principles reconciliation ethnic struggle Russian aggression 2008 war South Ossetian independence militarized clashes self-determination ethnic cleansing de facto independence Georgian re-integration humanitarian consequences Russian involvement 2008 war protracted war insurgency reconciliation democratic principles ethnic struggle South Ossetian independence de facto independence militarized clashes ethnic cleansing Georgia Russian involvement 2008 war self-determination democratic principles humanitarian consequences reconciliation ethnic struggle wider war international recognition sovereignty minority rights autonomy conflict resolution human rights violations peacekeeping diplomatic solutions territorial disputes international law ethnic minorities conflict escalation geopolitical tensions South Ossetian independence de facto independence militarized clashes self-determination ethnic cleansing Russian involvement Georgian aggression humanitarian consequences reconciliation ethnic struggle insurgency re-integration protracted war human rights violations democratic principles humanitarian impact regional stability international recognition conflict resolution self-governance sovereignty ethnic tensions peacekeeping autonomy geopolitical tensions international law peacebuilding ethnic minorities territorial disputes sovereignty issues conflict prevention South Ossetian independence conflict prevention de facto independence militarized clashes self-determination ethnic cleansing war of aggression Russian involvement Georgian aggression humanitarian consequences reconciliation ethnic struggle wider war risk South Ossetian independence de facto independence militarized clashes self-determination democratic principles ethnic cleansing war of aggression reconciliation humanitarian consequences Russian involvement Georgia South Ossetia conflict de-escalation future conflicts
test-politics-oapghwliva-con01a	"A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 line-item veto power abuse executive influence budget politicization congressional intimidation presidential authority legislative process check and balance political power misuse Veto authority impacts presidential re-election Senators on line-item veto campaign rhetoric on presidential powers line-item veto presidential power legislative process executive influence budget politicization constitutional balance Clinton presidency congressional threats political power abuse senator Rick Santorum Senator Ted Stevens line-item veto presidential power legislative process executive influence budget politicization constitutional balance political abuse reauthorization congressional leverage executive-legislative relations line-item veto presidential power legislative process budget politicization constitutional balance executive influence congressional intimidation political power abuse presidential reelection legislative-veto authority line-item veto power abuse legislative process intimidation budget politicization executive power checks and balances political influence risk of corruption presidential power congressional relations veto threat line-item veto presidential power legislative process budget politicization executive-legislative balance political intimidation constitutional implications Clinton presidency Republican stance congressional influence line-item veto presidential power legislative process political influence constitutional balance executive branch budget politicization Clinton administration Republican criticism Congressional threats veto threat senator ted stevens rick santorum presidential authority check and balance line-item veto presidential power legislative process political influence constitutional balance budget politicization executive authority Congress presidential abuse senator rhetoric line-item veto presidential power legislative process executive influence political power budget politicization constitutional balance presidential authority political overtones Senate debate line-item veto criticism line-item veto presidential power legislative process constitutional balance political influence budget politicization executive authority checks and balances congressional power presidential vetoes executive-legislative relations"
test-law-ralhrilglv-con03a	Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya government Mungiki media freedom press title deeds illegal leader credibility good governance Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga Standard Digital banned occult gang mass murder Kenyatta Mungiki title deeds controversy press freedom governance corruption Kenyan politics electoral fraud human rights African leaders Kenya government criticism Mungiki media freedoms title deeds elections political crimes press threats good governance Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga Standard Digital Kenya government corruption mungiki Kenya illegal title deeds Kenyatta presidency censorship in Kenya media freedom threats Kenyan governance issues Kenyatta Mungiki connection Kenyan election 2013 Kenya political crisis Kenyatta press freedoms Kenya governance Mungiki media freedom illegal title deeds president Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga Alphonce Shiundu Tobias Chanji illegal title deeds threat to press freedom Mungiki mass murder allegations good governance Kenyatta leadership Raila Odinga Standard Digital Kenya governance Mungiki media freedom of press title deeds Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga Standard Digital Kenya government Mungiki illegal title deeds press freedom Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga banned gang mass murder good governance Kenya governance Mungiki media freedom of press title deeds Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga Standard Digital illegal title deeds mungiki Kenyatta government press freedom governance issues Kenyan politics banned groups mass murder allegations media restrictions
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro05a	Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 transparency public relations media freedom military information accidents nuclear bombs public opinion national security speculation information policy democracies dictators public relations disasters transparency policies media investigations government communication crisis management military operations press speculation 信息公开 公共关系危机 媒体自由 军事透明度 事故处理 核武器安全 舆论管理 国家安全 信息不对称 政府沟通策略 危机公关 媒体调查 新闻发布策略 transparency military communication public relations disasters media freedom democracy national security information policy public opinion accident response speculation management incident reporting openness press relations public relations military transparency media investigation Palomares incident transparency public relations media freedom military communication information release public opinion national security speculation accidents nuclear weapons diplomatic relations dictatorship democracy incident investigation crisis management transparency policies media investigations information gaps public relations strategies media relations communication strategies government transparency media freedom benefits transparency in emergencies military transparency accident response 信息公开 媒体调查 政府透明度 危机公关 媒体关系管理 transparency in public relations military transparency democracy vs dictatorship pUBLIC RELATIONS DISASTERS media freedom 信息公开的重要性 事故处理策略 媒体角色 国家安全影响 公众意见管理 信息透明度的重要性 公共危机管理 媒体调查权 国际关系影响 新闻报道自由 灾难公关案例分析 transparency public relations disasters media freedom military policy information release public opinion national security democracy speculation collaboration communication effectiveness incident response openness media investigation public relations management security implications dictatorship alliances diplomacy crisis communication transparency public relations media freedom information release military policy public opinion national security speculation communication strategy accident handling nuclear weapons public relations disaster openness media relations incident management government transparency crisis communication media investigations diplomatic relations media speculation emergency response information management crisis management media relations strategy transparency military communications public relations disasters media freedom collisions b-52 kc-135 nuclear bombs palomares incident information policy democracy speculation public opinion national security Spain Franco transparency military communications public relations democracy media freedom national security 信息公开 媒体调查 事故处理 舆论引导 信息透明度 transparency pUBLIC_RELATIONS countries_with_media_freedom military_information_release media_speculation public_relations_disaster national_security democracy information_policy political_implications incident_response strategic_communication media_relations openness press_coverage political_impact international_relations military_accidents palomares_incident transparency military communications public relations disasters media freedom country specific policies national security democracy risk management information release public opinion management disaster prevention strategic communication incident response media speculation information warfare dictatorship governance public relations strategies information control public trust building
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con03a	Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 fragile states Africa governance conflict poverty inequality coups Mali French intervention ISS Africa instability predictions fragile states conflict governance inequality poverty coup Mali French troops stability African politics ISS Africa war forecasting international inspections fragile states governance conflict violence inequality poverty forecasting war coup stability democracy French troops Mali international inspections freedom of speech conflict prevention conflict resolution conflict management peacebuilding security studies African politics ISS Africa London Review of Books governance conflict violence inequality poverty fragile states DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies 2050 war Mali coup French troops multiparty elections Konaré freedom of speech media stability intervention London Review of Books search efficiency expand query fragile states Africa governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa 2050 war coup Mali French troops stability democracy multiparty elections Konaré freedom of speech media London Review of Books reversed gains unforeseen events fragile states Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast war not ending Mali coup 2012 French troops intervention stable country conflict Konaré presidency multiparty elections freedom of speech Mali stability decline search accuracy expansion terms enrich query fragile states governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 war stability Mali coup French troops democracy multiparty elections international inspections freedom of speech media instability forecast strategic studies ISS Africa London Review of Books search efficacy expansion keywords fragile states Africa governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies coups stability Mali French troops democracy multiparty elections freedom of speech media intervention 2050 2020 international inspections Konaré Whitehouse London Review of Books search optimization meaningful expansion terms enhance query fragile states governance conflict violence inequality poverty forecasting 2050 war end Mali coup 2012 stability French troops intervention democracy elections freedom media Whitehouse Bruce London Review Books Cilliers Jakkie ISS Africa African politics security instability Whitehouse Bruce Mali 2012 coup French troops intervention democracy elections freedom media Cill search outcomes beneficial expansion terms query enhancement fragile states Africa governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies forecasting 2050 war stability Mali coup 2012 French troops democracy multiparty elections Konaré freedom of speech media Whitehouse London Review of Books
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con01a	Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. graduate tax government spending student grants university funding bureaucracy austerity measures economic impact taxation system education policy graduate tax student grants government spending university funding austerity measures taxation system bureaucratic costs education policy tuition fees public finances graduate tax government spending student grants university funding bureaucracy costs austerity measures tax system complexity long-term investment graduate repayment university tuition fees public expenditure education policy graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees austerity measures government bureaucracy taxation system funding system economic impracticality long-term investment student loan repayment administrative costs higher education funding public finances graduate tax government spending student grants university applications cost efficiency bureaucratic costs austerity measures graduate tax government spending student grants taxation system austerity measures bureaucracy costs funding system graduate repayment university tuition fees economic impracticality student finance public expenditure administrative burden long-term investment higher education funding economic impact policy recommendation university applications graduate tax government spending student grants university tuition fees austerity measures bureaucracy taxation system funding system economic impact long-term costs higher education funding public expenditure fiscal policy graduate tax government spending student grants bureaucracy costs austerity measures tax system complexity funding inefficiency economic impracticality long-term investment education financing graduate tax government spending student grants austerity measures university tuition fees bureaucratic costs economic feasibility taxation system complexity long-term investment education funding public expenditure student debt higher education finance tax collection challenges graduate tax government spending student grants university tuition fees austerity measures bureaucratic costs funding systems economic impracticality repayment schemes
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro04a	It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP purpose support small family farmers Stresa conference 1958 Objectives European Agriculture direct payments biggest players subsidies richest farmers competitive market economic wealthy EU taxpapers Romanticising Europe Rural images policies CAP reform purpose of subsidies family farmers support mechanisms direct payments wealthy farmers economic competition rural policies Agricultural Union EU subsidies direct payments policy Rome Declaration on World Food Security small farmers market competitiveness farm support programs CAP populist family farmers subsidies EU economic competitive Stresa 1958 rural policy wealthy agriculturalindustry Directpayments support EUtaxpayers inequality subsidies effectiveness family farmers support small farmers CAP objectives European agriculture Stresa conference competitive environment direct payments largest farmers CAP model EU taxpayers rural images farmers competition CAP EU support family farmers larger farmers subsidies economic competitive Stresa conference taxpayers The Economist Romanticising policies Elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases subsidies larger farmers CAP original aims small family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference 1958 economic capacity family enterprises direct payments agricultural industry largest players CAP objectives EU taxpayers rural images European Union policies The Economist farm subsidies rich farmers CAP subsidies family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments agricultural industry wealth distribution EU taxpayers CAP purpose support family farmers subsidies larger farmers economic competitive rural policy EU market wealthy landowners abhorrent Support payments direct recipients economist stresa conference 1958 rural images politics europe CAP support family farmers direct payments biggest players rural images European Union policies abhorrent support EU taxpayers Romanticising Europe CAP subsidies agricultural policy family farmers large farmers economic competitiveness EU taxpayers rural images European Union policies direct payments competitive environment
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro02a	Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. government contracts software industry open source Microsoft Linux Real Networks IBM Sun Microsystems patents payments licensing IT solutions competitive bidding source code industry impact policy influence innovation government influence open source software microsoft response government procurement industry change political impact on technology patent sharing solaris open source real networks realplayer ibm open source initiative government influence software industry open source Microsoft Linux Real Networks IBM Sun Microsystems patents source code competitive bidding IT solutions political impact on technology industry trends innovation patent sharing market competition technology policy open source initiative collaborative software development Solaris Common Development and Distribution license government contracts software industry open source program competitive bidding process Linux Microsoft Open Source Initiative Sun Microsystems Solaris IBM patents RealNetworks RealPlayer open source community Common Development and Distribution license IT solutions government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Linux Microsoft patents Sun Microsystems Solaris IBM RealNetworks RealPlayer Source Code Initiative Open Source Initiative Common Development and Distribution license positive force IT solutions personal computers market competition economic impact policy influence government contracts software industry open source Microsoft Linux RealNetworks IBM Sun Microsystems patents source code competitive bidding IT solutions positive force government consideration webOS government contracts software industry open source Microsoft competitive bidding IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence IBM patents RealNetworks RealPlayer open source community positive force government consideration government contracts software industry open source Microsoft competitive bidding Linux Open Source Initiative Sun Microsystems Solaris IBM patents Real Networks RealPlayer public sector IT innovation market competition IT solutions source code open source community positive impact policy influence technology innovation government procurement strategies government contracts software industry open source Microsoft governments bidding process Linux RealNetworks IBM Sun Microsystems patents Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force considering open source government contracts software industry open source Microsoft competitive bidding IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative RealPlayer IBM patents Sun Microsystems Solaris open source community positive force governments consideration
test-international-gsciidffe-con04a	Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. aggressive foreign policy international relations norms cyber warfare cyber attacks internet warfare humanitarian intervention Iraq war Kosovo Iran-Contra NATO circumventing censorship armed conflict legitimate foreign policy mutual respect networked warfare peaceful foreign policy stability coercion intervention international law cyber warfare aggressive foreign policy humanitarian intervention Iraq War Iran-Contra NATO censorship cyber attacks armed conflict Tallinn Manual international relations stability coercion intervention aggressive foreign policy legitimate foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect cyber warfare norms in international relations armed conflict international law cyber attacks circumventing censorship NATO iraq war kosovo iran-contra coercion intervention nuclear plants hospitals tallinn manual aggressive foreign policy cyber warfare international law norms in international relations military intervention humanitarian intervention iran-contra affair iraq war circumventing censorship armed conflict network warfare nato manual cyber attacks cyber operations tallinn manual aggressive foreign policy legitimate foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyberwar international law cyber attacks Tallinn Manual cyber warfare international law aggressive foreign policy humanitarian intervention circumventing censorship legitimate foreign policy NATO iran-contra iraq war kosovo foreign policy legitimacy aggressive foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect Iraq war humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra international relations stability cyber warfare NATO armed conflict cyber attacks cyber operations Tallinn Manual international law state undermining censorship circumvention aggressive actions cyberwarfare norms aggressive foreign policy international relations norms military interventions humanitarian intervention cyber warfare cyber attacks internet security NATO circumventing censorship armed conflict intervention legitimate foreign policy military conflicts iraq war kosovo iran-contra aggressive foreign policy international relations norms legitimate foreign policy peaceful policy mutual respect cyber warfare cyber attacks internet warfare armed conflict NATO censorship stable international relations Iran-Contra Humanitarian intervention Kosovo Warfare norms Cyber law Cybersecurity International law aggressive foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect Iraq war humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra international relations stability undermining states censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyberwar Tallinn Manual international law cyber attacks intervention cyber warfare
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con02a	Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Africa poverty natural resources revenue reinvestment resource dividends HDI Malawi cash transfer program poorest society Human Development Index natural resource extraction economic development Africa poverty reduction natural resource management resource dividends population poverty sub-Saharan Africa economic development HDI improvement cash transfer programs Malawi poverty alleviation African natural resources poverty alleviation strategies Africa economic growth Africa poverty natural resources revenue reinvestment resource dividends HDI Malawi cash transfer program sub-Saharan Africa poorest citizens economic development inequality reduction Human Development Index resource extraction benefit distribution technological transfer maximize search utility best strategies poverty alleviation africa natural resources revenue reinvestment population benefit cash transfers resource dividends human development index sustainable growth policy recommendations sub-Saharan Africa dividend distribution economic empowerment resource management poverty reduction technological interventions inequality mitigation development economics wealth redistribution poverty Africa natural resources sub-Saharan Africa resource dividends human development index Malawi direct transfers poverty alleviation income increase social welfare technology transfer economic development poverty alleviation africa natural resources population transfer resource dividends HDI social development cash transfer programs Malawi economic inequality policy recommendations revenue reinvestment power dynamics development economics sub-Saharan Africa political economy inequality reduction population growth resource management boost search accuracy poverty Africa natural resources Human Development Index direct transfers resource dividends sub-Saharan Africa income improvement citizen profits technology transfer Africa poverty natural resources reinvestment poorest areas resource dividends Human Development Index technology Malawi cash transfer program dividends poverty alleviation economic development beneficial expansion keywords Africa poverty natural resources reinvestment sub-Saharan Africa resource dividends Malawi Human Development Index cash transfer program direct transfers technology poverty reduction economic development natural resources poverty alleviation Africa resource dividends HDI social development population transfer sub-Saharan Africa cash transfer programs Malawi poor citizens revenue reinvestment Human Development Index
test-international-segiahbarr-con03a	The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 natural disasters Africa vulnerability economic growth poverty Somalia cyclone floods disaster risk management climate change development exposed areas UNEP climatic adaptation costs natural disasters Africa economic growth vulnerability poverty disaster risk management Somalia cyclone climate change UNEP development flooding arid areas United Nations natural disasters Africa economic growth poverty disaster risk management Somalia climatic change UNEP funding development vulnerability natural disasters development economic growth vulnerability impoverished areas Somalia cyclone disaster risk management social policy UNEP climate change adaptation costs arid areas flooding natural disasters vulnerability Africa poverty development economic growth Somalia cyclone disaster risk management climatic changes UNEP African climate adaptation disaster management costs natural disasters vulnerability poverty socioeconomic policy economic growth development Africa Somalia cyclone disaster risk management climate change UNEP adaptation costs natural disasters Africa vulnerability poverty economic growth Somalia cyclone disaster risk management climate change UNEP adaption costs development exposed areas natural disasters Africa economic growth poverty vulnerability development Somalia cyclone disaster risk management UNEP climate change adaption costs disaster management economic policy natural disasters Africa development economic growth vulnerability poverty disaster risk management climate change unep Somalia cyclone flooding African countries overseas development institute arid areas disaster management costs vulnerable populations natural disasters Africa economic growth policy solutions disaster risk management climatic changes development challenges cyclones flooding poverty alleviation UNEP costs
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con04a	"Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September consumer_choice advertising individual_rights personal_behavior ad_interpretation beauty_products feminist_thought institutional_power victim_mindset self_determination individual choice right to choose consumer behavior advertising influence personal freedom self-determination feminist perspective beauty products ad interpretation institutional power victim mentality empowerment consumer rights belief values advertising ethics consumer_choice advertising_influence individual_beliefs gender_studies feminism ad_interpretation personal_behavior power_structures self_determination beauty_products individual choice right to respond advertising behavior consumer rights ad interpretation personal belief values influence feminist perspective institutional power consumer behavior self-determination beauty products ad influence consumer values individual choice right to respond advertising behavior consumer rights interpretation of ads personal beliefs values feminist perspective institutional power self-determination beauty products consumer behavior ad influence consumer_choice advertising_rights personal_behavior ad_interpretation individual_values feminist_views consumer_independence advertising_power_structures self_determination beauty_products ad_influence personal_attitudes advertising consumer_behavior choice individual_rights interpretation feminism consumer_advertising belief_systems power_structures personal_choice self_determination consumer_behavior_choices consumer_advertizing_values consumer_choice 广告影响 个人行为 广告选择 自我决定权 价值观 性别研究 个人消费 广告忽视 消费者权利 individual choice consumer rights advertising interpretation personal behavior ad influence beliefs and values feminist perspective self-determination beauty products consumer behavior institutional power victim mentality individual choice consumer rights advertising influence personal behavior interpretation of ads beauty products feminist perspectives institutional power self-determination consumer behavior ad response options mental dependence value representation"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con02a	Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror international community mutual understanding alienation fear of escalation violence interpretation oppressing state civil disobedience political messages mahatma gandhi civil rights non-violent actions social change peaceful protest stereotypes non-westeners terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror international community mutual understanding alienation fear of escalation violent interpretation oppressing state existing stereotypes civil disobedience political messages non-violent actions Mahatma Gandhi civil rights movement peaceful protest positive attention terrorism negative portrayal international community acts of terror mutual understanding alienation violence oppression resources stereotypes non-Westeners escalation non-violent actions civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi political messages victims perpetrators positive attention followers terrorism portrayal acts of terror international community fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state violence defense civil disobedience political messages positive attention peaceful protest mahatma gandhi civil rights non-violent actions social change media impact existing stereotypes terrorism negative portrayal international community acts of terror mutual understanding alienation fear of escalation violence interpretation oppressing state stereotypes non-Westeners civil disobedience non-violent actions Mahatma Gandhi peaceful protest VIP terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community violence fear escalation interpretation oppressing state stereotypes non-Westeners peaceful protest civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi non-violent actions positive attention victims perpetrators political messages BBC News terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror international community mutual understanding alienation fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state violence stereotypes non-Westeners civil disobedience political messages Mahatma Gandhi non-violent actions victims perpetrators civil rights peaceful protest positive attention followers [1] BBC News Terrorism negative portrayal international community acts of terror mutual understanding alienation fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state spread message violence defense existing stereotypes civil disobedience political messages non-violent actions peaceful protest Mahatma Gandhi positive attention victims perpetrators civil rights non-Westeners violence counter terrorism protest strategy terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror international community fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state social stereotypes non-Westeners violence victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages non-violent actions Mahatma Gandhi positive attention protest followers terrorism negative portrayal international community mutual understanding alienation acts of violence oppressing state stereotypes non-Westeners civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi peaceful protest victims perpetrators positive attention [1] BBC News
test-politics-lghwdecm-con01a	Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? mayoral_power centralization municipal_government elected_officials council_authority local_politics civic_engagement administrative_structure political_delegation public_service municipal_council governance_model local_administration representative_democracy political_misuse municipal_reform civic_leadership political_system town_hall local_authority mayoral powers centralized governance councillor roles delegated authority council oversight elected officials local government structure municipal reforms political accountability civic engagement mayoral_power centralized_government elected_leadership local_councils civic_talents political_authority municipal_management bureaucratic_structure democratic_process governmental_reform civic_engagement administrative_efficiency political_control public_services community_involvement representative_government local_administration governance_systems civic_participation political_systems local_politics power_distribution democratic_principles public_administration government_overhaul mayoral centralization elected mayor powers municipal governance council oversight local government structure mayoral authority councillor roles delegated powers municipal accountability talent in politics civic engagement local democracy municipal autonomy political representation governance reform civic leadership administrative efficiency public service management political influence community involvement mayor power centralisation elected cabinet council talented ambitious oversight misuse delegation wishes authority monitoring centralisation power misuse elected mayor cabinet ambition council oversight talented people council wards power delegation mayoral_power centralization elected_mayor power_misuse cabinet_selection council_talents mayor_authority councillor_role oversight democracy centralization power misuse elected mayor cabinet authority mayoral powers council oversight talented councillors ambitious politicians local governance civic engagement political efficacy representative democracy power distribution council efficiency municipal reform political accountability citizen participation power concentration council roles civic responsibility power dynamics local politics mayoral powers centralization municipal governance electoral systems local autonomy council oversight democratic representation administrative efficiency political accountability civic engagement centralization power misuse cabinet selection council oversight ambitious councillors talented politicians elected mayor power delegation local governance mayoral authority council effectiveness representative democracy political accountability
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro02a	The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 free speech government limitations balancing act human rights protection racism hate speech site banning societal harm freedom of expression human rights education government limits free speech boundaries balancing act human rights protection hate speech regulations racism laws site banning criteria freedom of expression limitations human rights abuses digital rights management legal free speech internet censorship principles free speech limits balancing act free speech protecting human rights free speech boundaries hate speech regulations freedom of expression restrictions social media censorship human rights abuses free speech exceptions speech codes digital rights management online harassment laws free speech limits balancing act human rights protection racism hate speech site banning social group attack freedom of expression limitations potential harms government boundaries free speech human rights racism hate speech protection limits extension principle society examples harms small number cases Human Rights Education Association free speech limits balancing act human rights protection hate speech racism site banning freedom of expression rights abuse government free speech limits balancing act human rights racism hate speech social media regulations censorship constitutional law civil liberties legal boundaries public discourse 人权 表达自由 限制措施 平衡原则 保护他人权利 种族主义 仇恨言论 社会媒体监管 宪法原则 公民自由 government free speech boundaries human rights balancing act racism hate speech site banning protection rights infringement societal harm limitations freedom of expression human rights education association government free speech limitations balancing act human rights abuse racism hate speech site banning social harm human rights education freedom of expression free speech limitations balancing act human rights protection hate speech racism site banning freedom of expression human rights abuses speech restrictions legal limits on speech protecting societal groups
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication external affairs member states common foreign policy Brusselsagenda foreign policy efficiency EU High Representative Council Commission differences foreign affairs coordination European Union governance common foreign policy member state agreement Brussels foreign policy influence foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council efficiency complexity expense external affairs rivalry duplication member states common foreign policy pretensions Brussels foreign policyagenda foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication common foreign policy member states Brusselsagenda foreign policy efficiency consolidation complexity expense EU High Representative position rivalry duplication external affairs member states agreement common foreign policy influence Brussels foreign policy agenda reform efficiency foreign policy integration complexity expense High Representative EU diplomacy coordination rivalry resources common position member states sovereignty agenda decision-making foreign policy Commission Council EU High Representative inefficiency complexity expense rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy EU High Representative foreign policy centers Commission Council efficiency complexity expenses rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states agenda foreign policy foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication external affairs member states common foreign policy Brussels
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con04a	The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute ICC jurisdiction NATO genocide Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime of aggression Rome Statute intervention human rights political prosecution NATO ICC jurisdiction genocide Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime aggression human rights prosecution Rome Statute political prosecution ICC NATO genocide quirk jurisdiction Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army novel crime of aggression prosecution of human rights defenders political prosecution Rome Statute ICC jurisdiction NATO States genocide prevention quirk of drafting Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime aggression prosecution human rights Rome Statute political prosecution NATO genocide ICC jurisdiction Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army crime of aggression novel crimes human rights prosecution political prosecution Rome Statute intervention genocide NATO ICC jurisdiction Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime of aggression Rome Statute intervention human rights genocide NATO ICC Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime of aggression Rome Statute intervention human rights political prosecution genocide NATO ICC jurisdiction Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime aggression prosecution human rights Rome Statute political prosecution genocide ICC jurisdiction NATO Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army novel crime of aggression Rome Statute political prosecution intervention human rights genocide ICC quirk drafting State jurisdiction NATO Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army
test-law-ralhrilglv-con04a	Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, videolink trial defendants court appearance international criminal court cooperation flight representation rule attendance Ruto Kenyatta Hague videolink trial international criminal court trial attendance self-representation fugitive defendants co-operation court Ruto Kenyatta Hague videolink trial international criminal court trial attendance rule self-representation defendants cooperation court appearance fugitives trial videolink defendants appearance international criminal court self-representation fugitive risk cooperation with trial trial attendance rule videolink trial defendants court representation flee international criminal court cooperation attendance rule videolink trial international criminal court trial attendance rule self-representation cooperation with trial fugitive status court appearance alternatives videolink trial court appearance defendants cooperation self-representation international criminal court Ruto Kenyatta trial attendance rule court videolink trial videolink defendent videolink international criminal court self-representation fugitive risk cooperation trial court attendance rule videolink trial international criminal court defendants appearance self-representation fugitives trial cooperation Hague videolink trials international criminal court videolink appearance defendant cooperation trial attendance rule fleeing court international criminal proceedings court rules videolink technology legal representation cooperation in trials
test-economy-thsptr-con02a	Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals revenues distribution public services usage income supplements child benefits payroll taxes proportional taxation fairness in taxation wealth redistribution pay-as-you-can taxes public healthcare transport services equal contribution wherewithal taxation progressive taxation wealth inequality tax burden public services income disparity tax relief social benefits fairness in taxation tax justice wealthier paying more consumption of public goods privately provided services Mayer David progressive taxes wealth distribution public services benefits costs economic inequality fairness tax relief wealthy individuals poor individuals public healthcare transport services income supplements child benefits proportional taxation regressive taxation wealth tax economic justice social welfare 财政公平 税收负担 社会服务分配 经济不平等 progressive taxes wealth distribution tax burden public services income inequality taxation fairness economic disparity social benefits tax relief wealthier individuals tax justice public spending private services taxation systems resource allocation economic efficiency wealth contribution tax policy tax reform welfare state tax equity progressive taxes wealth distribution tax fairness public services income disparity taxation systems wealthier individuals tax burden economic inequality benefit consumption taxation justice progressive taxes wealth redistribution tax burden public services income inequality tax fairness economic efficiency resource allocation social welfare fiscal policy progressive taxes tax burden wealth inequality public services taxation fairness income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services proportional taxation wealthier individuals tax relief progressive taxes unfair burden wealth disparity public services income supplements child benefits healthcare transport services taxation fairness wealthier contribution tax relief progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals tax fairness public services wealth distribution income supplements child benefits public healthcare transportation tax correlation wealthier contribution proportional taxation progressive taxation resource allocation economic inequality progressive taxes fairness income taxes benefits wealth distribution public services proportional taxation wealthy individuals powerful elites economic inequality
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con04a	The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, international system anarchy Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism economic capabilities military capabilities state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance international relations neo-realism intergovernmentalism anarchy distribution of power state trust negotiation self-reliance uncertainty international relations neo-realism intergovernmentalism anarchy distribution of power state trust bargaining negotiation self-reliance uncertainty Neo-Realism international relations anarchy distribution of power bargaining negotiation intergovernmentalism national self-reliance certainty uncertainty Stanley Hoffman International relations Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism anarchy distribution of power economic capabilities military capabilities state trust negotiation self-reliance international system anarchy Neo-Realist intergovernmentalism economic capabilities military capabilities state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty Stanley_Hoffman international_system_anarchy Neo_Realism intergovernmentalism national_self_reliance bargaining negotiation certainty self-controlled_uncertainty international system anarchy Neo-Realist intergovernmentalism economic capabilities military capabilities state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance international system anarchy Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism economic capabilities military capabilities state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty Neo-Realism international anarchy intergovernmentalism economic capabilities military capabilities national self-reliance international relations theory bargaining negotiation certainty of self-control uncertainty of untested blend
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro05a	Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence rights government regulation nuclear weapons safety protocols clandestine programs terrorists security development cooperation visibility openness Sagan The Limits of Safety public acknowledgment nuclear deterrence right public regulation nuclear weapons knowledge states capability visibility widely known regulation cooperation nuclear programs developed countries advanced construct maintain safety protocols clandestine nuclear weapons programs terrorists security nuclear stockpiles Sagan The Limits of Safety organizations accidents nuclear weapons public regulation nuclear deterrence rights of states transparency nuclear weapons safety protocols terrorism nuclear proliferation developed countries security measures nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaties international cooperation nuclear technology sharing arms control nuclear capabilities global security nuclear accidents defense policies nuclear energy non-proliferation agreements nuclear safeguards nuclear disarmament treaties nuclear weapon states weapons-grade materials proliferation risks international nuclear governance nuclear weapon development regulatory frameworks nuclear policy nuclear arms race nuclear weapons inspection nuclear disarmament negotiations n public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right regulation states capability deterring visibility knowledge nuclear programs developed countries safety protocols clandestine terrorists nuclear stockpiles public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right application public regulation nuclear weapons concealment deterrent effect knowledge nuclear capability regulation cooperation developed countries nuclear programs safety protocols clandestine nuclear weapons terrorists nuclear stockpiles security public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right regulation cooperation safety protocols terrorism nuclear stockpiles openness nuclear deterrence public regulation state rights nuclear weapon visibility international cooperation nuclear program development developed countries safety protocols terrorist threats transparency nuclear security public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right nuclear weapons regulation cooperation development safety protocols terrorists security stockpiles clandestine programs Sagan The Limits of Safety public acknowledgment nuclear deterrence right public regulation nuclear weapons states capability deterrent effect visibility widely known knowledge nuclear capability regulation cooperation developed countries advanced nuclear programs construct maintain safety protocols nuclear weapons programs clandestine programs terrorists nuclear stockpiles security weapons-grade material Sagan Limits of Safety organizations accidents nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights transparency international cooperation nuclear capability developed countries safety protocols terrorist threats nuclear stockpiles openness security measures
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro03a	"Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. democracy peace kant imposed democratic governments war negotiation checks terrorism human rights marginalization safety democracy peace democratic governance Kant perpetual peace democracy promotion democratic institutions checks and balances war prevention democratic culture negotiation terrorism prevention human rights democratic states democracy and conflict democratic norms political opposition peaceful world democratic peace theory democratic elections democratic society democratic values democratic freedom democratic governance benefits democracy and human rights democracy and terrorism peaceful coexistence democracy and democracy democratic nations democratic norms and peace democracy and security democracy and liberty democratic government democracy and international relations democracy and stability democratic peace argument democracy and conflict prevention democracy and freedom democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments checks and balances terrorism human rights marginalization individual rights BBC promoting democracy peaceful world democratic governments constraints on war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances likelihood of war terrorism prevention human rights norms democratic countries individual safety BBC article democracy peace Kant Perpetual Peace war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances terrorism human rights marginalization global peace individual safety democracy peace war prevention democratic governance immanuel kant perpetual peace terrorism prevention human rights imposing democracy peaceful world cultural negotiation checks and balances marginalization individual safety democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace human rights terrorism negotiation checks and balances democratic culture promoting democracy democratic governments constrained by opposition imposing democracy peaceful world individual rights safety marginalization democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace checks and balances terrorism human rights marginalization democratic culture imposition of democracy peaceful world individual rights BBC democracy peace Kant PerpetualPeace war humanrights terrorism negotiation democracypromotion culturalimpact politicalsystems globalpeace democraticgovernments rightsprotection marginalizedpopulations internationalrelations humanrightsviolations democracy peace democratic governments war likelihood Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace terrorism prevention human rights democratic culture negotiation checks and balances democracy promotion global peace individual safety political opposition"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con02a	The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. Olympic bidding process bid outcome uncertainty IOC voting system Olympic Village development government funding allocation international relations impact Olympic rotation schedule Olympic bidding process funding allocation land use IOC voting system political influence Olympic rotation bid success chances international relations Olympic development delays city preparedness bid outcome uncertainty Olympic bidding land development IOC voting bid outcome Olympic funding bid quality international tension Olympic rotation city selection Olympic Village construction government funding allocation Olympic bid politics Olympic bid timeline Olympic bid costs bidding process optimization bid timeline analysis Olympic funding allocation Olympic bid corruption rural development delays Olympic bid political influence international Olympic committee decision-making Bid process transparency Olympic bid economic impact city infrastructure planning bidding process length funding land use Olympic bidding IOC personal relationships international tension bid outcomes Olympic rotation city selection sporting events Olympic Village stadium development bid quality political influence bidding process optimization 延长招标时间影响 资金占用问题 土地开发延迟 国际奥委会运作机制 城市间关系影响 奥运举办权竞争策略 体育赛事资金分配 bidding process length funding allocation land use Olympic Village stadium development government finances personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympics rotation geopolitical influence city selection Olympic Committee IOC voting system bidding process length tied funds land development delay Olympic funding allocation IOC voting system geopolitical influences Olympic bid rotation bidding process length ties up funds ties up land future development government funds IOC voting system international tension Olympic Village construction stadium development city selection cycle of Olympics rotated continents quality of bid city relationships New York 2012 bid foreign policy impact long bidding process ties up funds ties up land Olympic Village stadium development government funds sporting events IOC voting system personal relationships international tension New York 2012 bid continent rotation
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro03a	The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. self-determination fundamental human rights autonomy bodily sovereignty personal decision-making subjective preferences life choices moral philosophy ethical decision-making state intervention sacrifice individual freedom fundamental human rights self determination personal autonomy bodily integrity informed consent ethical considerations state intervention personal choice sacrifice life values individual rights self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity informed consent personal preferences individual rights state intervention moral philosophy bioethics medical ethics ethical decision-making personal autonomy life choices moral responsibility human rights self determination bodily autonomy individual preferences informed consent ethical decision making personal sovereignty state intervention sacrifice quality of life human rights self determination autonomy personal choice preference life value state intervention bodily autonomy informed decision sacrifice fundamental principle human rights self determination autonomy personal choice informed decision body sovereignty state intervention individual freedom value preferences sacrifice personal life self-determination human rights bodily autonomy individual freedom autonomy decision-making preferences life choices sacrifice State interference individual rights preferences valuing life fundamental principles human rights body autonomy informed consent self determination fundamental principles autonomy respect for persons decision making individual freedom state interference life choices ethical considerations government intervention personal dignity endangerment voluntary actions preferences knowledge sacrifice values morality self-determination human rights autonomy informed consent personal preferences bodily integrity state intervention moral philosophy ethical decision-making sacrifice life value individual rights human rights autonomy bodily autonomy self-determination informed decision-making individual freedom state interference personal preferences value judgments ethical considerations medical ethics moral philosophy liberty consent sovereignty
test-international-epvhwhranet-con03a	Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 referendums politics public opinion government management economic issues media influence voter sentiment EU enlargement Eastern Europe Turkey international relations political science voting behavior polling analysis policy impact political campaigns public confidence media bias EU Constitution French referendum Dutch referendum political scandal European Union expansion voter turnout media distortion political efficacy referendums politics public opinion government confidence media influence economic issues law and order EU Constitution voter turnout Eastern European workers Turkey media bias political campaigns voter dissatisfaction economic concerns populism national government referendums politics public opinion government management economic issues media influence EU enlargement Eastern Europe Turkey voter behavior PR campaigns political confidence voting decisions media bias European Union Constitution French referendum Dutch referendum public scandals political judgment media distortion vote influence grievances referendums politics public relations media influence government confidence EU Constitution Voting behavior EU enlargement Eastern Europe Turkey public opinion media distortion House of Lords referendums politics public opinion government confidence media influence EU enlargement Turkey Eastern European workers voter dissatisfaction EU Constitution media distortion House of Lords European Union Committee referendums PR politics voter perception media distortion government confidence EU Constitution voter grievances EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey referendum impact biased coverage referendums politics public opinion government confidence media influence voter motivation EU enlargement Eastern Europe Turkey media bias political PR Vote influence EU Constitution French referendum Dutch referendum Voter dissatisfaction referendums politics public opinion government confidence media influence economic issues EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey EU Constitution voter behavior PR voting patterns campaign issues public scandals media distortion EU membership referendums politics public opinion government confidence economic issues media influence EU enlargement Turkey entry Vote manipulation EU Constitution French referendum Dutch referendum political science election analysis political psychology populism voter behavior policy outcomes referendums politics PR campaigns government economy media distortion voting EU enlargement Turkey Eastern European workers voter dissatisfaction EU Constitution vote influence House of Lords
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro02a	Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. child_protection youth_safety censorship government_policy online_safety public_health legal_restriction digital_age ethical_considerations parental_control Protection Minors Government Regulation Freedom Speech Child Safety Legislation Policy Internet Content Filtering Guidelines Ethics Rights child_protection underage_considerations censorship_laws government_regulation digital_content_filtering online_safety_guidelines 未成年人保护 法律法规限制 网络内容过滤 child_protection laws_for_minors youth_safety age_restriction content_filtering online_child_protection government_regulation minor_rights safe_internet public_policy protection minors government regulations freedom speech obscenity offense regulation policy child welfare censorship laws ethics digital content filters education safety rights harm prevention legislation protective measures child safety censorship regulations age restrictions online safety government policy parental controls digital protection public opinion child_protection online_safety age_restriction content_filtering public_policy censorship digital_security minor_protection government_regulation parental_control protection minors obscene材料 offensive内容 potentially damaging信息 government responsibility restriction speech regulation minor definition Protection Minors Legislation Regulation Online Safety GovernmentResponsibility FreedomOfSpeech ContentFiltering AgeRestrictions ChildSafety protective measures minor rights censorship policy implementation legal framework online safety government responsibility social protection age restrictions public opinion child welfare legal regulations public policy community standards child protection laws Internet safety legal enforcement child safeguarding child exploitation privacy concerns
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro02a	The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 House of Lords majority conservative political representation diversity equality legislation reform british politics peerage system social elite ethnic minorities power imbalance House of Lords reform conservative majority gender imbalance ethnic minority representation political bias legislative revision British population demographics diversity in parliament peer selection criteria political inequality House of Lords reform power imbalance conservative majority diversity male dominated ethnic minorities liberal labour elite social representation economic representation legislation revision social diversity gender imbalance minority representation [1]Smith Ben House of Commons Library 2008 House of Lords majority conservative dominance peer diversity female representation ethnic minority peers political reform legislative revision social elite British population reflection fairness in politics public representation House of Lords composition diversity monitoring gender balance minority rights House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance Liberal and Labour peers social and economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities reform British population misrepresentation legislation public life House of Lords majority conservative liberal Labour peer female ethnic minorities political reform representation social elite legislation House of Lords majority conservative Liberal Labour elite diversity female peers ethnic minorities reform british population legislation social representation economic diversity monitoring power imbalance [1]Smith Ben House of Commons Library House of Lords conservative majority social elite gender imbalance ethnic minority representation legislative revision political reform British population reflection House of Lords conservative majority peerage social elite gender diversity ethnic minorities political reform legislative revision British population representation House of Lords conservative majority peer representation gender imbalance ethnic minority underrepresentation political reform legislative process social elite diversity monitoring
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 universities intellectual traditions academic exchange Confucian Socratic openness economic interaction student approaches critical thinking ethic western education Asian education university state relationship arrogance linguistic challenges international academia university_exchange intellectual_clashes Confucian_Socratic_integration academic_state_relationship Western_Asian_academia critical_thinking academic_lingua_franca educational_ethics cultural_imposition universities international交流 思想交流 文化碰撞 教育平等 学术自由 东西方教育 学生学习方法 批判性思维 语言障碍 学术伦理 政策影响 文化差异 university idea exchange intellectual tradition clash academic openness cultural integration Confucian Socratic approach state-academia relationship western education in asia critical thinking academic lingua franca educational ethics universities intellectual traditions confucian socratic academic exchange arrogance openness economic interaction intellectual clashed academic state relationship Western institutions Asian universities critical thinking academic lingua franca universities intellectual traditions confucian socratic academic exchange openness arrogance student approaches economic interaction international education philosophical praxis analytic teaching universities intellectual traditions academic exchange Confucianism Socrates economic interaction Asia Europe intellectual clashed openness academic state relationship Western institutions Asian students critical thinking English language academic ethics university arrogance universities intellectual traditions confucian socratic academic exchange economic interaction clashes integration openness arrogance western institutions asian institutions student approaches critical thinking academic lingua franca universities intellectual traditions confucianism socratic philosophy academic exchange economic globalization university ethics international education academic autonomy western universities asian universities critical thinking academic language universities intellectual traditions academic exchange confucianism socrates cultural clashes openness to ideas western academia asian perspectives international education economic interaction university ethics student approaches philosophical praxis
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro02a	Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 women economic development Africa equality political power economic growth sub-Saharan Africa Rwanda Liberia genocide leadership conflict feminisation of politics violence decline economic development Africa women empowerment political power natural resource exploitation Rwanda Liberia gender equality conflict resolution socio-economic development feminization of politics voting rights leadership roles genocide recovery gdp growth poverty reduction economic surge peacebuilding Stephen Pinker women economic development Africa equality political power government reform natural resources genocide recovery Liberia leadership socioeconomic growth feminisation of politics conflict reduction economic indicators gender equality parliamentary representation genocide Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Liberia's economy gender roles women economic development Africa political power economic growth sub-Saharan Africa natural resources gender equality Rwanda economic reforms Liberia genocide impact Rwanda women leadership roles political empowerment benefits conflict reduction feminization power sharing Africa economic credit women Women economic development Africa equality political power government growth gender roles genocide recovery Liberia president impact conflict reduction feminization of politics economic growth leadership resource exploitation poverty reduction community influence socio-economic development Violence decline women economic development Africa equality political power growth natural resources parliamentarians Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf genocide leadership Liberia conflict feminisation of politics voting patterns economic reforms socio-economic development gender equality violence decline economic development Africa women political power parliamentarians Rwanda Liberia gender equality conflict peace socio-economic development natural resources government policies economic growth genocide leadership UNESCO Violence decline Women economic development Africa equality economic growth gender politics Rwanda parliament Ellen Johnson Sirleaf genocide recovery conflict reduction feminization of politics economic reform GDP growth economic development Africa women equality political power natural resources socio-economic development genocide Rwanda Liberia economic growth conflict violence feminisation of politics economic development Africa women in politics gender equality parliamentarians Rwanda Liberia economic growth political power feminization of politics violence decline conflict reduction natural resource exploitation leadership roles socio-economic development genocide recovery
test-education-egtuscpih-con03a	Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. online learning virtual classrooms asynchronous communication student interaction professor availability remote education distance learning educational technology online forum peer communication instructor response time academic feedback student engagement digital divide synchronous vs asynchronous online tutoring educational software remote instruction learning platforms interactive online courses student-professor ratio online course limitations virtual classroom drawbacks remote learning challenges student-professor interaction asynchronous communication issues lack of personalized feedback online discussion forums distance education downsides Coursera criticism educational technology limitations remote learning isolation synchronous learning importance virtual collaboration difficulties online learning virtual classrooms distance education asynchronous communication remote learning student-professor interaction peer-to-peer communication educational technology online feedback digital communication webinars online forums educational platforms MOOCs student engagement remote education e-learning digital communication tools virtual discussions asynchronous learning online tutoring educational software online mentoring remote collaboration digital feedback virtual interaction online seminars online course drawbacks professor-student interaction student engagement issues remote learning challenges discussion board limitations feedback quality concerns virtual classroom isolation asynchronous learning disadvantages digital communication gaps educational technology impact online education criticism distance learning critiques synchronous vs asynchronous learning student interaction in online courses course enrollment effects personalized feedback rarity online course limitations learning experience degradation online courses live communication professor-student interaction student-student interaction Coursera email limitations pre-recorded lectures personal feedback discussion forums education quality distance learning virtual classrooms communication barriers educational technology remote learning asynchronous communication educational platforms online courses communication issues professor-student interaction student feedback quality online education drawbacks live discussions absence personal feedback rarity student engagement challenges pre-recorded lectures limitations email communication barriers discussion forum effectiveness virtual class dynamics distance learning critique course size impact online courses live communication professor interaction student engagement feedback quality discussion forums virtual classrooms remote learning distance education educational technology asynchronous communication digital learning platforms course feedback online learning limitations online courses communication professor interaction live class discussions student engagement Coursera feedback teaching assistants computer feedback high student numbers pre-recorded lectures Email limitations formal communication unknown students quality education educational feedback interaction difficulties online education virtual classroom remote learning asynchronous communication student interaction professor-student ratio digital communication feedback mechanisms online discussion forums personal engagement education quality distance learning course management systems student anonymity educational technology learning outcomes academic support online platforms synchronous vs asynchronous student collaboration digital divide online tutoring lecture recording student engagement remote education e-learning virtual interaction educational assessment online communities online learning isolation remote education disconnection asynchronous communication limitations virtual classroom interaction distance learning barriers educational feedback reduction lack of mentorship online course drawbacks student-professor engagement peer interaction challenges digital communication gaps online education criticism asynchronous learning disadvantages remote learning impacts
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro02a	Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 tourism sector Tunisia profit margins middle class Europe package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending comparison Egypt Greece economic growth tourism industry security issues tourism sector tunisia profit margins european visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece tourism economy growth security issues travel inclusion profit margins tourism sector Tunisia middle class European visitors package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece economic growth tourism industry crisis security issues profit margins analysis tourism sector issues Tunisia economy European tourists package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending travel inclusion Tunisia tourism comparison Egypt tourism Greece tourism tourism growth strategies Tunisia security issues profit margins tourism sector Tunisia european tourists middle class package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece economic growth profit margins tourism sector Tunisia european tourists middle class income package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece tourism industry economic growth profit margins tunisia tourism sector european tourists middle class package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Tunisia greece economic growth tourism industry tourism crisis security issues profit margins tourism sector Tunisia european tourists middle class package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece economic growth tourism industry tourist spending crisis security issues profit margins tourism sector Tunisia european tourists middle class package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece tourism industry economic growth systematic flaw tourism crisis security issues profit margins tourism sector Tunisia european tourists middle class package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending Egypt Greece economic growth tourism industry security issues
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con04a	"The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , suicide euthanasia sanctity of life religious concerns secular reasons survivors emotional support Hippocratic oath doctors voluntary principle terminal illness care protection religious leaders medical ethics assisted suicide legal implications moral considerations ethical dilemmas suicide euthanasia sanctity of life religious concerns secular reasons survivors emotional support Hippocratic oath doctors medical ethics voluntary principle assisted suicide terminally ill care protection religious leaders ethical considerations legal implications medical involvement death suicide euthanasia religious secular survivors implications doctors Hippocratic oath voluntary protection impact termination intentions care protection relatives emotional administration legal ethical duties prohibition harm voluntary suicide assisted suffering terminally ill right to die campaigners ethical considerations religious concerns medical ethics doctor involvement professional obligations suicide survivors religious concerns euthanasia secular reasons Hippocratic oath duty of doctors doctors involvement assisted suicide impact on relatives voluntary principle terminally ill campaigners death implications survivors sanctity life religious secular euthanasia supporters doctors Hippocratic oath voluntary principle suicide protection campaigners involvement procedures harm termination assistance ethical considerations impact emotional administration religious perspectives protection moral responsibilities relevance expansion phrases search performance suicide euthanasia survivors religious concerns sanctity of life emotional support Hippocratic oath doctors involvement voluntary principle ethical considerations religious leaders impact on relatives legal protection medical ethics assisted suicide terminal illness public opinion religious objections secular reasons ethical dilemma patient rights medical ethics conflict suicide prevention end-of-life care suicide euthanasia religious concerns sanctity of life survivors emotional support Hippocratic oath doctors involvement voluntary principle assisted suicide moral implications terminal illness religious leaders medical ethics consent legal protection doctor's duty ethical considerations suicide euthanasia religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life impact on survivors emotional support administration of injection medical ethics Hippocratic oath doctors' views voluntary principle terminally ill protection of doctors religious leaders ethical considerations search optimization suicide euthanasia secular reasons sanctity of life survivors emotional support medical ethics Hippocratic oath religious concerns doctor involvement assisted suicide terminal illness ethical considerations moral implications legal protection human rights medical profession patient rights public opinion religious leaders ethical dilemma end-of-life care moral responsibility suicide euthanasia sanctity of life religious concerns secular reasons survivors emotional support legal protection Hippocratic oath doctors involvement voluntary principle ethical considerations terminal illness religious leaders medical ethics"
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 secularism separation of church and state religious expression national secular society equality unity sharia courts state authority public places citizenship identity western society religious symbols secularism state religion separation national secular society religious symbols public places equality western society state institutions sharia courts secularism state separation religious expression public places equality unity religious symbols sharia courts National Secular Society schools government offices identity Western society secular identity uniform policy pluralism civic equality secular values separation of religion and state National Secular Society religious expression in public citizen equality religious symbols secular identity Western society Sharia courts equality focused identity Western societies secular focus state sponsorship religion separation National Secular Society public place expressions citizen equality religious symbols secular identity Sharia courts secular values state religion separation National Secular Society religious expression public places equality in society religious symbols secular identity Western society Sharia courts equality focused identity secularism state separation religious expression National Secular Society equality Western society religious symbols Sharia courts secular identity secularism state separation religion national secular society equality religious symbols western society public places institutional unity sharia courts secularism separation of church and state National Secular Society religious expression public places equality religious symbols Western society secular identity Sharia courts institutional neutrality secularism state separation religious expression National Secular Society equality religious symbols Sharia courts state institutions uniformity
test-economy-thsptr-con03a	The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: progressive taxation flat tax regressive tax state power wealth distribution tyranny of the majority taxation socialism Cato Institute economic freedom fiscal policy taxation impact economic inequality progressive taxation state power wealth distribution flat tax regressive tax tyranny of the majority tax socialism economic freedom rational choice theory public choice theory progressive taxation state power flat tax regressive tax wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority taxation socialism Cato Institute economic freedom fiscal responsibility public burden tax transparency wealth inequality government overreach progressive taxation flat tax regressive tax state power taxation ethics tyranny of the majority wealth redistribution tax burden economic freedom tax socialism Cato Institute progressive taxation state power wealth distribution flat tax regressive tax tyranny of the majority Cato Institute tax burden economic efficiency rational choice theory progressive taxation state power wealth distribution flat tax regressive tax tyranny of the majority taxation impact fiscal responsibility economic liberty social justice government overreach wealth accumulation tax transparency public awareness economic inequality tax socialism progressive taxation state power economic inequality flat tax regressive tax wealth distribution tyranny of the majority taxation socialism Cato Institute fiscal transparency progressive taxation state power wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority flat tax regressive tax tax burden economic inefficiency rational demands social contract progressive taxation state power taxation effects wealthy individuals economic oppression tyranny of the majority flat tax regressive tax state growth economic rationality tax burden social welfare wealth distribution Cato Institute economic inequality progressive taxation state power wealth distribution flat tax regressive tax economic inequality tyranny of the majority tax burden state growth fiscal responsibility economic freedom
test-economy-bepighbdb-con04a	Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. democratic rule political stability economic growth dictatorships political framework repression popular support societal development democratic government legal framework free elections social unrest economic freedoms human rights private property innovation political institutions economic development inclusive institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic prosperity power retention social collapse political theory economic institutions nation development historical examples political science governance models democratic governance economic development political stability rule of law free elections human rights private property rights dictatorship social unrest Huntington Acemoglu and Robinson plurality inclusive political institutions economic prosperity democratic governance economic stability political institutions human rights rule of law free elections private property rights inclusive politics economic growth power dynamics social stability Huntington's theory Emergent Democracy Acemoglu-Robinson thesis power retention repression dictatorship vs democracy legal framework pluralism prosperity poverty reduction sovereignty democratic rule of law economic stability political framework dictatorship social stability legal framework fair elections human rights protection private property rights economic growth political institutions pluralistic systems inclusive political institutions Huntington Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail democratic rule of law economic growth political stability social unrest legal framework human rights private property rights inclusive political institutions plurality economic freedoms repression dictatorship elections justice Huntington Acemoglu Robinson Why Nations Fail Third Wave democratic rule of law economic stability political framework dictatorship social stability free elections legal framework private property rights economic development human rights protection Inclusive political institutions plurality individual rights Acemoglu and Robinson Huntington's third wave democratic rule political stability economic growth political framework dictatorships repression popularity societal development democratic governance legal framework free elections social unrest private property productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic development political collapse economic prosperity economic institutions Huntington Acemoglu Robinson democratic rule of law economic stability political framework dictatorship social development legal framework fair elections private property rights economic growth inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems human rights protection Huntington Acemoglu Robinson power retention repression economic development social unrest [1] [2] democratic rule of law economic stability political framework dictatorship social unrest private property rights economic freedoms human rights protection inclusive political institutions plurality individual rights economic development power retention repression social collapse legal framework elections Huntington Acemoglu Robinson government stability productivity innovation power retention long-term stability legal framework stability [1] [2] democratic rule of law economic stability political framework dictatorship social stability economic growth repression popularity democracy legal framework fair elections economic freedoms human rights private property rights inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic development Huntington Acemoglu Robinson Why Nations Fail
test-international-ehbfe-pro01a	"A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ federal Europe citizen benefits nationalism taming conflict EU success policy-making competition britain veto carbon tax diplomatic sources shared history cultural accommodation ever-closer union energy taxation directive EurActiv.com federal Europe benefits citizens EU history EU success nationalism taming conflict ever-closer union policy-making competition veto power Britain's veto carbon tax European Commission Energy Taxation Directive EurActiv.com shared history regional differences common good economic prosperity federalism europe EU citizens britain nationalism veto policy-making carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture ever-closer union european state regional differences common good diplomatic sources EurActiv.com federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism taming conflict ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition veto power EU carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive Britain's stance shared history accommodating regional differences federal Europe citizen benefits nationalism taming conflict EU success ever-closer union policy-making competition veto power carbon tax britain EU relations shared history cultural accommodation federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism taming conflicts ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition veto abuse carbon tax britain's opposition EU Commission Energy Taxation Directive shared history cultural accommodation federal Europe citizens benefits EU vetoes carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences nationalism conflict ever-closer union policy-making prosperity European Commission EurActiv.com federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism taming conflict ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition veto use carbon tax britain EU relations shared history accommodating regional differences economic prosperity European Commission Energy Taxation Directive federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism taming conflicts ever-closer union national governments policy-making competitive business veto power carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive Britain EU relations shared history regional differences economic prosperity EurActiv.com federal Europe beneficial expansion terms supplement query nationalism EU history cultural unity policy-making veto potential prosperity shared history regional differences European state common good European Commission Energy Taxation Directive Carbon tax Britain's veto EurActiv.com"
test-science-dssghsdmd-con01a	Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction Missile Defense Systems Nuclear Stability War Prevention State Equality Nuclear Deterrence World Security Peaceful Resolution International Relations Technological Dissemination Mutually-Assured-Destruction nuclear-weapons power-dynamics international-relations military-strategy missile-defense-systems security-studies strategic-stability world-security conflict-resolution global-politics national-security deterrence-theory Mutually-Assured-Destruction Nuclear-weapons Deterrence-theory International-relations Stability-theory National-missile-defense-systems Security-studies Waltz-theory Jervis-theory Mearsheimer-theory World-security Peace-and-conflict-studies Arms-control Strategic-deterrence Global-politics Nuclear-proliferation Defensive-missiles War-gambling Technological-dissemination State-relations Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense systems destabilizing world security nuclear weapons stability Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer anti-ballistic missile missile shield nuclear war technology dissemination world relations Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons country stability military conflict international security missile defense deterrence theory national missile defense systems world security nuclear disarmament MAD conflict escalation arms race nuclear proliferation security dynamics Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear weapons country security national missile defense world stability conflict prevention deterrence equality warmongering nuclear disarmament arms race military strategy security assurance Mutually-Assured-Destruction National-Missile-Defense Stability Security Cold-War Deterrence Conflict Warfare Equilibrium Equality Nuclear-Arms Race-to-the-top Global-Security Mutually-Assured-Destruction National-Missile-Defense-Systems Stabilization World-Security Nuclear-Weapons Costly-War No-Incentive Peaceful-Place Equality-In-Arms Intimidation Invasion Nuclear-Deterrence Aggressor-State Missile-Shield Race-To-Penetrate World-Relations Technology-Dissemination War-Likelihood Mutually-Assured-Destruction Nuclear-weapons Cold-War-strategy Deterrence-theory National-missile-defense Security-studies War-prevention International-relations Strategic-dynamics Technological-impact Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons national missile defense systems stability world security conflict reduction disarmament deterrence equal power international relations security dynamics escalation technological advancement geopolitical tensions
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro04a	"Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. democracy best form of government obligation international intervention humanitarian obligation political self-determination inherent worth individual freedom political autonomy right to vote abusive governments human rights stanley fish democracy government political self-determination human rights political autonomy humanitarian obligation Stanley Fish The New York Times democracy best form of government obligation international intervention political self-determination humanitarian obligation right to vote denial of rights individual freedom political autonomy abusive governments human rights stanley fish democracy government forms political self-determination humanitarian obligation human rights political autonomy democratic intervention Stanley Fish New York Times democracy best form of government obligation international intervention political self-determination individual rights humanitarian obligation abusive governments human rights stanley fish democracy government political self-determination human rights humanitarian obligation political autonomy intervention democracy government forms political self-determination human rights humanitarian intervention political autonomy individual freedom Stanley Fish New York Times democracy best form of government obligation international intervention humanitarian obligation political self-determination inherent worth freedom individual rights check abusive governments human rights Stanley Fish democracy best form of government obligation international intervention political self-determination humanitarian obligation individual rights political autonomy right to vote human rights stanley fish democracy best form of government humanitarian obligation political self-determination inherent worth freedom intervention right to vote abusive governments human rights"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro03a	Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. hip hop censorship hip hop regulation gangsta rap criticism conscious rap hip hop classification music industry regulation rap content control hip hop diversity commercial rap dominance hip hop market failure rap genre boundaries hip hop artist rights parental control in media hip hop community impact hip hop fan culture rap music censorship hip hop commercialization hip hop artistic freedom hip hop censorship hip hop regulation gangsta rap controversy hip hop authenticity hip hop market failure hip hop classification conscious rap hip hop community impact hip hop business practices free speech hip hop artists state intervention aggressive forms public control diversity in music commercial dominance gangsta rap authentic experiences Ice Cube mother's perspective pornography market for explicit content hip hop regulation gatekeepers conscious rappers market failure musical expression violent lyrics popular disengagement defending hip hop artists state intervention access control public content regulation diversity preservation mainstream hip hop gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration rap singles controversy pornography comparison hip hop genre regulation conscious rappers label relationships market failure musical expression freedom gangsta labels practices popular disengagement free speech hip hop state intervention aggressive content adult consumption public control genre diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration violent lyrics conscious rap market failure classification musical expression popular disengagement free speech hip hop artists state intervention public control commercial dominance gangsta rap authentic experiences media regulation market failure conscious rap genre classification label influence consumer behavior musical expression violent lyrics market failure public profile censorship artistic freedom genre diversity media criticism cultural impact music industry social commentary hip hop free speech state intervention aggressive content adult consumption community impact public control genre diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration pornography market for violence hip hop regulation label gatekeeping conscious rappers market failure classification systems musical expression brutal lyrics misogyny business practices popular disengagement free speech hip hop state intervention public control content regulation commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration consumer behavior market failure classification musical expression 暴力说唱 粉丝消费 音乐分类 市场监管 艺术表达自由 free speech hip hop state intervention adult content community impact commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity media consumption public control market failure classification conscious rap market gatekeeping consumer behavior regulatory issues artistic expression genre regulation cultural influence hip hop free speech state intervention censorship public control commercial dominance gangsta rap authentic experiences media regulation market failure classification systems conscious rap consumer behavior label influence genre diversity public profile artist autonomy market dynamics content moderation fan culture artistic expression media ethics cultural impact music industry social responsibility
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con01a	Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: hosting cities economic impact Olympics government policy geographical divides Birmingham 1992 Manchester 1996 capital cities bid success regeneration house prices Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics Olympics benefits host city focus geographical economic divides Olympic bid failures Olympic housing prices London 2012 economic impact Olympic games regeneration host city selection criteria Olympic benefits analysis Olympics host city economic impact geographical divides housing market capital cities Olympic Games benefits urban regeneration infrastructure development sports economics bid success international Olympic Committee geographic inequality host city focus Olympic legacy hosting Olympics benefits capital cities chosen Olympic economic impact geographical economic divides Olympics and house prices London 2012 Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics bid success regeneration projects Olympic bid failures hosting benefits Olympic benefits host city capital cities economic impact geographical divides house price increase London 2012 Olympics impact bid success regeneration economic divides host city advantages urban development Olympics legacy Olympics economic impact host city benefits geographical economic divides hosting Olympics costs London 2012 capital city hosting Olympic bid failures economic regeneration house price rises hosting cities Olympics economic impact geographical divides capital cities regeneration housing prices bid successes Birmingham London Manchester Sydney Barcelona United States China United Kingdom intangible business Reuters hosting cities economic impact Olympics benefits growth and development geographical divides house prices regeneration Birmingham London Barcelona Sydney United States China United Kingdom Intangible Business Reuters Olympics economic impact host city benefits geographical economic divides Olympic bid failures London 2012 house price increases Olympics regeneration Olympic benefits concentration Hosting benefits Olympic economics geographical divides economic impact host city focus urban regeneration housing prices Olympics legacy London 2012 capital cities hosting failed Olympic bids IOC decisions Olympic event location economic inequality host city advantages regional development Olympic bid success Olympic games impact
test-international-epvhwhranet-con04a	Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 EU reforms Voters understanding Legal jargon EU Treaties Amendments evaluation Media bias Anti-Europe campaigns European Parliament elections Treaty benefits National interest Voter turnout Political representation voter_comprehension eu_treaties jargon_use media_influence anti_europe_campaigns european_parliament_turnout republican_understanding legal_language european_union_reforms voter_information_deficit political_representation eu_amendments Voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendment evaluation media bias anti-Europe low turnout European Parliament elections informed decision-making EU reforms legal jargon voter understanding EU Treaties media bias anti-Europe campaigns European Parliament elections voter turnout informed decisions elected representatives Voters EU reforms legal jargon Treaties amendments understanding media bias anti-Europe campaigns European parliament elections representatives national interest information gap EU reforms voter understanding legal jargon EU Treaties reform evaluation media bias Anti-Europe campaigns election turnout European Parliament elected representatives informative decisions national interest EU reforms voter understanding legal jargon Treaties evaluation reform benefits political knowledge media influence European Parliament elections representative decision-making voter understanding EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties reform treaties media bias anti-Europe campaigns European Parliament elections elected representatives informed decision-making EU reforms voter understanding legal jargon Treaties media bias European Parliament elections representative democracy electorate knowledge citizen participation voter turnout EU treaty amendments European Union reforms voter education voting behavior anti-Europe sentiment political awareness european political parties European Parliament elections analysis EU reforms Voter understanding Legal jargon EU Treaties European Parliament elections Media bias Anti-Europe campaigners Voter turnout Informed decision-making
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro03a	It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, national security government protection citizen safety foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech propaganda prevention spying undermining national interest world war office of censorship united states war efforts press censorship radio regulation intelligence studies intelligence history wartime propaganda press control radio control government communications wartime measures civil liberties wartime propaganda prevention government surveillance wartime censorship espionage prevention national defense press regulations wartime intelligence government departments wartime communications wartime information control censorship history wartime propaganda efforts national security government censorship wartime propaganda internal enemies foreign enemies freedom of speech Office of Censorship World War II press control radio regulation intelligence services espionage prevention civil liberties wartime measures state security information control historical censorship wartime propaganda efforts government departments press censorship wartime communication wartime surveillance national security government censorship freedom of speech wartime propaganda espionage prevention office of censorship second world war united states war measures press control radio censorship intelligence history war time communication restrictions historical government surveillance national security government protection citizens safety foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech acceptably curtailed propaganda prevention spying prevention undermining national interest office of censorship world war ii united states government press censorship radio censorship intelligence studies secret victory national security freedom of speech wartime restrictions propaganda spying Office of Censorship World War II government control internal enemies external threats press censorship radio regulation national security government protection citizens safety foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech war time measures propaganda prevention spying prevention national interest censorship history world war office of censorship press control radio regulation intelligence studies national security government protection citizen safety foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech propaganda prevention spying prevention wartime measures office of censorship world war ii united states history press control radio censorship national security government protection citizen safety foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech wartime measures propaganda prevention spying prevention Office of Censorship World War II press censorship radio censorship national security freedom of speech wartime censorship Office of Censorship World War II propaganda spying internal enemies foreign enemies government protection press control radio regulation intelligence operations national security freedom of speech wartime censorship Office of Censorship World War II propaganda spying internal enemies external threats government surveillance press control radio regulation intelligence services war-time measures civil liberties information warfare
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro01a	The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 House_of_Lords electorate out_of_touch democracy Abram_Lincoln noble_birth_right Church_of_England representation Britain Democracy_building_info House_of_Lords electorate 19th_century_us_president_Abraham_Lincoln democracy Government_of_the_people_by_the_people_for_the_people noble_birth right Church_of_England representation Britain democracy_building_info democracy House_of_Lords electorate representation nobility Church_of_England government_by_the_people political_reform aristocracy secular_government democracy representation hereditary peers church of england influence electoral college government accountability nobility in politics secular governance democratic principles political reform electorate rights aristocracy impact public opinion polling representative democracy political representation fairness democratic values modernization House of Lords electorate democracy Abe Lincoln government noble birth right Church of England representation Britain House of Lords democratic representation nobility Church of England electorate Abraham Lincoln government definition democratic principles hereditary peers House of Lords electorate democracy Abraham Lincoln noble birth right to govern Church of England representation people's government House of Lords democracy representation electorate noble birth Church of England government Abraham Lincoln democratic principles House_of_Lords electorate out_of_touch democracy Abram_Lincoln noble_birth_right Church_of_England representation Britain democracy_definition government_of_the_people_by_the_people_for_the_people House of Lords electorate democracy Abram Lincoln noble birth right Church of England representation Britain government
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro04a	We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid euthanasia organ donation quality of life terminal illness medical ethics transplant altruism organ donation process nursing care bioethics euthanasia quality of life organ donation terminal illness medical ethics transplantation healthcare philosophy end-of-life care moral reasoning biomedical ethics euthanasia quality of life organ donation survival prospect terminal illness medical ethics donor sacrifice bioethics transplantation nursing care humanist perspective euthanasia organ donation quality of life terminal illness medical ethics transplantation ethical dilemmas humanitarian perspectives nursing care bioethics euthanasia organ donation quality of life terminal illness medical ethics transplantation humanism bioethics euthanasia quality of life organ donation terminal illness survival prospects medical ethics transplantation humanism nursing care bioethics quality of life euthanasia survival prospects organ donation societal benefits terminal illness end-of-life decisions medical ethics organ transplantation nursing care humanism euthanasia quality of life organ donation terminal illness medical ethics transplant sacrifice rationality societal benefit patient autonomy quality of life euthanasia survival prospect organ donation social benefit donor sacrifice morality nursing care transplantation bioethics quality of life euthanasia organ donation survival prospects terminal illness nursing care bioethics humanist perspective transplantation rational decision-making social benefit
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro01a	A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. UN standing army military hegemony international military force powerful military states bully international diplomacy military intervention Vietnam Wilsonian internationalism United Nations diplomatic solutions military duress Multinational force State Department UN standing army military hegemony United Nations powerful military states bullying international peacekeeping diplomatic solutions Vietnam War military interventions multi-national force United States state department diplomatic conflict resolution global military balance UN standing army military hegemony international military force United Nations powerful military states diplomatic solutions military intervention Vietnam wilsonian internationalism global peacekeeping State Department military duress multinational force conflict prevention international relations military spending peace maintenance UN Standing Army military hegemony diplomatic solutions international conflict resolution Vietnam War United Nations powerful military states military duress peace maintenance UN Standing Army military hegemony international diplomacy Vietnam War multi-national force diplomatic solutions powerful military states peace maintenance UN standing army military hegemony intervention vietnam diplomatic solutions peace maintenance multi-national force powerful military states United Nations impartiality bullying blackmail military duress conflict prevention investment in State Department UN Standing Army military hegemony international diplomacy Vietnam War military intervention diplomatic solutions United Nations bully blackmail military force protracted conflict multi-national force state department peace maintenance political crises UN Standing Army military hegemony international diplomacy military intervention Vietnam War multi-national force State Department peace maintenance diplomatic solutions military duress united nations global security bullying blackmail military rivalry powerful states conflict prevention United States United Nations UN Standing Army military hegemony international diplomacy Vietnam War multi-national force diplomatic solutions powerful military states United Nations conflict prevention military intervention peace maintenance UN Standing Army military hegemony diplomatic solutions peace maintenance Vietnam War international intervention military duress powerful military states multi-national force State Department diplomatic alternatives
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro04a	Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear deterrence mutual assured destruction strategic stability arms control non-proliferation nuclear proliferation nuclear standoff geopolitical tensions peacekeeping role conflict prevention nuclear brinkmanship nuclear equilibrium nuclear umbrella nuclear winter security dilemma balance of power nuclear strategy nuclear diplomacy nuclear taboo second-strike capability Nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear proliferation nuclear peace conflict resolution nuclear strategy nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation nuclear weapons doctrine India-Pakistan relations strategic stability nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction nuclear proliferation peaceful resolution international relations nuclear arms race cold war deterrence theory nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear strategy nuclear disarmament security studies india-pakistan conflict Nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction Nuclear proliferation Nuclear disarmament Peace through strength Stability theory Security dilemma Realpolitik Nuclear non-proliferation treaty Deterrence theory Conflict prevention International relations Peaceful coexistence Nuclear equilibrium Global security Nuclear strategy Nuclear winter Nuclear taboo Second strike capability First strike advantage Strategic balance Nuclear fallout War prevention Nuclear winter Peacekeeping Non-nuclear states Regional stability Nuclear umbrella Peace dividend Global nuclear order Peaceful nuclear technologies Nuclear apartheid Nuclear ethics Disarmament negotiations Nuclear weapons international conflicts Mutually Assured Destruction stability defuse conflicts deterrence nuclear proliferation India Pakistan nuclear powers peace nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction nuclear proliferation peaceful resolution international stability conflict prevention nuclear arms race india-pakistan conflict cold war dynamics nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear strategy nuclear power defense policy Nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction peaceful resolution international relations costly warfare India-Pakistan conflict cordial relations nuclear proliferation dialogue potential conflict prevention nuclear stability Nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction Nuclear proliferation India-Pakistan conflict Peace maintenance Nuclear stability International relations Conflict resolution Waltz theory Nuclear arms race nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction nuclear proliferation conflict prevention international relations nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaty deterrence theory nuclear weapons stability nuclear arms race nuclear peace theory india-pakistan conflict nuclear strategy Nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction MAD India-Pakistan conflict nuclear proliferation peaceful resolution international relations nuclear arms race diplomatic tensions nuclear non-proliferation conflict prevention
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con01a	Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, universal standards labour standards business standards developing countries economic development race to develop level playing field labour conditions employment growth labour scarcity trade expansion competitive impact labor markets comparative advantage multinational firms factory location cheap labour flexible labour trade barriers labour unions economic growth southeast asia multilateral agreements international relations labour rights industrialization process economic precondition trade policies labour market dynamics industrial development global competition development priorities standard setting international labour organization worker protection economic inequality globalization impacts employment opportunities workforce development economic policy labour market labour standards developing countries economic development China factory employment comparative advantage Malaysia trade competition working conditions trade expansion economic development labour standards developing countries China's economy trade expansion multinational firms employment growth labour markets comparative advantage cheap labour factory production Malaysia labour union competitive impact southeast asia economic growth government policies working conditions trade relations industrial development international standards workforce flexibility employment rates industrialization process globalization effects labour market dynamics economic inequality trade imbalances global competitiveness universal standards labour standards developing countries economic development race for development prioritization comparative advantage cheap labour flexible labour economic growth government imposed standards multinational firms employment growth labour scarcity trade expansion competitive impact labour markets trade unions job relocation economic conditions development research working conditions international relations labor revolution Universal standards labour conditions economic development developing countries race to develop comparative advantage cheap labour employment growth labour scarcity international trade trade expansion labour standards multinational firms competitive impact southeast asia labour markets Chinese factories labour union activities working conditions economic growth Malaysia trade relations global economy labour standards developing countries economic development trade expansion cheap labour flexible labour competition multinational firms employment growth government imposed standards comparative advantage Malaysia Chinese factories trade impact union activity labour standards developing countries economic development race for development multinational firms comparative advantage cheap labour trade expansion competition labour unions China's impact Southeast Asia employment growth labour scarcity trade policies working conditions international relations universal standards labour standards business standards developing countries economic development race for development labor conditions government imposed standards multinational firms factory locations employment growth labor scarcity trade expansion competitive impact labor markets employment cheap comparative advantage labor union industrial relocation China's labor revolution labour standards developing countries economic development multinational firms comparative advantage China Malaysia trade expansion employment growth labour scarcity trade impact labour union influence competitive disadvantage universal standards labour standards business standards developing countries economic development competitive advantage labour markets trade expansion employment growth labour scarcity multinational firms cheap labour flexible labour labour conditions government imposed standards trade competition southeast asia comparative advantage trade relations industrial relocation labour union influence economic growth global economics development priorities labour rights international labour standards China's economic model trade barriers economic policies labor market dynamics industrialization process global trade economic inequalities
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, separation of town and gown state university political stability economic stability service provider funding student fees faculty opinions institution rights supermarket chain local laws Asian nations cannabis Western student experience negotiation David Smith separation of powers higher education state support university autonomy political influence academic freedom economic stability faculty role institutional rights supermarket analogy legal compliance cannabis policy student experience Western culture Eastern culture globalization international relations academic politics university governance state-university relationship cultural clash educational funding faculty-student dynamics separation of powers higher education policy state-university relations academic freedom public institutions political influence economic dependency faculty rights institutional rights supermarket analogy international education cannabis legalization student experience western influence local governance higher education funding academic criticism state autonomy university services political stability economic stability faculty views student rights institutional rights vs corporate entities global education trends separation of powers academic freedom university autonomy state influence higher education policy public institutions political neutrality funding mechanisms student rights institutional rights supermarket analogy global education cultural exchange legal compliance university state relationship academic criticism political views economic stability workforce training intellectual property international education legal jurisdiction university governance faculty opinion student experience cultural differences cannabis policy western influence eastern culture legal rights educational funding political stability service provider supermarket chain comparison academic institutions state-university relations higher education economics international law student activism university accountability Separation of town and gown Senior Common Rooms political and economic stability service providers state support university autonomy academic freedom institutional rights supermarket analogy legal compliance international business relations cannabis legalization student experience global education standards separation town gown state university interaction one way process senior common rooms political economic stability service providers training workforce expertise funding student fees academic political views university institution rights supermarket chain comparison local laws asian nations cannabis western student experience genuine experience david smith separation of town and gown state university interaction political stability economic stability service provider funding student fees faculty opinions institution rights supermarket chain local laws Asian nations cannabis Western student experience David Smith Tesco guardian.co.uk separation of town and gown state-university relationship academic freedom institutional rights political stability economic stability service provider funding expertise student fees faculty opinions supermarket analogy local laws international standards cannabis legalization student experience Western influence Eastern approaches separation town gown senior common rooms state universities political economy academic freedom institutional rights supermarket analogy cannabis policy student experience global education state-university relations higher education economics academic perspectives university governance legal jurisdiction international education challenges faculty role university-student dynamics higher education funding academic politics state intervention university autonomy global education standards separation of powers university autonomy state influence academic freedom political neutrality funding mechanisms higher education institutional rights supermarket analogy global education standards cannabis legalization student experience academic criticism state-university relations economic stability political stability educational services legal compliance international education academic perspective state-academic relationship university state interaction
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro03a	Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Tunisia tourism overseas competition morocco spain Turkey air transportation price competitiveness Mediterranean Africa Far East North America Australasia tourist destinations economic factors policy analysis tourism competition Tunisia overseas markets pricing strategy Mediterranean competition North Africa tourism international tourism trends tourist destinations analysis economic policy impacts travel industry competitiveness package tour prices air transportation impact tourism statistics regional tourism comparison tourist destination attractiveness economic factors in tourism tourism sector analysis tourism policy effectiveness tourism market share tourist demand analysis travel industry challenges overseas_competition tunisian_tourism morocco_tourism spanish_tourism turkish_tourism price_competition air_transportation_links mediterranean_tourism far_east_tourism north_american_tourism aussie_tourism tourist_destinations security_issues tourism_industry_analysis tourism_policy tunisian_economy tourism_statistics tourism_marketing_strategies Overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism price competition Morocco Spain Turkey Air transportation links Tourism statistics security issues Far East North America Australasia Tourist destinations Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourism competition overseas markets pricing strategy air transportation Mediterranean tourism North Africa tourism Far East tourism package tours tourist destinations economic policies travel trends tourism industry analysis market share travel costs regional competition tourist numbers economic factors travel preferences overseas_competition tunisia_tourism risk_factors international_tourism_market price_competition morocco_tourism spain_tourism turkey_tourism better_air_transportation_links tourist_destinations_far东方 tourist_destinations_north_america tourist_destinations_australasia tunisia_tourist_numbers tourism_crisis ben_alien_jasmine_revolution tourism_policy_analysis tourism competition Tunisia Morocco Spain Turkey pricing air transportation package tours Jasmine revolution tourist destinations Far East North America Australasia tourism crisis security issues Overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry price undercut Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation links Jasmine revolution Ben Ali Tourism crisis African Manager Al Monitor Overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey Air transportation links Tourist destinations Far East North America Australasia Tourism crisis Ben Ali Jasmine revolution overseas_competition tunisia_tourism morocco_tourism spain_tourism turkey_tourism air_transportation_links personal_expenses tourist_destinations far_east north_america australasia jasmine_revolution ben_alien_tunisia
test-education-egtuscpih-con04a	Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). online education university experience student life extracurricular activities social connections personal development political activism societal impact university activities online vs offline student engagement campus life educational methods social roles of students historical student movements online education impact social skills development university life benefits student organizations online course limitations student activism historical student movements social connections after graduation campus life advantages extracurricular activities importance online education university life extracurricular activities student organizations digital learning social development student networks online courses impact higher education student engagement university culture academic vs practical experiences remote education limitations student activism societal roles of students student life benefits online courses impact virtual education disadvantages student life challenges societal role of universities remote learning limitations campus life vs online student organization importance online education critique university extracurricular activities digital learning drawbacks student engagement online virtual socializing limitations higher education diversity online course consequences university community benefits online learning criticism student development online education beyond academics student activism history online education effects online courses society life university societies activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talents connections further life student development political actor social actor 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses societal impact university life extracurricular activities student development social connections political activism historical context student engagement educational experience online education university life extracurricular activities student networks social development online learning limitations student activism campus culture virtual engagement academic vs extracurricular digital divide student experience online course drawbacks university societies student connections educational diversity student roles in society online education university experience student life extracurricular activities societal impact student development connection building online courses limitations historical student activism online education university experience student life activities virtual engagement campus communities extracurricular benefits social development political activism student networks educational diversity physical interaction digital divide student opportunities university functions social roles of students online vs offline learning student well-being community building student autonomy academic vs holistic education online course limitations student engagement strategies university traditions online education impact societal role of universities student organizations extracurricular activities value of physical interactions importance of campus life university as a community online course limitations social development through university experience role of students in society historical significance of student activism political engagement of students student networks and connections campus life versus online learning student well-being beyond academics society's need for diverse perspectives impact of remote learning on student growth developmental benefits of university life online education versus traditional education student autonomy and self-discovery post-university career preparation universities as cultural hubs
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro01a	Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 women agriculture africa economy gender equality land rights loans productivity GDP food security resource allocation wages innovation financial inclusion rural development Hunger sustainable growth women agriculture africa gender inequality in agriculture african women farmers land rights for women gender and agriculture economic empowerment of women female labor force in agriculture agricultural productivity and gender food security and gender equality rural women's role female entrepreneurship in agriculture gender disparities in wages african women's economic empowerment FAO gender and agriculture land ownership by women african women in agriculture loan access for women farmers gendered agricultural outputs gender and rural development inequality in agricultural sector african women's agricultural contributions women agriculture Africa economy gender equality land rights loans productivity GDP food security sustainable development rural women innovation resource allocation hunger reduction women's agricultural labor force Africa GDP land ownership women farmers loan access agricultural productivity female workers economic growth gender equality food security rights for women women Africa agriculture economy land rights profit innovation loans salaries GDP rights equality food security hunger potential waste growth women agriculture africa economy gender equality land rights loans productivity GDP resource allocation food security wages innovation savings groups rural women women agriculture African agriculture gender equality land rights agricultural labor force GDP female farmers economic potential loan access agricultural productivity food security rural women resource allocation economic growth female workforce hunger reduction Women agriculture African agriculture gender equality economic potential land rights agricultural productivity female farmers GDP food security rural development loan access innovation wages hunger reduction Women agriculture Africa economy land rights loans productivity gender equality food security resources savings groups impact innovation potential GDP hungry population rural women development wastage women agriculture africa economy gender equality land rights loans productivity GDP food security resource allocation wages innovation potential
test-international-ehbfe-pro02a	A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. federalism Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity political union EU institutions social connections economic power military power population size government accountability regional identities citizenship rights national states European Union cultural threats conflict resolution sovereignty federal europe cultural diversity individual citizens powerful state subsidiarity international economic power military political power work opportunities study opportunities parliamentary democracy EU institutions social connections cultural traditions regional identities national states sovereignty resolved conflicts Dutch federalism regional autonomy federalism europe cultural diversity subsidiarity political structure international relations EU member states citizenship economic power military power political process regional identities conflict resolution social connections parliamentary democracy tyranny willing obedience national states economic power military power local cultural traditions european union federal Europe Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Northern Ireland federal europe cultural diversity individual citizens powerful state subsidiarity maximum effectiveness accountability international economic power military power political power work opportunities study opportunities local cultural traditions regional identities Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy european federalism european union federalist system European parliament european democracy citizen connection sovereignty issues federal Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity economic power military power political accountability international relations European Union citizens' rights regional identities conflict resolution federal Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity effective governance European Union citizen rights regional identities political accountability international economic power military power political process economic power local cultural traditions social connections parliamentary democracy military strength European politics European integration European identity EU institutions local governance citizenship European citizenship subnational governance cultural protection conflict resolution sovereignty issues European unity European federalism European democracy European sovereignty federal Europe cultural diversity individual citizens powerful state subsidiarity international economic power military power political process local cultural traditions tyranny willing obedience European Union political connection social connections sporting connections national states regional identities Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy sovereignty resolved conflicts federal Europe cultural diversity individual citizens powerful state subsidiarity international economic power military power political process local cultural traditions economic situations tyranny willing obedience European Union parliamentary democracy EU political institutions social connections cultural connections sporting connections Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy regional identities dominant culture long-running conflicts sovereignty federalism federal Europe cultural diversity individual citizens powerful state subsidiarity economic power military power political power work opportunities study opportunities European Union citizenship parliamentary democracy international organization regional identities Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy federalism subsidaritry conflict resolution social connections cultural traditions sovereignty taxation authority policy making responsiveness tyranny willing obedience economic power military power local situations European level citizen engagement international economics political process cultural diversity federal Europe individual citizens subsidiarity accountability economic power military power political process regional identities Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy European Union democratic institutions social connections sporting connections sovereignty political structures
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro03a	Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. parents choice education values innovation private schooling state provision individuality central government learning styles parental_choice education_reform homeschooling private_schools value_transmission individual_learning_styles government_intervention educational_innovation non_mainstream_education autonomy_parenting parental_choice education_system_reform homeschooling alternative_education value_transmission government_intervention school_selection educational_innovation state_provision individual_learning_styles parental_choice educational_innovation non_mainstream_learning value_transmission child_individuality state_provision private_education teaching_styles parental_knowledge school_selection freedom_of_choice freedom of choice parental values individual children state intervention educational innovation non-mainstream learning private sector incentives relevance parental values education choice private sector innovation state intervention individual child needs non-mainstream learning teaching styles value transmission educational freedom parental choice education freedom value transmission individual child needs state vs parental knowledge non-mainstream education private sector innovation school choice educational diversity personal values in parenting parentalchoice educationreform valuestransfer personalizededucation homeschoolingoptions privateeducationsector publicschoollimits educationalinnovation childdevelopment stateintervention parentalrights nonmainstreamlearning curriculumflexibility educationalfreedom parental_choice educational_values individual_child Needs state_vs_private_education non_mainstream_learning educational_innovation parental_knowledge school_choice value_transmission educational Flexibility parentalchoice homeschooling charterschools educationalinnovation valuestransfer personalizedlearning stateintervention privateeducation nonmainstreameducation parentalrights
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro04a	UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK EU foreign policy crisis migration Ukraine buffer UK membership UK EU membership foreign policy UK Brexit consequences UK foreign policy EU foreign policy UK EU exit EU crises UK migration UK-Ukraine relations Channel migration EU buffer UK sovereignty UK EU affairs foreign policy Ukraine migration Channel tariffs single market border control diplomacy international relations economic ties negotiations trade agreements Brexit leave the EU policy priorities national interests international security EU budget visa requirements UK EU membership foreign policy priorities UK foreign policy EU foreign policy crises UK Channel migration UK-Ukraine distance EU buffer zone UK EU withdrawal UK EU negotiations UK sovereignty EU-UK trade relations UK EU foreign policy crisis Ukraine migration productivity disentanglement border control UK foreign policy EU membership benefits Brexit impact UK sovereignty EU-UK relations migration control Ukraine crisis EU foreign policy UK priorities EU bureaucracy UK EU membership foreign policy issues UK EU disentanglement UK foreign policy EU crises UK immigration UK-Ukraine distance EU buffer UK sovereignty UK EU exit UK diplomatic priorities UK EU exit British foreign policy EU crises UK channel migration UK Ukraine policy UK EU membership foreign policy priorities UK-EU relations Brexit impacts EU crises migration policies Ukraine conflict trade agreements political sovereignty UK foreign policy EU membership benefits UK sovereignty EU-UK relations Brexit impact UK priorities EU crises migration control Ukraine crisis EU foreign policy
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro03a	Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, compensation communities credit oppression stereotypes education reparations curriculum minority rights indigenous peoples intellectual property inequality state led international law UN Declaration boomerang reparations community recognition inequality oppression African American history curriculum development indigenous rights international law intellectual property UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Chanel controversy reparations inequality oppression community recognition social justice international law indigenous rights intellectual property stereotypes education curriculum development history teaching African American history UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Australia Chanel controversy compensation communities credit level out inequality oppressed recognition reverse stereotypes reparations community benefits education curriculum development black history African American figures state led reform protect minorities UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation inequality reparations community recognition social justice international law indigenous rights intellectual property education curriculum development history education African American history reparations community recognition inequality reversed stereotypes intellectual property rights declaration indigenous peoples boomerang controversy African American history curriculum development education policy reparations community recognition inequality oppression curriculum development African American history indigenous rights intellectual property UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Chanel boomerang compensation communities inequality reparations education intellectual property indigenous rights UN Declaration minorities boomerang compensation communities inequality reparations international law UN Declaration Indigenous rights intellectual property African American history curriculum development Mattew Rimmer education minorities boomerang Chanel Australia reparations community recognition inequality oppression education model curriculum African American history UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples indigenous intellectual property Matt Rimmer Queensland University of Technology Indigenous Australians
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, defaulting Greece austerity measures crisis economic collapse banking sector ECB devaluation inflation unemployment poor collapse savings credit shortage imports drachma European Union government failure defaulting Greece euro exit consequences Greek banking collapse drachma devaluation inflation impact unemployment rise basic needs failure debt restructuring ECB liquidity imported goods price supply shortages poor affected Greece euro exit default austerity measures banking collapse devaluation inflation unemployment population impact collapse of credit system impact on poor Greek economy Greek debt ECB dependency imported goods prices eurozone crisis Greek government failure Greek financial sector instability European Union response Greek fiscal policy Drachma depreciation Greek economic crisis consequences of default default Greece consequences of default euro exit impact on Greek economy austerity measures Greek debt crisis banking sector collapse devaluation currency inflation rise unemployment surge poor affected supply shortages government failure BBC News Open Europe Greece euro exit default austerity chaos crisis banking collapse devaluation inflation unemployment poverty ECB default consequences greece crisis austerity measures economic impact banking sector collapse devaluation unemployment inflation savings loss collapse drachma imports prices supply shortages population impact default Greece euro exit collapse banking sector Greek debt Euro Central Bank liquidity living costs inflation devaluation Drachma unemployment supply shortages poor affected Greek crisis solutions austerity measures defaulting Greece economic crisis austerity measures banking sector collapse devaluation Drachma inflation unemployment savings credit shortage poor microeconomics eurozone exit bankruptcy currency collapse imports ECB default Greece euro exit austerity measures Greek banking sector Greek debt Central Bank of Greece inflation unemployment devaluation Drachma basic needs savings credit shortage imports ECB defaulting greece economic crisis austerity measures banking collapse devaluation inflation unemployment savings imports population impact eurozone exit credit shortage political consequences
test-economy-beghwbh-pro02a	The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, hyperloop cost comparison railway construction pods tubes pressurized pylons elasticsearch musk spacex hypothetical infrastructure economy California HSR Hyperloop construction costs Hyperloop technology Hyperloop compared to high-speed rail Elon Musk Hyperloop Hyperloop feasibility study Hyperloop infrastructure costs Hyperloop passenger capacity Hyperloop environmental impact Hyperloop travel time Hyperloop passenger service cost Hyperloop cost comparison Elon Musk rail transportation capital cost infrastructure construction pod design tube construction high-speed rail project California Hyperloop Alpha Musk project costs engineering feasibility Hyperloop construction costs Hyperloop pod cost Hyperloop tube cost Hyperloop station cost Hyperloop pylon cost Hyperloop vs high-speed rail Hyperloop cost analysis Hyperloop financial comparison Hyperloop infrastructure expenses Hyperloop engineering costs Hyperloop cost comparison construction budget pods tube pressurized stations pylons economic feasibility infrastructure capital investment rail transportation California high speed project Musk Elon SpaceX Slosson Mary estimation billion million dollars Hyperloop construction costs comparison infrastructure cost transportation cost Elon Musk high-speed rail California high-speed rail vehicle cost pod cost tube cost station cost pylon cost total cost estimation project comparison Hyperloop cost benefit comparison infrastructure pods tube construction pylons rail sustainability transportation musk elizabeth musk spacex hyperloop alpha high speed rail california engineering technology economic analysis Hyperloop cost benefit construction pods tubes stations pylons comparison Caifornia high speed rail Musk Elon SpaceX infrastructure economy transportation efficacy cheap vehicles political economic analysis project management engineering technology innovation Hyperloop cost comparison Caloisra construction infrastructure pods tubes pressurized station via Elon_Musk spacex pylons high_speed_rail California Hyperloop Elon Musk cost comparison high speed rail construction cost pod cost tube cost station cost pylon cost transportation technology infrastructure cost future transportation
test-economy-egppphbcb-con03a	Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 socialism economy capitalism credit bubble financial crisis profit motive housing market credit crunch real estate bubble economics economic crisis profitability market failure debt crisis overconsumption socialist economy money supply human needs investment ethics economic downturn financial instability socialism free market capitalism credit bubble financial crisis economic crisis profit motive housing bubble overconsumption economic stagnation inflation real estate investment credit crunch marxism economic theory socialism economic security free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis profit motive housing market crash overconsumption socialist economy profit versus needs credit crunch economic stagnation credit bubble capitalist system economic crisis financial crisis credit crunch property bubble real estate investment inflation economic stagnation socialist system human needs profit motive Marxist economics economic sectors credit crisis financial instability economic profit housing market debt crisis socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles credit crunch economic crisis productive sectors profits recent crisis real estate inflated investment property prices loans consumption profit motive credit bubble economy stagnation human needs socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis profit real estate loans credit crunch credit bubble economic crisis human needs profit motivation market failure economic stagnation socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles credit crunch financial crisis economic sectors profits real estate inflated investment property prices loans credit economic stagnation credit bubble overconsumption human needs profit motives socialism economic security free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis profit motive property investment bubble economics credit crunch stagnation economic crisis human needs socialist system market failure socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis profits real estate inflation economy crisis credit crunch credit bubble overconsumption human needs profit motive stagnation money supply M Roberts socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis credit crunches economic slowdown profit real estate loans property prices credit bubble overconsumption human needs economy stagnation
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con02a	The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, neo-functionalism Ernst Haas theory abandonment integration theories eurocentric nature complex web of actors pluralist political environment empty chair crisis European Community supplanting theories Millennium Journal Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned theory international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis Eurocentric plurality political environment supplanting theories complex web actors Millennium - Journal of International Studies neo-functionalism Ernst Haas abandoned theory international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis pluralist political environment supplanting theories complex web of actors neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned theory international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis complex web of actors pluralist political environment transformation supplanting theories European Economic Community neo-functionalism evolution Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned Theory complex interdependence economic realm high politics empty chair crisis partial theory Eurocentric pluralist political environment Millennium - Journal of International Studies Tranholm-Mikkelsen Rosamond Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas international relations theory abandonment complex web of actors political environment eurocentric nature empty chair crisis plurality interdependence theories partial theory European Economic Community Millennium - Journal of International Studies Tranholm-Mikkelsen rosamond neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned theory international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis pluralist political environment supplanting theories complex web of actors neo-functionalism theory journal articles European integration neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen 1970s international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis pluralist political environment supplanting theories Eurocentric nature neo-functionalism Ernst_B._Haas abandoned_theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen 1991 international_relations economic_realm high_politics empty_chair_crisis Eurocentric plurality theory_supplantation neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas Haas Eurocentric integration general interdependence complex web of actors pluralist political environment empty chair crisis supplanting theories Rosamond Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con03a	Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision international standards aid donors Asian tigers infant industry promotion national interest labor standards World Bank ILO education free trade development economic growth developing nations sovereignty international standards aid conditions Asian tigers labor standards infant industry promotion national interest World Bank ILO economic success development economic growth developing nation self-determination international standards aid donors Asian tigers infant industry promotion World Bank ILO national interest labor standards educational labor force policy prescriptions development economics pure economic growth developing nations sovereign decisions international standards aid compliance Asian tigers national interest labor standards infant industry promotion WIPO World Bank ILO development pure economic growth developing nation sovereign decision international standards aid fairness Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China free trade World Bank ILO national interest labor standards educated labor force infant industry promotion development facets pure economic growth developing nation sovereign decision international standards aid compliance Asian tigers sovereign right labour standards national interest economic success international institutions World Bank ILO infant industry promotion educational labour force development priority economic growth developing nation sovereign decision standards compliance international standards aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China labour standards free trade World Bank ILO national interest donor influence national development infant industry promotion development economic growth sovereign decision international standards aid fairness Asian tigers developmental policies labor standards national interest international institutions World Bank ILO infant industry promotion educational labor force development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision international standards aid donors Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong free trade World Bank ILO national interest labor standards education development economic growth developing nation sovereignty international standards aid conditions Asian tigers labor standards national interest international institutions free trade ILO World Bank infant industry promotion labor force education
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro01a	CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP Common Agricultural Policy European Union budget allocation industry subsidies economic growth agricultural subsidies workforce employment GDP contribution budget efficiency job creation industry competitiveness coal industry iron industry farmer income economic stagnation CAP reform economic efficiency budget allocation farm subsidies economic growth industry support EU budget European Union subsidies farmer income subsidy comparison job creation agricultural policy CAP reform agricultural policy EU budget allocation subsidy inefficiency economic growth stimulation industry support farm subsidies comparative industrial subsidies European Union economic policies rural versus industrial support CAP reform economic growth farm subsidies budget allocation industry support economic inefficiency subsidy justification EU budget priorities farmer income job creation industrial subsidies CAP budget economic growth subsidies European Union farmers industries job creation GDP efficiency CAP reform economic efficiency subsidy effectiveness farmer subsidies EU budget allocation industrial policy economic growth industry support job creation GDP contribution agricultural subsidies CAP Common Agricultural Policy European Union budget agricultural subsidies industry employment GDP contribution economic growth budget reallocation farmer subsidies industry competitiveness job preservation economic inefficiency CAP economic growth economic inefficiency subsidies farm subsidies European Union budget allocation industry support job creation GDP agriculture policy industry comparison unfair subsidy CAP Common Agricultural Policy European Union budget subsidies agricultural subsidies industry support economic growth EU budget allocation farmer subsidies job creation agricultural efficiency industrial subsidies EU budget priorities economic stagnation farm economy agricultural policy budget deficit rural development trade fairness economic competitiveness CAP reform economic growth farm subsidies european union budget industrial subsidies job creation GDP contribution ineffective spending industry support potential industries
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro02a	Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. hate_speech laws enforcement censorship liberalization publishing_standards England Lady_Chatterley Oz obscenity_trials judicial_decisions legal_changes historical_context power_of_speech vulnerable_minorities race_riots social_isolation taboo_breaking_forms hip_hop_music gangsta_rap violent_communication minority_communities trust cohesion discrimination authenticity nihilism classification censorship_standards literature_review legal_harm_analysis free_speech_debate community_impact hate_speech enforcement_laws liberal_democracy censorship power_of_words taboo_breaking Jeremy_Waldron Timothy_Garton_Ash hip_hop_music gangsta_rap racial_hate religious_hate violence fear isolation community_division defamation authenticity vulnerability minorities cultural_changes legal_responses social_isolation obscenity_trials lady_chatterley oz Oz_obscenity_trial publishing_standards standards_taboos stable_society individual_rights group_defamation hate_speech enforcement_laws censorship power_of_hate_speech vulnerability_of_minorities legal_responses_to_hate_speech gangsta_rap hip_hop_music social_division racial_hatred religious_hatred cultural_changes taboos_in_society lady_chatterley oz_obscenity_trials Jeremy_Waldron Timothy_Garton_Ash FreeSpeechDebate journalism_and_law moral_harm defamation social_isolation violence_and_prejudice trust_and_cohesion potential_promotion_of_h hate speech enforcement censorship written word Lady Chatterley obscenity trials hate speech prosecution individual rights taboos stable society jeremy waldron timothy garton ash gangsta rap censorship vulnerable minorities violence prejudice defamation half truths community division violent hip hop liberal democracies racial hatred hip hop music classification hate_speech enforcement_laws censorship liberal_democracy violence fear taboos legal_harms hip_hop gangsta_rap publishing obscenity trials minorities legal_standards community_division defamation internet social_isolation political_censorship potential_harm racial_hate religious_hate cultural_changes persistent_taboos authenticity nihilism government_response hate speech enforcement lady chatterley obscenity trials human rights censorship taboo speech jeremy waldron gangsta rap censorship violent hip hop discrimination legal standards community trust racial hatred free speech debate liberal democracy racial profiling harmful speech analysis minority rights hate speech enforcement laws censorship libel obscenity trials publication standards taboos social isolation race riots defamation gangsta rap hip hop violence prejudice legal responses social division community trust democratic societies racial hatred religious hatred free speech censorship standards speech regulation legal classification cultural changes hate speech enforcement laws censorship liberalisation publication standards legal prosecution vulnerable minorities racial hatred hip hop censorship gangsta rap social division defamation violent lyrics authenticity standards potential harm democratic values community cohesion hate_speech enforcement_laws censorship liberal_democracy social_division obscenity_trials legal_harm taboo_breaking hip_hop_music gangsta_rap violence polarization community_trust narrative_destruction minority_communities internet_free_speech media_representation public_opinion injury_to_individuals legal_response human_rights freedom_of_expression legal_classification social_media speech_regulation persuasion_and_conversation ethical_standards free_speech media_censorship taboos publishing hate speech enforcement laws legal prosecution censorship obscenity trials liberalisation taboos stable society Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash gangsta rap violent lyrics social division defamation community trust censorship standards racial hatred religious hatred FreeSpeechDebate
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 social media impact online socialization teen psychology self-esteem issues envy isolation psychological disorders social network effects teenager behavior digital comparison mental health impacts social media addiction Facebook envy teenagers self-esteem isolation anxiety depression psychological disorders online socialization social networking sites bad for life satisfaction mobile phones mental health adolescents Internet addiction comparison peer influence mental well-being privacy concerns advertising filter bubbles online privacy screen time well-being media consumption online interaction mental health issues adolescent development technology impact mental health risks child psychology mental distress online behavior emotional well-being adolescent mental health online communication adolescent social media emotional intelligence Facebook life satisfaction teens social media envy self-esteem isolation mental health anxiety depression online socialization peer comparison psychological disorders social networks teenage behavior social media effects mental well-being social media usage social media impact Facebook impact on teens social media effects online socialization digital detox mental health issues teen psychology social networking sites child development psychological well-being comparison culture envy and social media self-esteem and social media isolation and technology adolescent behavior anxiety and social media depression and social networks social media addiction psychological disorders and technology teenager mental health social media and life satisfaction impact of Facebook on society teen social interactions emotional health and technology social media and self-image mental health research adolescent social media usage Facebook enrollment socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation anxiety depression psychological disorders poll study negative impact social networking children Facebook impact social media effects teen psychology online socialization digital addiction self-esteem issues envy online psychological disorders social network usage adolescent behavior digital isolation Facebook enriched query search accuracy life satisfaction teenagers online socialization detrimental envious self esteem isolation socialize messages comments poll behaviour negative impact studies anxiety depression psychological disorders health economist telegraph bbc news american psychological association Facebook enrollment online socialization teenagers empathy envy self-esteem isolation socialize misinformation negative behavior polling health effects anxiety depression psychological disorders comparison media influence platform usage studies evidence publications impact analysis mental health risks Facebook social media life satisfaction teenagers enjoyment psychological impact anxiety depression online socialization comparison envy self-esteem isolation negative effects polling data statistics health adolescents cognitive behavior mental health Internet addiction digital age networking sites media influence Facebook enjoyment teenagers psychological disorders envy self-esteem online socialization isolation social media anxiety depression health effects polling data behavior change studies negative impact comparison mental health social networks children
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con03a	Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims marginalised ethnic groups institutionalising air marshals radicalisation curiosity confusion ineffective exacerbation grativas terrorist propaganda profiling terrorism prejudice institutionalization air marshals security measures marginalized groups radicalization airport security box-cutters flammable liquids passenger screening discriminatory practices terrorist propaganda airport safety aviation security profiling efficacy counterterrorism strategies profiling marginalisation terrorism prejudice ethnic minorities institutional racism air marshals terrorism propaganda young people ineffective security measures radicalisation confusion gratification security policies search utility expansion phrases profiling exacerbates terrorism reinforcement perception prejudice reality ineffectual tactics air marshals institutionalizing prejudice assumptions legitimization radicalization curious confused young people profiling marginalisation terrorism prejudice air marshals institutionalisation propaganda young people effectiveness search performance recommendations expansion phrases profiling terrorism Muslims marginalised ethnic groups prejudice reality air marshals tactics ineffective institutionalising propaganda radicalise curious confused young people ineffectual exacerbate profiling terrorism marginalised ethnic groups prejudice air marshals desperate tactics radicalisation young people institutionalising prejudice terrorist propaganda profiling marginalisation prejudice terrorism air marshals institutionalisation propaganda young people ineffectual exacerbation profiling marginalisation terrorism muslims prejudice institutionalisation air marshals radicalisation propaganda young people effectiveness security measures desperate tactics flights duty free terrorist propaganda search outcomes beneficial expansion terms profiling terrorism prejudice institutionalizing air marshals propaganda radicalization security measures discrimination surveillance airport security ethnic profiling civil liberties counterterrorism strategies public perception marginalized communities
test-international-aghwrem-con03a	Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. reengagement military junta civilian government human rights violations democratic elections Myanmar sanctions international pressure pro-democracy supporters fair constitution piecemeal change betrayal reengagement military junta Myanmar civilian government constitutional change human rights democracy international pressure pro-democracy sanctions political influence re-engagement military junta civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections Myanmar pro-democracy supporters international pressure domestic pressure ruling elite political influence constitutional process sanctions international political arena piecemeal change betrayal pro-democracy movements constitutional reforms human rights organizations diplomatic engagement political stability transitional justice democratic transition Myanmar politics Burma sanctions civil society governance reform democratic governance international relations authoritarianism democracy promotion human rights advocacy political repression electoral processes constitutional law political systems democratic institutions political accountability political re-engagement nominal changes civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections pro-democracy supporters international pressure military junta ruling elite Burma sanctions political arena constitutional process humanitarian concerns transitional justice political influence democratic reforms international community economic sanctions peacebuilding stability human rights advocacy civil society political legitimacy democratic governance rule of law political transition electoral processes constitutional development peacekeeping conflict resolution diplomatic engagement human rights monitoring political accountability transitional administration democratic institutions governance structures political reform human rights protection democratic participation re-engagement military junta civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections international pressure domestic pressure Myanmar pro-democracy supporters sanctions ruling elite piecemeal change re-engagement nominal changes civilian government human rights violations fair constitution democratic elections international pressure domestic pressure military junta pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence ruling elite international political arena re-engagement implications Myanmar politics re-engagement military junta civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections Myanmar pro-democracy supporters international pressure domestic pressure ruling elite constitutional process political influence international political arena nominal change betrayal pro-democracy movements reengagement military junta nominal civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections pro-democracy supporters international pressure domestic pressure ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change constitutional process political influence pro-democracy movement human rights advocacy democratic transition sanctions Burma reengagement military junta nominal civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections pro-democracy supporters international pressure domestic pressure Myanmar politics constitutional process ruling elite piecemeal change political influence pro-democracy movements human rights organizations international sanctions democratic reforms transitional governments constitutional amendments political transition human rights abuses electoral processes military governance political stability democracy promotion civil-military relations opposition parties political repression democratic institutions governance structures political freedom civil society human rights defenders political activism political engagement international community democratic reengagement military junta nominal civilian government fair constitution human rights violations democratic elections pro-democracy supporters international pressure domestic pressure ruling elite Myanmar sanctions constitutional process political influence
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con02a	There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. international labour standards developing nations formal employment trade union rights subsistence farming one size fits all global economy donor assistance labour standards core conventions India labor laws individualised standards implementing standards relevance international labour standards developing nations trade union rights formal employment subsistence farming diverse global economy donor assistance improving labour conditions individualised standards implementing standards best practices developing nations international labour standards relevance to developing countries trade union rights formal employment substance farming donors and labour standards diverse global economy situational standards individualised standards implementing standards relevance to developing nations Indian labour laws formal employment subsistence farming one size fits all global economy donor assistance improving labor conditions individualised standards implementing standards better standards international labour standards developing nations India core conventions trade union rights formal employment subsistence farming labor standards donors development one size fits all individualised standards implementing standards better implementation international labour standards developing nations relevance of standards India's workforce formal employment trade union rights subsistence farming labor standards donors one size fits all diverse global economy development benefits individualised standards implementing standards international labour standards developing nations trade union rights formal employment subsistence farming labour standards global economy one size fits all donor assistance individualised standards implementing standards beneficial expansion keywords international labour standards developing nations India trade union rights formal employment subsistence farming diverse global economy donors development individualised standards implementing standards international labour standards developing nations India trade union rights formal employment subsistence farming labour standards global economy one size fits all donor support individualised standards implementing standards international labour standards relevance to developing nations trade union rights formal employment subsistence farming one size fits all global economy donor assistance labour standards economic diversity
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con01a	In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, English official language Hispanic immigration linguistic minority assimilation xenophobia discrimination multiculturalism national identity immigration policy language politics immigrant rights civil rights linguistics social integration ethnic tensions political correctness cultural clash language legislation identity politics minority rights social cohesion xenophobics language barriers immigrant stereotypes political rhetoric cultural assimilation linguistic discrimination immigration debate ethnic minorities language education civic integration immigrant communities political movements cultural diversity language enforcement immigration enforcement language stigma immigrant policies language discrimination minority languages civic participation immigrant populations English official language Hispanic immigration language policy assimilation discrimination bullying official language debate immigration policy Hispanic community language stigmatization English-only movement political climate linguistic minorities American history immigration history cultural integration immigrant rights linguistic discrimination immigrant legislation language politics multiculturalism language acquisition immigration patterns minority languages language barriers cultural assimilation xenophobia political rhetoric civil rights language enforcement immigrant support language diversity language identity immigrant adaptation language integration language exclusion immigrant integration language policies ethnic relations immigrant communities language legislation immigrant official language English Hispanic immigrants First World War German immigrants lobbying groups National Language legislation assimilation discrimination bullying Spanish speakers stigma minority rights official language English immigration Hispanic immigrants linguistic diversity assimilation policy official language movement language discrimination immigrant rights cultural integration xenophobia bilingualism minority languages American politics language legislation immigration history ethnic relations language barriers civil rights education policy immigration policies national identity language stigma minority rights political rhetoric immigration statistics language politics cultural assimilation immigration trends language acquisition language proficiency immigration reform immigrant communities language education language attitudes immigrant integration language minorities language policy immigration impact language discrimination immigrant experiences language rights immigrant challenges English official language Hispanic immigrants First World War German immigrants legislation targeting linguistic group assimilation bullying discrimination official language movement English Only Movement body politic resentment lobbying groups national language American history threatened elements immigrant community Spanish speakers stigma Hispanic students official language English Hispanic immigrants official language movements assimilation language policy discrimination stigmatization immigration linguistic minority English-only nationalism xenophobia immigration history political rhetoric cultural integration language legislation civil rights educational impact social cohesion minority rights public perception political climate identity politics official language English Hispanic immigrants First World War German immigrants assimilation stigma bullying discrimination lobbying legislation American politics official language movements immigrant rights cultural identity language policy immigration xenophobia political climate public opinion social cohesion education minority languages nationalism civil rights political rhetoric immigration history linguistics cultural assimilation language discrimination social integration political activism language minorities immigration legislation cultural clash political discourse immigration reform language politics cultural tensions language barriers immigrant experience language identity political threat perception language and identity official language English Hispanic immigrants official language movement American body politic First World War German immigrants lobbying groups National Language assimilation alienation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English proficiency official language English Hispanic immigrants First World War German immigrants lobbying groups National Language legislation assimilation discrimination bullying Spanish speakers official language English Hispanic immigrants First World War German immigrants assimilation discrimination bullying lobbying official language movement non-English linguistic group American body politic National Language English Only Movement
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro05a	Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, organ donation transplant waiting list donor registration public awareness ethical issues organ shortage media impact deceased donors living donors transplantation needs healthcare statistics medical ethics organ donation statistics organ donation awareness organ transplant waiting lists organ donation rates by country organ donation media impact increase organ donations organ donation legislation public awareness campaigns organ donation education deceased organ donation living organ donation organ donation consent processes organ donation organ shortages organ donation transplant waiting list donor registration awareness campaigns organ donation statistics organ donation rates organ donation needs organ donation disparities public awareness donation card organ shortage organ donation motivation organ donation impact medical ethics organ donation programs organ donation policies organ donation donor cards transplantation needs awareness campaigns organ shortage media impact voluntary donations transplant statistics public education ethical considerations organ donation rates healthcare ethics organ donation incentives awareness donations organs transplants waiting list media sacrifice voluntary donations organ donation rates national statistics public awareness campaigns organ donation awareness campaign transplant need donor cards public awareness organ shortage deceased donors living donors medical ethics organ transplantation healthcare system consent process organ donation statistics donation rates organ sharing transplant waiting list donor registration organ allocation ethical considerations organ donation incentives organ donation myths organ donation laws organ donation procedures organ donation success stories organ donation impact organ donation challenges organ donation transplant needs donor cards public awareness voluntary donations organ donation rates media impact organ shortage donation statistics ethical donation donor registration transplant waiting lists organ allocation medical ethics organ donation programs deceased donors living donors transplant surgery healthcare systems comparison organ donation laws organ donation campaigns organ donation awareness campaigns transplant needs donor card registration media impact ethical organ donation global organ shortage UK transplant statistics Germany organ donation rates public awareness programs organ donation rates donor consent organ scarcity medical ethics voluntary donation organ transplantation organ donation campaigns organ donation awareness campaigns transplant waiting lists deceased donors living donors organ shortages public education media impact healthcare statistics donation rates ethical considerations organ registries transplantation medicine organ donation transplant waiting list awareness campaigns donor registration deceased donors organ shortages public health medical ethics transplant statistics donor card organ donation rates
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro03a	Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. population democracy recognize Taiwan PRC São Tomé African country humanity power diplomacy peace eastasia population imbalance democratic recognition Taiwan PRC East Asia political alignment international relations African countries minority vs majority global demographics population democracy political recognition Taiwan PRC São Tomé human rights East Asia international relations population imbalance democratic path recognize majority power dynamics small country vs large population global recognition taiwan prc relations African country recognition east asia peace demographic influence political alignment population democracy unjust Taiwan PRC São Tomé power imbalance humanity East Asia population dynamics democratic representation state recognition geopolitical shifts Taiwan PRC East Asia small countries influence majority rule global demographics peaceful resolution international relations sovereignty debates human rights considerations democratic processes majority vote minority concerns international law diplomatic recognition political power global politics human population national sovereignty minority rights majority population impact population democracy Taiwan PRC China recognition imbalance small countries East Asia human rights majority rule population balance democracy small countries power dynamics Taiwan PRC East Asia diplomacy humanity recognition population imbalance democratic path recognize majority small countries taiwan prc population influence global recognition east asia peace population democracy China Taiwan PRC São Tomé political recognitions East_Asia humanity democratic_path imbalances power dynamics unjustness minority majority world_population african_countries
test-international-epvhwhranet-con01a	Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. popular vote treaties ratification EU power significant changes référendum economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress halt progress significance significant changes treaties popular vote ruling parliaments 1986 Act SINGLE MARKET 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress referendum significance populist voting EU treaty power significance referendum economic regulation immigration monetary policy voting rights progress halt progress single market Maastricht Treaty legitimacy democracy popular vote treaties economic regulation immigration monetary policy Maastricht Treaty Single Market referendum popular voting progress halt progress significance treaties popular vote economic regulation immigration monetary policy Maastricht Treaty SINGLE MARKET referendum progress halt progress significant changes ruling parliaments relevance expansion phrases query analysis voting mechanisms treaty ratification public opinion democratic processes EU power referendums significance economic regulation immigration policy monetary policy popular vote treaties economic regulation immigration monetary policy Maastricht Treaty Single Market referendum progress halt progress nonsensical significance significant changes popular vote ratified by ruling parliaments treaties with far-reaching consequences 1986 Act establishing a Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy referendum progress halt progress nonsensical treaties less significance significant changes popular vote ratified treaties 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy referendum progress halt progress nonsensical less significance treaties significant changes popular vote ratified by parliament treaties economic regulation immigration monetary policy referendum majority voting progress halt progress single market Maastricht Treaty EU power
test-international-iighbopcc-pro03a	It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, climate change global warming temperature limit Paris Agreement emissions reduction binding targets backsliding ambition greenhouse gases UNFCCC temperature increase carbon emissions sustainable development environmental policy climate change two degree celsius 2.7 degrees 3.5 degrees ambitious targets binding cuts backsliding paris climate talks unfccc press office thinkprogress climate change two degrees Celsius global warming ambitious targets binding cuts temperature increase Paris Agreement UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm climate talks backsliding greenhouse gases emissions reductions environmental policy sustainability carbon footprint climate change two degree limit ambitious goals temperature increase binding cuts paris climate talks backsliding global response unfcclimit media confusion climate change two degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees 3.5 degrees ambition binding cuts backsliding UNFCCC Paris Climate Talks climate change ambition temperature limit binding cuts backsliding Paris Agreement emission reduction sustainable future climate change temperature limit Paris Agreement greenhouse gas emissions ambitious targets UNFCCC global warming environmental policy sustainability carbon footprint renewable energy mitigation strategies half measures safe temperature level 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius climate agreement deeper commitments 3.5 degrees rise binding cuts backsliding Paris Climate Talks search optimization query expansion terms climate change ambition two degrees Celsius temperature increase Paris Agreement UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm backsliding cuts commitments media report global response climate change Paris Agreement temperature limit ambitious targets emissions reduction backsliding global warming environmental policy sustainable development greenhouse gases
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro04a	Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust denial speech acts causal links rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism dangerous hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Second World War Japan colonialism militarism Jewish conspiracy Nazi anti-Semitism neo-Nazism debate legitimacy Holocaust denial speech acts physical link pornography hate speech polemic rape crimes insurrection creationism agenda Nanjing Massacre Japan Second World War colonialism militarism debate legitimacy Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Holocaust denial speech acts physical pornography hate speech causal linked rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas deniers Nanjing Massacre Japanese Second World War colonialism militarism Jewish conspiracy six million murdered Nazis anti-Semitism neo-Nazism debate legitimacy Holocaust denial speech acts causal link pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agenda Nanjing Massacre Japanese wartime actions Second World War Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy debate legitimacy Holocaust denial speech acts causal links pornography hate speech political polemics rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism Nanjing Massacre Japanese WWII atrocities western colonialism Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism debating legitimacy Holocaust denial hate speech political polemic causal link rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy Nazi atrocities Second World War war of liberation colonialism debate legitimacy Holocaust denial pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy western colonialism Second World War Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism Holocaust denial hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Second World War western colonialism creationism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism jewish conspiracy conspiracy theories debated legitimacy Holocaust denial speech acts causal link pornography hate speech polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese Second World War colonialism militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy Nazi legitimacy debate Holocaust denial speech acts causal link rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy six million Jews Nazi debated legitimacy
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro03a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. nuclear weapons powerful states international relations United Nations Security Council non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining nuclear blacklist collapse of war nuclear weapons diplomacy international relations nuclear proliferation United Nations Security Council non-proliferation treaties world order fairness in international politics military capacity and state power crisis bargaining model nuclear disarmament arms control nuclear balance of power nuclear weapons diplomacy international relations nuclear powers power dynamics United Nations Security Council non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining model empirical test nuclear blackmail nuclear balance states rights conventional militaries international clout nuclear weapons power agenda-setting international power nuclear states dominance UN Security Council membership nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements nuclear club exclusivity fairness in arms possession conventional military capabilities nuclear weapon development rights international playing field level nuclear disarmament debate nuclear weapons powerful states international forums United Nations Security Council nuclear powers world order fairness military capacity non-proliferation agreements nuclear club equal treatment conventional militaries international playing field nuclear weapons agenda setting power international forums nuclear powers United Nations Security Council permanent membership nuclear club non-proliferation agreements fairness military capacity post-World War II crisis bargaining model international playing field equal treatment nuclear disarmament nuclear weapons agenda-setting power international forums United Nations Security Council nuclear powers permanent members world order non-proliferation agreements fairness defense capabilities international clout military capacity crisis bargaining nuclear blacklist nuclear balance nuclear weapons powerful states international forums United Nations Security Council permanent members nuclear powers world order fairness military capacity non-proliferation agreements exclusive nuclear club states' rights defensive capabilities countries with small militaries leveling the playing field equal treatment international relations crisis bargaining model nuclear blackmail nuclear balance nuclear weapons powerful states international relations UN Security Council nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements world order fairness military capacity diplomacy crisis bargaining equal treatment nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence conventional militaries nuclear powersagenda-settinginternational forumsunited nations security councilnon-proliferation agreementsworld orderfairnessmilitary capacitycrisis bargaining model
test-economy-bepighbdb-con03a	Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, political regime economic policy China's economic policies free market dictatorship democracy South Korea economic development autocracy gross national income GNI Spain Franco Spanish economy international trade European Union Economic growth economic policy China's economic policies South Korea democratization economic takeoff autocracy development Spain economic miracle Franco regime free market policy GNI per capita economic success World Bank data political regime economic policy China's economic policies freemarket policy dictatorship democracy South Korea economic development autocracy democratization Gross National Income Spanish economic growth Francisco Franco international trade EU membership economic success civil war economic policy China's economic policies good economic policy free market policy political regime impact development South Korea economic growth autocracy democratization economic takeoff GNI per capita Spanish economic growth 1950s economic miracle Franco regime free market European Union economic success World Bank Political regime economic policy China's economic policies South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita European Union Spain Franco's regime international trade economic growth miracle EU membership dictatorship free market political regime economic policy China's economic policies free market democracy dictatorship South Korea economic takeoff South Korean economy autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Francisco Franco Spanish economy economic miracle Civil War EU membership [1] World Bank political regime economic policy China's economic policies free market policy dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Franco's regime economic miracle European Union GNI per capita Atlas method current US$ political regime economic policy China's policies South Korea economic development autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain Francisco Franco free market EU membership economic growth The World Bank political regime economic policy China's policies free market dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita economic takeoff Spanish economic growth Franco regime economic miracle EU membership World Bank economic policies China's policies South Korea autocracy democratization economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain Franco era economic miracle free market European Union economic growth World Bank
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con02a	Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. moral absolutes suicide rights equality terminally ill mental health elderly pain relief cancer society's rejection right to die legal precedents legislative intentions social move emergency rooms teenagers vodka razorblades arbitrary lines poverty grief addiction slippery slope court cases moral absolutism suicide rights equality slippery slope legislative intentions painful suicides teenage suicide medical euthanasia cancer cure grief addiction economic factors judicial interpretation public rejection moral absolutes suicide rights equality legislation courts contradictions pain relief economic factors mental health social acceptance legal precedents end-of-life care ethical considerations public opinion legal arguments slippery slope theory suicide rights social ethics euthanasia moral absolutism right to die legalization of suicide ethical considerations end-of-life care public opinion court cases equality in death pain management legislative intention suicide prevention mental health poverty and suicide grief and suicide addiction and suicide medical procedures for suicide age restrictions on suicide legal debates on suicide slippery slope theory moral absolutes suicide rights equality legislative intentions court cases painful procedures mental health grief poverty addiction universal rights social acceptance suicide prevention easy cases contradictions suicide rights moral absolutes standardized procedures right to die equality approach legislative intentions slippery slope court cases social rejection medical procedures teenage suicides right to die debates moral absolutes right to die equality suicide methods legal standards court cases public opinion legislative intentions slippery slope pain relief mental health economic factors grief addiction cancer treatment social norms moral absolute suicide right equality approach legislative intention slippery slope court cases teenage suicide medical procedure pain relief painlessly end of life grief poverty addiction bankruptcy cancer cure social move emergency room right to die arb... suicide equality legislation morality society argument emergency health pain procedure rights viability ban acceptance contradictions cancer poverty grief addiction intentions judgment courts suicide equality right to die legislation contradictions painlessness arbitrary lines social rejection slippery slope cancer cure
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro02a	Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, cultural appropriation intellectual property misuse of culture stolen property reparations Native American Navajo tribe Urban Outfitters copyright popular culture global standards equality discrimination trademarks monetary compensation legal rights intellectual property law cultural property theft minority communities systemic inequalities historical traditions community rights cultural respect legal precedents ethical considerations cultural exploitation intellectual property protection legal reform cultural misappropriation ethical consumption legal recognition cultural sensitivity trademark infringement legal outcomes cultural rights legal remedies cultural symbols cultural property intellectual property laws indigenous rights copyright infringement patenting minority communities systemic inequalities reparation urban outfitters indigenous intellectual property cultural misappropriation global culture legal protection cultural symbols historic meaning long-standing traditions culturalappropriation intellectualproperty minoritycommunities nativeamericannavajo urboanoutfitters reparations copyright laws globalintellectualproperty systemicequality trademarkinfringement monetarycompensation culturalproperty iplaws historicalmeaning egalitariandemocracy culturalpractices communityrights tradition history symbolmisuse consent everydayfeminism realbusiness cnn cultural appropriation intellectual property laws reparations misuse copyright patenting minority communities Native American Navajo tribe stolen property systematic inequalities cultural property theft equality before the law historic meaning and importance cultural appropriation intellectual property laws minority communities copyright patenting Navajo tribe reparations discrimination equality cultural property systemic inequalities legal protection name theft symbol misuse trademark infringement legal precedents historical traditions cultural appropriation intellectual property reparations misuse of culture copyright patenting urban outfitters Native American Navajo tribe systematic inequalities monetary compensation equality before the law democracy historic meaning and importance longstanding traditions cultural appropriation intellectual property property rights minority communities Native American Navajo tribe Urban Outfitters copyright patenting systematic inequalities reparations democracy cultural property trademark infringement equality consent global culture legal recognition historical meaning cultural appropriation intellectual property minority communities Native American Navajo tribe stolen culture reparations copyright patenting systematic inequalities democracy global culture equality trademark infringement misuse of symbols cultural appropriation intellectual property laws reparations misuse minority communities Native American Navajo tribe copyright patenting trademark infringement equality systematic inequalities global culture historic meaning traditions cultural appropriation intellectual property global standards reparations minority rights legal framework copyright patent cultural property systemic inequality trademark infringement Native American community rights intellectual property law
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con03a	Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. community radio democratic renewal media and democracy Rwandan genocide BBC World Service revolution 1989 social media democracy promotion Sedra Mark community radio democratic renewal democracy promotion Rwandan genocide BBC World Service media and politics social change Revolution 2.0 powerful communication tools Sedra Mark community radio democratic renewal democracy promotion media effectiveness atrocities tyranny Rwanda BBC World Service political change social media digital revolution revolution 2.0 presidential palace Sedra Mark community radio democratic virtues media and atrocity democratic renewal BBC World Service Rwandan genocide 1989 revolutions social media and democracy democratic progress community radio democratic renewal democracy promotion media radio revolution social change Presidential Palace national radio station Rwanda community element radio aspect different media Sedra Mark community radio democratic renewal media atrocities tyranny Rwanda BBC World Service democratic progress social change political revolution Mark Sedra community radio democracy media innate qualities atrocities tyranny Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal social change Revolution 2.0 community radio democratic renewal media influence Rwandan genocide BBC World Service social change democracy promotion media neutrality power dynamics internet revolution presidential palace community radio democratic renewal media and democracy Rwandan genocide BBC World Service social change digital revolution democracy promotion Sedra Mark community radio democratic renewal media and democracy Rwanda BBC World Service 1989 revolutions social change political communication democracy promotion internet and politics
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development human rights UNESCO report trade and human rights gradualist approach academic cooperation elite universities global education cultural exchange economic development human rights promotion international trade China-US-EU trade death penalty Burma education opportunities Western education tyrants and sycophants UNESCO report trade human rights economic growth choices academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group opportunities Western education tyrants sycophants UNESCO report trade human rights academic cooperation elite universities global education cultural exchange economic impact social mobility academic diplomacy gradualism international relations human rights advocacy educational reform global citizenship economic development cultural sensitivity international trade educational equity diplomatic relations international cooperation value dissemination trade policies academic partnerships globalization educational access international student exchange human rights promotion economic empowerment global education initiatives cultural assimilation educational standards international law trade agreements academic freedom human rights organizations economic inequality cultural diversity global governance international education economic diplomacy academic networks global economy trade human rights dissemination values academic cooperation gradualist approach academic institutions global trade elite universities social justice education development cooperation international relations trade policies academic mobility Western education human rights advocacy UNESCO report economic growth wealth distribution choice standards of living diplomatic relations international cooperation academic exchange cultural impact political elite global education educational opportunities tyranny sycophancy moral arguments economic engagement death penalty Burma gradual change international trade multi-national corporations Western countries Eastern countries academic partnerships long-term benefits short trade human rights wealth choices academic cooperation gradualist approach death penalty trade examples China-US-EU cooperation drip effect Burma elite universities global education access social justice Western education human rights development UNESCO report trade human rights economic growth choices academic cooperation gradualist approach diverse trade relations elite universities global expanded educational opportunities social justice international trade ethics education and human rights UNESCO reports moral arguments free trade trade human rights academic cooperation gradualist approach China-US-EU trade death penalty academic diplomacy elite universities social justice Western education political elites UNESCO report trade human rights economic development academic cooperation elite universities globalization cultural exchange diplomatic relations social change education policy international cooperation academic freedom global governance economic diplomacy ethical consumption cultural impact global ethics trade liberalization human rights advocacy international trade educational inequality social mobility cultural assimilation diplomatic strategy global citizenship educational opportunity political reform cultural diffusion global economics academic partnerships economic empowerment international law educational access social justice cultural adaptation trade agreements human rights violations economic sanctions cultural diversity educational quality global economy international relations trade human rights economic growth wealth distribution academic cooperation gradualist approach diplomatic relations academic mobility elite universities social justice international cooperation cultural exchange educational opportunities political influence global education trade policies human rights advocacy diplomatic engagement economic development academic partnerships educational standards international trade educational access global governance international relations cultural diplomacy educational disparities human rights promotion academic diversity international cooperation benefits trade and development human rights education academic freedom global academic networks educational quality economic inequality academic inclusivity trade agreements human rights protection global citizenship
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, leader health public interest media scrutiny political manipulation health concealment rumor management presidential health Kissinger illness Nixon visit Atta Mills health Ghana presidency leader health public health interest media interest political health scandal leadership health rumors Kissinger illness Nixon visit press control political deception health misinformation political communication strategy Ghana president health Atta Mills health political rumor mill leader health media interest political health misinformation public perception health deception political strategy presidential health media manipulation health rumors Kissinger illness Nixon visit Ghana politics Atta Mills health political cover-up health concerns leader health media interest health misinformation political manipulation health rumors leader illness public health political health health cover-ups health leadership media rumors Kissinger Nixon John Atta Mills hospitalrumors presidentialstaff deception信息公开媒体关注领导健康媒体报道谣传 health of leader internet search expansion media interest president health rumors leader illness newspaper reporting political manipulation health concealment presidential health citizen interest health misinformation political communication president health events leader health public interest media coverage administration strategy Kissinger Nixon visit press attention rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication hospital media manipulation death reports airport jog social advocacy health leadership media interest Kissinger Nixon Atta Millsrumors Ghana presidency hospital leader health public interest media influence political deception health concealment administration tactics Kissinger Nixon press control rumors presidential health political manipulation John Atta Mills Ghana health reports media manipulation health of leader internet search expansion media interest president health leader illness rumors administration strategy public relations negative publicity health misinformation presidential staff military rule Ghana presidency John Atta Mills kennedy assassination comparison presidential health cover-ups media censorship leader illness management
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con05a	Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, privacy invasion internet privacy electronic surveillance privacy rights sexual privacy moral privacy spying on citizens intelligence agencies privacy laws information security electronic communication privacy surveillance internet privacy privacy rights state surveillance sexual privacy email privacy privacy invasion individual rights information security ethics of privacy privacy invasion internet privacy privacy rights state surveillance email privacy cybersecurity surveillance ethics sexual privacy moral privacy information security privacy invasion email privacy sexual privacy intelligence agency surveillance privacy rights information security online privacy electronic surveillance privacy laws ethical privacy Privacy invasion internet surveillance moral rights confidentiality email security sexual orientation privacy laws intelligence agencies privacy concerns internet privacy email privacy sexual privacy privacy rights state surveillance individual privacy electronic privacy information security privacy invasion privacy invasion internet privacy email privacy sexual privacy moral privacy right to privacy intelligence agency surveillance confidentiality Loss of privacy freedom privacy rights intelligence agencies sexual orientation morality internet privacy eavesdropping electronic communication privacy invasion Privacy invasion internet surveillance electronic communication privacy rights state monitoring civil liberties confidentiality email security sexual privacy privacy law intelligence agencies electronic privacy security vs privacy Privacy rights internet surveillance civil liberties metadata collection encryption surveillance state whistleblowers NSA scandal personal data protection
test-education-egtuscpih-con05a	Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. traditional universities rites of passage independent living student independence online courses skill development financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills real-life preparation online education independent living skills university experience practical skills development remote learning impact self-sufficiency training adult skills acquisition virtual education drawbacks transition to independence life skills for students digital age education online education independent living skills rite of passage university experience skill development digital learning self-reliance real-world practice adult skills remote education autonomy life skills virtual education practical experience independent living skill gap real-life preparation online vs traditional student independence home-based learning real world application online education independent living skills campus experience practical life skills adult responsibilities remote learning financial independence cooking skills safety awareness networking opportunities communication challenges rites of passage real-world preparation digital education home-based learning skill development self-reliance higher education alternatives traditional universities rites of passage independent living skill development financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses home-based education independence preparation real-life skills student autonomy practical experience online education independence skills practical experience financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems virtual life real-life preparation adult skills development home-based learning self-sufficiency university experience online course drawbacks independence transition skill application real-world readiness traditional universities rites of passage independent living moving out financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses home-based learning independence practice real-life readiness traditional universities rite of passage independent life student experience leaving home country financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems online courses home-based learning skill development real life readiness student independence practice opportunities traditional universities rites of passage independent living skills online courses student independence financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems real-life preparation skill development higher education alternatives traditional universities rites of passage independent living student autonomy financial management cooking skills crime awareness networking communication problems online courses home-based learning skill development real-life preparedness
test-economy-thsptr-con04a	Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: progressive tax complexity inefficiency in tax system tax evasion regressive taxes economic inefficiency complex tax codes administrative costs of tax collection wealthy avoiding taxes consumption taxes time spent on taxes resource allocation for tax compliance tax loopholes audit costs progressive tax complexity inefficiency in tax system tax evasion and avoidance flat tax benefits regressive consumption taxes economic incentives in tax code tax compliance costs complex tax codes wealth inequality and taxation administrative burden of taxes efficiency losses in tax filing loopholes in progressive tax system progressive tax complexity inefficiency tax system evasion tax loopholes flat tax benefits regressive tax comparison tax compliance costs tax code simplification tax auditing expenses IRS budget tax avoidance strategies progressive tax complexity inefficiency in tax implementation knock-on inefficiencies evasion and avoidance tax system inefficiency efficiency loss in tax filing time wastage in tax filing receipt management for tax bureaucratic overhead in tax system cost of tax collection tax audit system flat tax benefits regressive consumption taxes simplicity in tax system tax code manipulation wealthy evading tax obligations tax loopholes exploitation tax system complexity negative impacts tax complexity tax efficiency progressive tax regressive tax flat tax time consumption administrative cost loophole exploitation evasion avoidance resource allocation government expenditure tax simplification tax compliance wealth inequality audit cost progressive tax complexity inefficiency in tax system flat tax benefits regressive tax advantages tax evasion loopholes tax system simplification bureaucratic costs of taxation time wasted on taxes tax efficiency loss wealthy exploiting tax codes tax complexity tax efficiency progressive tax regressive tax flat tax tax evasion tax avoidance administrative costs complex tax codes loopholes wealth inequality tax compliance time consumption tax incentives resource allocation government spending bureaucracy tax fairness progressive tax inefficiency complexity in tax systems evasion through tax codes resource wastage in tax filing regressive consumption taxes simplification of tax systems time efficiency in taxation manipulation of tax codes inefficiencies in IRS operations cost of tax collection loopholes in progressive tax systems fairness in taxation tax efficiency progressive tax system complexity in taxation inefficiency in tax implementation tax evasion tax avoidance flat tax regressive tax tax code complexity bureaucratic cost tax auditing tax filing time tax loopholes economic incentives tax burden government expenditure tax compliance tax simplification tax complexity progressive tax system efficiency loss tax evasion tax avoidance flat tax regressive tax tax compliance bureaucratic costs tax simplification tax loopholes IRS operations economic incentives tax fairness
test-international-ehbfe-pro03a	A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. federal Europe international influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations political culture liberal traditions global affairs negotiating power trade economic strength currency euro aid global wealth economic unity population size France Germany Poland diplomatic impact federal europe international influence UN WTO IMF political unity liberal traditions economic power government negotiations global trading partner EU population currency influence eurozone aid to developing countries global balance federal Europe international influence UN WTO IMF population size economic power trading partner global affairs liberal traditions political culture aid contribution currency influence negotiating power government cooperation federal Europe international actor promote citizens interests UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture partner USA balance global affairs negotiating power trading partner economy population world's largest trader global wealth give aid poor countries international financial markets euro currency strength US dollar G20 BRICS economic unity political influence international relations diplomatic impact European Union federalism unified Europe population size global economy trade volume financial market share power dynamics negotiation skills federal Europe international actor promote citizens interests UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global affairs negotiating partner important economy population 450 million bigger trader global wealth foreign aid currency euro US dollar powerful negotiator giant nations effective message federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizen interests UN influence WTO role IMF impact intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner USA balance important negotiating trading partner biggest economy 450 million population largest trader global wealth aid to poor countries euro strength international financial markets France Germany Poland negotiation power federal Europe international influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations economic power political culture liberal traditions global affairs negotiating partner trading partner aid to poor countries international finance euro GDP economic strength population size federal Europe international actor citizen interests UN WTO IMF economic power political culture global negotiations liberal traditions trading partner euro global wealth diplomatic influence economic unity international markets population size governmental unity aid to poor countries EU strength federal Europe stronger international actor UN influence WTO impact IMF role intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture global affairs negotiating power trading partner economy size population growth global wealth foreign aid euro strength diplomatic leverage federal Europe stronger international actor UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture USA balance negotiating power trading partner global economy population size international finance euro strength
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro02a	Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. quality education state schools management parental incentives private school competition educational standards high-quality service job security educational performance metrics school accountability educational reform student outcomes school management strategies state managed education improvement parental choice impact high quality schooling standards private school competition educational management accountability school failure consequences educational management incentives quality education maintenance educational sector reform parental satisfaction measures education quality state schools management parental incentives school failure private schooling comparison educational standards teacher motivation educational policy school performance metrics educational outcomes state school improvement high quality education standards parental choice impact school management accountability educational service delivery private school competition education quality metrics school failure consequences high performing schools education management incentives parental satisfaction measures school success factors education sector innovation state education private schools comparison parental choice high quality service school management job security educational standards incentive structure educational policy school failure management accountability state managed education quality private school standards parental choice impact high quality service requirement school management accountability educational incentives job security in education academic performance metrics school failure consequences management career risk improving state school standards education sector competition state education quality private school comparison parent choice impact high-level management incentives school failure consequences education quality state schools management private school standards parental choice school failure consequences high-quality service incentive educational management performance education quality state schools private schools comparison parental choice high-quality service management accountability job security educational standards incentive structures school failure penalties education quality improvement public school management parental satisfaction educational standards accountability measures high-performing schools teacher retention school funding curriculum enhancement student achievement metrics educational incentives school performance evaluations parent involvement educational benchmarks academic rigor school choice impact educational competition management effectiveness student success indicators school governance educational policy reform
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece Eurozone default crisis austerity public sector corruption tax evasion exports reform IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Greece economy public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion export boost eurozone exit austerity measures IMF funding ECB European Commission structural reforms taxpayer burden Greece Eurozone crisis default public sector corruption tax evasion austerity measures IMF ECB economic recovery underlying problems borrowing funding supervision Defaulting Greece economic crisis public sector efficiency corruption tax evasion Eurozone export recovery austerity measures IMF ECB funding supervision reform borrowing access defaulting Greece economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion Eurozone export recovery austerity measures IMF ECB funding supervision relevant expansion phrases Greece's public sector inefficiency Greek export recovery default implications Eurozone exit austerity measures corruption tax evasion fiscal reforms IMF funding ECB supervision European Commission crisis solutions search accuracy query expansion defaulting Greece economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion Eurozone exit austerity measures IMF funding ECB supervision crisis solutions job cuts financial recovery long-term stability defaulting Greece economic crisis inefficient public sector corruption tax evasion export boost austerity measures IMF ECB Eurozone European Commission funding supervision reform underlying issues payback easy access to borrowing taxpayers future problems Greece eurozone crisis default public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision export boost underlying economic problems Greece economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion export recovery Eurozone exit default consequences austerity measures IMF funding ECB European Commission supervision
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con04a	"There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. labour standards uneven implementation western countries minimum wage Germany USA consumer influence sweatshops illegal workers consumer's wallet aid chequebook British clothing retailers Primark labour exploitation global labour standards consumer behavior ethical consumption labour standards minimum wage consumer impact global labour practices sweatshops worker exploitation economic incentives international labour regulations corporate responsibility consumer awareness uneven labour standards minimum wage policies consumer impact on labour standards exploitation in supply chains global labour regulations demand for cheap products western countries labour practices consumer influence on business ethics sweatshop labor illegal workers labour rights advocacy corporate social responsibility international labour standards trade and labour laws consumer purchasing decisions fair trade worker exploitation supply chain management labour market dynamics minimum leave requirements labour regulation enforcement uneven labour standards western countries labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA labour laws consumer influence on labour standards British clothing retailers sweatshop exploitation illegal workers Primark sweatshops global labour standards cheapest products and labour standards consumer impact on labour practices uneven implementation labour standards western countries minimum wage consumer impact labor regulations cost reduction sweatshops illegal workers global labor standards business ethics consumers' responsibility uneven labour standards western countries labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA labour regulations consumer influence on labour standards cost-driven labour exploitation sweatshop labour british clothing retailers minimum leave requirements labor standards enforcement global labour standards consumers and labour standards labour standards western countries minimum wage consumer influence product cost sweatshops illegal workers labour regulations global standards consumer behavior economic impact policy enforcement ethical consumption supply chain management uneven labour standards western countries labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer influence on labour standards british clothing retailers sweatshops illegal workers labour exploitation Primark uneven labour standards western countries labor regulations Germany minimum wage USA labor laws consumer impact labour exploitation clothing retail sweatshops international labor standards power dynamics in consumption uneven labour standards western countries minimum wage labour regulations consumer influence labour exploitation sweatshops cheap products consumer demand labour standards change Primark illegal workers"
test-economy-egppphbcb-con02a	Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation socialism sustainability capitalism nature ecology profitability ecosystems pollution habitats resources accumulation community self-determination globalization labour crises global-warming socialism sustainability capitalism nature ecological balance profitability pollution habitat resource waste accumulation economic determinism labor power crisis global warming economy government intervention sustainability environmental capitalism socialism economic exploitation labor resource ecological crisis pollution habitat self-determination community profitability accumulation regulation global-warming organisms ecosystem labor-power crises sustainable living ecological balance constant expansion profitability pollutants habitat fragmentation resource squandering accumulation of capital self-determination community meaningful existence labor power capitalist system ecological crisis global warming limit accumulation socialism sustainability capitalism nature ecological balance profitability pollutants habitat resources accumulation critical theory ecological crisis global warming economic systems self-determination community relevance expansion phrases query sustainability capitalism environmental impact socialism economic systems ecological balance resource management community self-determination labor exploitation accumulation of capital ecological crisis global warming economic regulation socialism sustainability capitalism nature ecological balance profitability pollutants habitat fragmentation resource depletion accumulation of capital self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming socialism sustainability capitalism nature ecological balance profitability pollutants habitat fragmentation resource squandering accumulation of capital self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming crises regulation sustainable living ecological balance constant expansion profitability pollutants habitats resource squandering self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation of capital sustainable living ecological balance environmental impact capitalist exploitation socialist benefits resource management economic systems comparison labor conditions global warming ecological crises social determinants community empowerment
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con01a	Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel right territory security victim wars aggression Arab 1948 1967 Sinai peninsula Ehud Olmert West Bank Gaza Strip annexation national security defensive war palestinians peace negotiations 1967 borders buffer zone armed conflict armed aggression national survival miscalculation land for peace defensible borders legal right national security threats Israel security Arab aggression 1948 war 1967 war Sinai peninsula Gaza withdrawal West Bank Ehud Olmert defensible borders Palestinian recognition terrorism national survival Arab states Tel Aviv Ben Gurion Airport missile defense historical context land for peace diplomatic history Israel security 1948 1967 Arab world Palestinian Sinai peninsula Egypt 1982 peace treaty Gaza Strip West Bank 1967 borders Ehud Olmert Tel Aviv Ben Gurion Airport shoulder-fire missiles national survival defensive war borders annexation military necessity Arab states demilitarization international law peace settlements territorial disputes buffer zones strategic importance Mideast conflicts historical context security buffer Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israel rights territory claims security buffer Arab wars of aggression 1948 war 1967 war Sinai peninsula West Bank Gaza Strip land for peace Ehud Olmert defensible borders national security democracy under threat miscalculation risks annexation justification peace treaties demographic concerns buffer zones Israel Palestinian territory 1948 war 1967 war security buffer Sinai peninsula Ehud Olmert defensive war Arab wars of aggression national security Tel Aviv Ben Gurion Airport West Bank Gaza Strip land for peace defensible borders annexation Israel security Arab aggression 1948 war 1967 war Sinai peninsula Gaza withdrawal West Bank peace treaties Ehud Olmert national survival defensible borders Israel territory security Arab world 1948 1967 Sinai peninsula Gaza Strip West Bank Palestinian Authority Ehud Olmert defensible borders national survival miscalculation Arab states Tel Aviv Ben Gurion Airport shoulder-fire missiles democracies annexation national security peace settlements peace treaties Ehud Barak unilateral withdrawal strategic necessity land for peace demilitarized zones international law military necessity strategic depth historical context security buffers strategic importance territorial claims conflict resolution diplomatic history Israel security territory 1948 1967 wars Arab world Palestinians West Bank Gaza Strip defensive war national security peace deals buffer zone Ehud Olmert Yaakov Amidror Israel Palestine 1948 war 1967 war security buffer Sinai peninsula Ehud Olmert West Bank Gaza Strip defensive war national security Arab states peace negotiations land for peace Israel security Arab wars 1948 war 1967 war peace treaties Sinai peninsula Gaza Strip West Bank territorial claims Ehud Olmert defensible borders national security buffer zones Arab states terrorism land for peace international law historical context
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con03a	The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism De Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy Council of Ministers national sovereignty European Union institutional balance mediation state sovereignty Neo-functionalism abandonment Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism Franco-German relations Common Agricultural Policy National sovereignty European Union Conflict between France and Germany Council of Ministers Treaty of Rome De Gaulle presidency Community institutions Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism French presidency Common Agricultural Policy De Gaulle Council of Ministers National sovereignty European Union history Institutional balance Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration halt institutional balance shift Commission of Ministers French presidency conflict Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism European integration process Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism French presidency Common Agricultural Policy national sovereignty Council of Ministers European Union de Gaulle Bonn Rome community institutions Elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases The Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration halted institutional balance Commission of Ministers spillover President de Gaulle France conflict Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism European Integration Process Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration institutional balance Commission of European Communities Council of Ministers majority voting Neo-functionalism French Presidency de Gaulle Common Agricultural Policy national sovereignty intergovernmentalism Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration institutional balance Council of Ministers Commission of Europe national sovereignty Neo-functionalism de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy intergovernmentalism European Union Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration institutional balance Commission of Europe Council of Ministers de Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy Neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism sovereignty European Union crisis of 1965-6 Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration institutional balance Council of Ministers majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism De Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy European Union intergovernmentalism Neofunctionalism
test-international-aghwrem-con01a	Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. liberalism moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD democratic verdict power reserve seats parliament constitutional amendments human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism safety valve international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligations illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD 1990 election reserved seats constitutional amendments political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence intimidation human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism legitimacy Syria Iraq North Korea diplomatic engagement economic sanctions moral standards international relations liberal democracies moral obligations illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD power transfer democratic verdict human rights violations international relations legitimacy civilian government safety valve international criticism electoral fraud ethnic violence freedom of speech censorship engagement policies global standards universality of human rights syria iraq north korea isolation Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar new civilian government military junta 1990 democratic verdict NLD military reserve seats parliament constitutional amendments political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi elections violence intimidation democratic activists international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech military consolidation legitimacy standards in human rights international relations illegitimate governments censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligation illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD democratic verdict power reservation human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism engagement legitimacy syria iraq north korea Liberal democracy moral obligation illegitimate regime Myanmar military junta NLD constitutional reservation political prisoner Aung San Suu Kyi sham election human rights violation ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism legitimacy Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligations illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD 1990 election democratic verdict power reserves civilian government human rights violations international relations censorship ethnic violence engagement strategies sense of legitimacy liberal democracies moral obligations illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD constitution political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism false democracy legitimate means safety valve economic engagement global standards human rights international relations Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD constitution reservation political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism false legitimacy Syria Iraq North Korea diplomatic engagement economic sanctions human rights standards international relations liberal democracies moral obligations illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta NLD power transfer democratic verdict human rights violations ethnic violence electoral fraud international criticism sanctions engagement strategies international relations human rights civilian government reservation seats parliament military influence constitutional amendments elections violence intimidation political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi legitimacy standards global politics syria iraq north korea
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro01a	Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. classification censorship fan defense artistic value public criticism hip hop controversies violence in music criminal associations media coverage free expression academic perspectives musical authenticity youth development urban environments gangster culture violent lyrics music marketing adolescent behavior independent classification content assessments age restrictions legal implications child protection music distribution online music sales live performances cultural impact classification music censorship hip hop controversies violent lyrics teenage development pornographic material age restrictions child protection laws academic analysis controversial art forms marginalized communities classification censorship hip hop violence art censorship freedom fan defense public criticism artistic expression media coverage controversy criminality cultural impact marginalized communities authenticity youth development street crime cultural representation identity formation age restrictions content regulation music classification media control social impact violent lyrics market placement consumer protection legal measures child protection artistic integrity public persona commercialization cultural authenticity identity emulation behavioral influence artistic freedom legal challenges independent organization content assessment age verification music distribution digital age restrictions cultural representation artistic value classification censorship hip_hop violence censorship_controversy free_expression fan_defense artistic_defense media_coverage cultural_impact adolescent_development market_authenticity urban_realism cultural_portrayal music_videos identity_development behavioral_influence age_restriction content_classification independent_review legal_protection minor_protection music_sales music_performance online_distribution public_censorship art_censorship social_media_censorship classification censorship hip hop violence authentication marginalization youth community cultural impact media regulation content assessment free expression age restrictions music videos behavioral influence economic opportunity identity formation political awareness commercialization social norms legal framework adolescent development independent organization appeal process age verification marketing strategies artistic authenticity public personas legal protections child protection laws classification censorship hip hop violence authentication marketing youth community content control music classification legal measures consumer protection free expression artistic freedom media influence adolescent development social impact cultural representation public safety age restrictions legal implications ethical considerations classification censorship hip hop violence controversy censorship free expression fan defense artistic expression media coverage academic analysis cultural impact youth influence authenticity urban areas criminality marketing identity formation parental control age restrictions content regulation independent review public safety minority rights legal framework media ethics artistic freedom community representation adolescent development moral panics cultural stereotypes classification censorship fan defense artistic expression public criticism hip hop violence criminality media coverage free expression vulnerable communities developmental opportunities urban areas authenticity street crime gang activities materialist boasting sexualized music videos identity formation adolescence violence sponsorship independent organization content assessment age restrictions online distribution child protection laws mature consumers classification censorship hip hop violence fan defense artistic expression public criticism cultural authenticity community impact youth development media portrayal urban areas authenticity claims violent behavior identity formation content classification independent assessment mature consumption child protection laws music distribution age restrictions artistic freedom controversy management classification censorship fan defense artistic expression media coverage hip hop violence criminality freedom of speech academic analysis cultural impact youth development community perception authenticity marketing identity formation media regulation content assessment independent organization appeal process age restrictions legal measures child protection market control entertainment classification music distribution public debate
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con03a	Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting costs Olympic expenses security costs taxpayer burden city budgets Olympics financing Olympic infrastructure city regeneration sports event subsidies London Olympics Paris Olympics Athens Olympics Los Angeles Olympics Olympic budget overruns hosting_expense olympics_profit bidding_process_cost security_cost government_tax city_budgeting Olympic_cost_analysis infrastructure_improvement Olympics_financial_impact London_Olympics_cost Los_Angeles_Olympics_cost athens_2004_Olympics_cost costs olympics bidding security expenses government taxpayer sports economics regeneration infrastructure finance budgeting population Los Angeles Athens Paris London Hosting_expense Olympic_cost taxpayer_burden security_expenses city_budgeting Olympic_subsidies infrastructure_improvement sports_event_financing local_taxes Olympic_profit bid_process_cost Hosting costs Olympics expenses taxpayer burden security costs Olympic budgeting city regeneration sports events subsidies historical Olympic costs London Olympics Paris Olympics Athens Olympics Los Angeles Olympics search optimization keyword expansion hosting costs olympics expenses bid costs security costs taxpayer impact infrastructure improvement Olympic budgeting city finance sports event costs search accuracy expansion terms hosting costs olympics profits bidding process security expenses government expenditure taxpayer impact local taxes infrastructure improvement project budgeting olympic cost overrun costs olympics economic_impact government_expense taxpayer budgeting sports_event sporting_event sponsorship funding security_fears regeneration infrastructure profitability bidding_process host_cities financial_burden over_budget cost_overruns hosting_expenses olympics_cost bidding_process_security funding_sources taxpayer_burden infrastructure_improvement olympic_budget_overruns London_Olympics Paris_Olympics Athens_Olympics Los_Angeles_Olympics Hosting_expense Olympics_cost Bidding_process Security_fees Taxpayer_burden Cost_overrun Infrastructure_development Government_expense Local_tax Event_subsidy
test-law-tahglcphsld-con01a	Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. drug policy government responsibility public health citizen protection illegal drugs purification dangerous substances addiction risk communication medical dangers health campaigns cultural impact legalization risks drug regulation public safety drugs government policy safety legalization risk public health citizens medicine addiction control regulation drugs policy government responsibility citizen safety legalization medicine addiction harm public health education culture risks population control regulation awareness health campaigns drug legalization government responsibility public health campaigns drug safety drug regulation drug addiction drug education drug policy controlled substances recreational drug use drug prohibition drug enforcement drug education programs drug-related crimes drug abuse drug trafficking drug addiction treatment drug policy debates drug control measures drug prevention strategies drug misuse drug dependency drug enforcement agencies drug legislation drug harm reduction drug legalization risks drug decriminalization drug regulation effectiveness drug safety concerns drug policy impact drug addiction consequences drug law enforcement drug policy objectives drug legalization effects drug control challenges drug legalization Drugs government policy safety health citizen protection banning legalization addiction purity medicine public health cultural impact messaging legislation drug policies government responsibility health campaigns dangerous substances citizen protection illegal drugs purification risks medicinal similarities cultural impact legalization dangers potential addiction public health messages drug education regulation effectiveness drugs safety government policy health risk legalization addiction citizens medicine public opinion culture education duty drugs government responsibility health campaigns legalization purification addictiveness cultural impact medical dangers prescription society harm reduction public perception education regulation search optimization keyword expansion drug policy government responsibility public health legalization debate drug safety health campaigns societal impact drug regulation addiction risk drug education drug enforcement drug misuse controlled substances drug education programs drug policy analysis drug control strategies drug legalization consequences drugs government policy public health legalization addiction safety citizen protection drug regulation health campaigns societal harm controlled substances drug education pharmaceuticals drug acceptance
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con02a	It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. English language cultural heritage immigrants political statement language barriers stigmatization economic opportunities discrimination learning difficulties language policies immigrant integration English as a second language cultural heritage economic opportunities discrimination against non-English speakers policy symbolism language barriers immigration challenges English proficiency stigmas associated with language cultural heritage English language immigration policy symbolic policy stigmatization economic barriers learning English discrimination cultural integration bilingualism immigrant community political statement everyday life language acquisition workforce participation English proficiency social stigma immigrant rights language barriers education system language policy English-speaking community cultural assimilation language skills second language learning language discrimination English language dominance English proficiency cultural heritage language barriers immigration policies political statements economic impact cultural integration learning English stigmas discrimination symbolic policies practical challenges education opportunities English proficiency cultural heritage political statements language barriers economic impact immigrant challenges policy effects stigmatization learning difficulties cultural heritage English language immigration policy economic impact cultural discrimination language learning barriers political statement stigmatization opportunity gap bilingual education language acquisition English language cultural heritage immigrants political statement economic integration stigmas discrimination bilingualism assimilation policy impact language acquisition socio-economic barriers English proficiency policy impact immigrant community cultural heritage symbolic legislation economic integration language barrier stigma discrimination opportunity access first generation English learners language acquisition challenges political statement language omnipresence English proficiency political statements cultural heritage language barriers immigrants economic opportunities stigmas discrimination second language acquisition workforce challenges policy impact symbolic policies learning English everyday life cultural integration linguistic diversity English proficiency policy impact immigrant integration cultural heritage symbolic policy economic barriers language acquisition stigma discrimination opportunity gap
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con02a	Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. random checks safety terrorism deterrence ethnic profiling international terrorism al Qaeda security measures airport safety criminal acts random checks surveillance deterrence ethnic profiling terrorist attacks international terrorism al Qaeda security measures airport security potential terrorists deterring crime random checks terrorist attacks airport security ethnic profiling deterrence factor al Qaeda international terrorism security measures passenger identity surveillance effectiveness random checks surveillance deterrence facilitation international terrorism ethnic profiling security checks al Qaeda civil liberties random checks terrorist detection ethnic profiling deterrence security measures al Qaeda international terrorism airport security surveillance deterrence effectiveness random checks safety terrorist detection deterrence fairness ethnic profiling international terrorism security measures al Qaeda airport security criminal acts random checks terrorist identification airport security ethnic profiling deterrence effectiveness al Qaeda international terrorism surveillance tactics random checks terrorist detection ethnic profiling airport security deterrence effectiveness al Qaeda international terrorism background checks identity verification surveillance tactics passenger screening counterterrorism measures random checks safety terrorism deterrence ethnic profiling international terrorism al Qaeda discrimination security measures airports deterring crime random checks terrorist detection ethnic profiling airport security deterrence effectiveness international terrorism al Qaeda security surveillance
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con01a	An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. amnesty policy repressive regimes discourse reform subversion criminal dissidents communication Western democracies equality superiority engagement appeasement North Korea aggression glacial long game crackdown press free Larison amnesty policy repressive regime Western intervention discourse democratization North Korea engagement strategy press freedom incremental change blogger crackdown amnesty policy democracy press freedom engagement appeasement north korea western democracies regime change crimminal dissidents diplomacy conflict resolution coercion force subversion communication peaceful protest dictatorship reform aggression amnesty policy repressive regime Western democracies discourse reform subversion criminal dissidents breakdown in communication equal footing undermining aggression North Korea appeasement Larison engagement amnesty policy democracy repression communication subversion discourse engagement appeasement north korea press freedom amnesty policy repressive regime discourse reform Western democracies subversion criminal dissidents engagement aggression North Korea incremental change press freedom long game crackdown bloggers amnesty policy repressive regime democracy press freedom engagement appeasement subversion dialogue negotiation conflict North Korea United States amnesty policy repressive regimes discourse reform Western democracies subversion criminal dissidents breakdown in communication engagement strategy incremental change North Korea appeasement long game blogger crackdown amnesty policy democracy reform regime Western intervention subversion censorship engagement appeasement north korea press freedom diplomacy amnesty policy repressive regimes discourse subversion criminal dissidents West empowerment engagement aggression diplomacy North Korea US change press free incremental crackdown bloggers peaceful Larison
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro02a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. nuclear weapons power dynamics international relations United Nations Security Council non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining nuclear disarmament global security nuclear proliferation international relations security council nonproliferation treaties nuclear disarmament power dynamics global fairness military capability state sovereignty balance of power nuclear armament international order historical context arms control nuclear weapons powerful states international forums United Nations Security Council world order nuclear powers non-proliferation agreements conventional militaries crisis bargaining fairness international clout playing field equal treatment nuclear disarmament diplomatic influence military capacity nuclear weapons power international agenda setting UN Security Council nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements post-war order nuclear dominance international fairness defense capabilities arms control nuclear disarmament balance of power nuclear weapons powerful states international relations agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear powers non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity states' interactions crisis bargaining empirical test nuclear blackmail nuclear balance congress of nations nuclear weapons power international agenda setting un security council nuclear non-proliferation historical nuclear powers fairness in nuclear arms conventional military capabilities equal international treatment nuclear weapon development rights nuclear weapons power imbalance international relations UN Security Council nuclear powers non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining nuclear blackmailer conventional militaries states' rights nuclear weapons power dynamics international relations agenda-setting United Nations Security Council permanent members nuclear powers non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining model equality nuclear disarmament nuclear weapons power dynamics international relations United Nations Security Council non-proliferation world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining model nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation diplomacy global security arms control conventional militaries diplomatic negotiations global politics nuclear dominance nuclear proliferation nuclear powers international relations UN Security Council non-proliferation agreements world order military capacity crisis bargaining conventional militaries diplomatic leverage arms control equality in international affairs
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con03a	Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. right to choose pregnancy ethics Church doctrine contraception methods population control global pregnancy views childhood experiences poverty impact slum conditions favella life child rearing责任 women's rights pregnancy choices Church doctrine contraception natural family planning global health population control childhood poverty maternal responsibilities family planning pregnancy outcomes child joy poverty impacts world views right to choose individual rights pregnancy ethics church doctrines contraception methods global pregnancy views child joy economic impact maternal responsibilities population control debates reproductive rights socioeconomic disparities maternal health child welfare family planning ethical considerations religious perspectives global inequality reproductive rights individual choice church doctrine pregnancy ethics global perspectives family planning maternal responsibility child welfare contraception methods economic impacts societal norms body of values rights of individual women's choice pregnancy and virtue Church doctrines chemical barriers physical barriers joyful pregnancy family blessings worldview disparities childhood hardships dysentery malnutrition poverty planned pregnancies mother's responsibility celibate men Proposition pregnancy rights women's choice reproductive rights population control church doctrine family planning childhood poverty slum conditions maternal responsibility sexual ethics women's rights pregnancy rights Church doctrine contraception motherhood social inequality child mortality planned pregnancy family planning global health sexual rights women's rights pregnancy choices individual rights Church doctrines global perspectives childhood experiences population control moral disagreements child planning maternal responsibilities sexual ethics women's rights pregnancy rights Church doctrine child planning global health slums favelas population control motherhood responsibilities poor families child mortality dysentery diarrhea malnutrition sexual education contraception religious views on birth control maternal care pregnancy rights women's choices population control Church doctrines childhood poverty family planning mother's responsibility catholic ethics developing countries global health
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook dangers internet predators young women victimization online harassment cyberbullying adolescent safety privacy concerns sexual predators mental health risks physical harm social media risks online dating dangers Internet abuse rape prevention social network dangers online grooming adolescent well-being Facebook dangers internet safety cybercrime cyberstalking online predators cyberbullying mental health physical harm social media risks privacy concerns rape online digital abuse teen safety online exploitation Facebook dangers online predators cyberbullying statistics social media risks internet safety digital abuse virtual harassment privacy concerns mental health impacts technology addiction social engineering data breaches identity theft stalking hate speech online grooming digital footprint 网络安全 网络暴力 社交平台风险 网络欺凌 虚拟骚扰 Facebook dangers cyberbullying statistics online predators social media threats internet safety digital stalking online harassment social network risks virtual abuse digital privacy tech crime social media mental health online exploitation social networking dangers internet victimization digital security social media crimes Facebook dangerous.consequences integrated.lives mental.safety physical.safety rapes cyber.bullying adolescents teens technology violation.rights online.bullying social.networking social.media cyber.threats Facebook dangers cyber bullying rape social media threats internet safety online predators mental health physical safety internet crimes young adults virtual abuse privacy concerns online harassment teen safety social networking risks Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety cyber threats cyberbullying adolescent safety social networks rape online predators victimization digital harassment social media dangers privacy concerns internet safety online stalking technological abuse digital communication social engineering online grooming psychological impact digital footprint data security online anonymity cybercrime youth risk digital literacy online exploitation internet addiction social media impact virtual harm digital violence Facebook dangerous_consequences integrated_lives mental_safety physical_safety rapes cyberbullying adolescents_teens technology_violation facilitating_violation mental_scars physical_integrity social_networks detrimental_to_society cyber_bullying_statistics i-SAFE_foundation online_bullying mean_messages spreading_rumours hurtful_messages gang_rape online_befriending Facebook cyberbullying rape online safety mental health social networks privacy concerns digital threats adolescents teenagers internet safety virtual harassment social media impact online predators cybercrime data security victimization digital footprint psychological trauma Facebook dangers internet predators online harassment cyber threats cyberbullying victim grooming mental health risks physical safety threats rape sexual assault adolescent safety social media risks privacy concerns Twitter Snapchat Instagram Google Plus British Broadcasting Corporation Reuters
test-international-aghwrem-con02a	The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. international community political legitimacy Myanmar military-controlled government popular support artificial election international recognition US EU historical precedents Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment poverty democratic reform legitimacy disengagement international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international recognition US EU Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement legitimacy global opinion international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international recognition US EU historical precedents Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment poverty international engagement democratic reform legitimacy resource depletion international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international recognition US EU historical precedent Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade and investment poverty democratic reform international engagement legitimacy international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international recognition US EU historical precedent Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment poverty democratic reform legitimacy engagement disengagement international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support international recognition Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control poverty democratic reform international engagement international community political legitimacy Myanmar military-controlled government popular support artificial election international recognition US EU historical precedent Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment poverty democratic reform legitimacy disengagement resource depletion international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international recognition US EU Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment poverty democratic reform disengagement international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support international recognition Haiti South Africa nationalised economy poverty international engagement democratic reform legitimacy international community political legitimacy Myanmar military-controlled government popular support artificial election international recognition US EU Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment poverty democratic reform legitimacy engagement disengagement
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro04a	Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 UNSC membership Taiwan China United Nations Security Council Pacific island countries São Tomé and Príncipe Tonga World Bank IMF diplomatic recognition power dynamics international institutions Veto power UNSC membership Tonga-China relations São Tomé and Príncipe World Bank IMF diplomatic recognition Taiwan-PRC relation power dynamics international institutions Pacific diplomacy UNSC membership Taiwan PRC influence UN Security Council diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe Southern Ocean countries power dynamics international institutions Wang'an relations diplomatic competition World Bank IMF Veto power UNSC member United Nations Security Council PRC Pacific island Tonga São Tomé international body World Bank IMF diplomatic competition China Taiwan Oceania UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council diplomatic recognition Tonga São Tomé international institutions World Bank IMF diplomatic competition China Taiwan Oceania UNSC membership power dynamics international relations Taiwan PRC influence diplomatic recognition UN Security Council key member country cooperation international bodies political influence Aid organizations World Bank IMF diplomatic competition Tonga São Tomé UNSC membership PRC influence international diplomacy Tonga switch diplomatic recognition Pacific island politics UN Security Council China-Taiwan conflict international institutions World Bank IMF diplomatic competition Oceania UNSC member PRC influence international diplomacy Tonga recognition São Tomé politics UN Security Council China Taiwan rivalry Pacific island nations global institutions World Bank IMF diplomatic competition UNSC member PRC influence Tonga recognition international institutions China Taiwan UN Security Council diplomatic competition Oceania World Bank IMF diplomatic relations UNSC membership power dynamics international relations Tonga PRC São Tomé diplomatic recognition influence World Bank IMF diplomatic competition Oceania
test-international-epvhwhranet-con02a	If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. referendum member states EU treaties logistics voting representation parliament citizen consultation war with Iraq governmental processes referendum EU treaties member states legislation parliament democracy representation war public consultation decision-making sovereignty referendum member states EU treaties logistics representation parliamentary voting citizen consultation war with Iraq lesser issues referendum EU treaties member states voting rights parliamentary system representation decision-making public consultation sovereignty democratic process war authorization legislative procedures referendum EU treaties member states voting efficiency representation parliamentary system UK politics war with Iraq referendum member states EU treaties voting process representation democracy logistics decision-making war with Iraq parliamentary system referendum EU treaties member states voting representation parliament democracy logistics sovereignty war with Iraq referendum EU treaties member states legislative process representation parliament sovereignty democratic procedures decision-making war with Iraq referendum EU treaties member states voter turnout logistics representation parliament democracy sovereignty decision-making UK politics war authorization governance referendum member states EU treaties voter turnout parliamentary representation war with Iraq decision-making process EU governance citizen consultation legislative procedures
test-economy-beghwbh-pro03a	The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 Hyperloop costs transportation maintenance energy Elon Musk infrastructure passenger fare profit competition flights Hyperloop cost analysis Hyperloop energy efficiency Hyperloop transportation capacity Hyperloop maintenance costs Hyperloop passenger experience Hyperloop economic model Hyperloop versus air travel Hyperloop ticket pricing Hyperloop feasibility study Hyperloop technology low-cost transportation intercity travel energy efficiency Elon Musk transportation infrastructure future transportation sustainable travel high-speed transit alternative transportation passenger transport travel cost analysis Hyperloop cost analysis Hyperloop energy efficiency Hyperloop infrastructure costs Hyperloop ticket pricing Hyperloop versus air travel Hyperloop operational expenses Hyperloop passenger transport Hyperloop economics Hyperloop commercial viability Hyperloop cost economic analysis transportation maintenance energy production infrastructure Elon Musk price competitiveness Hyperloop technology low cost transportation intercity travel Elon Musk future transportation efficient transit renewable energy transport high-speed travel infrastructure costs maintenance expenses passenger transport efficiency cost analysis sustainable transportation Hyperloop low cost transportation intercity transport ticket price energy efficiency Elon Musk SpaceX infrastructure cost maintenance costs staff costs competitive pricing alternative transportation future transportation technology Hyperloop economic analysis transportation cost low cost travel infrastructure cost energy efficiency maintenance cost Elon Musk intercity transport personal transportation future transportation technology Hyperloop low cost transportation intercity transport Musk Elon Hyperloop Alpha energy efficiency maintenance costs passenger version ticket price infrastructure costs profitability transportation costs Hyperloop technology cost analysis intercity transportation low-cost travel electric transportation mass transit Elon Musk infrastructure cost energy efficiency maintenance costs personal transport travel affordability
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro01a	Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, compensation rights culturalappropriation justice redress egalitarianism harm reputation dignity emotionaldistress lossofopportunities potentialearnings playingfield externality pollution identity gaus compensation rights cultural appropriation justice legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings leveling the playing field cultural identity externalities egalitarianism Rawls principle of redress compensation theory Gaus compensation rights culturalappropriation justice equality redress egalitarianism rawls pollution externality harm reputation dignity emotionaldistress lossofopportunities principleofredress inequality socialjustice identity principleofequality compensation rights legal system harm to reputation emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings leveling out cultural appropriation lost business cultural identity externality egalitarianism principle of redress justice compensation theory Rawls Gaus compensation rights justice cultural appropriation legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings advantages playing field Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality pollution identity inequality redress Principle of Redress Gerald F. Gaus compensation rights legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings leveling playing field cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority egalitarianism principle of redress externalities pollution profit Gaus compensatory justice compensation rights justice legal system harm to reputation emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings leveling the playing field cultural appropriation lost business identity damage egalitarian viewpoint externality of harm compensation as redress Rawls principle of redress Gaus Compensatory Justice compensation rights legal system harm to reputation emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings leveling playing field cultural appropriation lost business cultural identity egalitarian viewpoint compensation theory externality harm principle of redress compensation rights justice legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages playing field cultural appropriation lost business awareness identity Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality pollution intent equality principles redress Gaus compensation justice legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress potential earnings cultural appropriation business loss identity damage egalitarianism Rawls redress externality pollution profit principle of equality restoration intent harm reduction cultural sensitivity legal rights ethical considerations inequality fairness damages redress mechanism victim compensation ethical responsibility legal obligations social justice moral obligation compensatory justice cultural respect identity protection harm prevention ethical behavior social equity legal ethics victim's rights
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con02a	Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. search effectiveness expansion terms digital technology social media information dissemination internet redundancy radio evolution community radio foreign aid censorship evasion journalism safety mobile technology information exchange public broadcasting media convergence technology impact communication methods alternative news sources digital journalism internet cafes cell phone usage free speech information accessibility media empowerment extremist content broadcast model text messaging content distribution debate analysis digitaltechnology internet capitalcosts freeexchangeofinformation communityradio foreignaid softwaredistribution bloggers journalists censorship evade onlineactivities monolithicmodel extremists texting socialmedia broadcastradio poweroffacebook youtube omnipresentcellphones idealisthathasbeennoticed disseminationofideasandinformation phone texting relativelymonolithicmodel riskempoweringextremists benefitsoftextingandsocialmedia researchandsocialmedia blatherwatch idebate digital technology internet social media Facebook Youtube texting capital costs community radio foreign aid bloggers journalists censorship extremism broadcast radio radio technology internet redundancy social media impact information dissemination community radio digital technology portable technology capital costs free exchange social media benefits monolithic media censorship evasion journalist safety foreign aid broadcast radio newspaper replacement internet cafes mobile phones text messaging extremist empowerment search efficiency keyword expansion radio technology internet technology social media digital communication information dissemination capital costs mobile technology free exchange community radio foreign aid censorship journalist safety monolithic media broadcasting replacement evolution of media text messaging omnipresent technology ideational dissemination cost analysis access to information technological redundancy democratic journalism internet cafes social media impact broadcast radio future media empowerment extremism risk relevancy expansion phrases search performance digital technology social media internet cafes cellphone technology information exchange community radio monolithic model censorship evasion journalist safety blogger rights foreign aid software distribution broadcast radio news dissemination internet replacement technological evolution communication methods media landscape digital age free speech information access public engagement internet cafes mobile technology social media impact radio redundancy information dissemination text messaging social networking technological advancement censorship digital divide online activism search accuracy expansion terms enrich query radio technology Internet technology Facebook YouTube digital technology information dissemination social media free exchange capital costs mobile technology community radio foreign aid software distribution censorship journalist safety monolithic model broadcasting replacement risks empowerment non-democratic countries search efficacy expansion keywords radio technology internet redundancy social media impact digital communication free information exchange capital costs internet cafes mobile technology community radio monolithic model extremism risks foreign aid censorship evasion journalist safety broadcast radio replacement technological evolution search optimization keyword expansion digital technology internet dissemination social media impact radio redundancy mobile communication information exchange community radio foreign aid censorship evasion journalistic safety broadcast decline technology trends Internet technology social media mobile phones free exchange information dissemination community radio monolithic model foreign aid censorship evasion journalistic activities digital technology text messaging debate outcomes
test-economy-bepighbdb-con02a	Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) development unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy human development index economic growth GDP distribution dictatorships democracies Przeworski Limongi Equatorial Guinea Myanmar junta freedom of speech development freedoms reasonedagency democracy HDI EquatorialGuinea EconomicGrowth GDP wealthdistribution dictatorships democracies Przeworski Limonogi Myanmar junta citizenry socialobjectives humanrights wealthinequality Amartya_Sen Human_Development_Index freedoms democracy wealth_distribution Economic_Growth GDP_per_capita dictatorships_vs_democracies Equatorial_Guinea Myanmar_junta Amartya_Sen human_development_index unfreedoms reasoned_agency democracy_necessity citizenry_agreement Equatorial_Guinea GDP_distribution Przeworski_Limongi political_regime_influence development economic growth democracy freedoms reasoned agency Human Development Index Equatorial Guinea wealth distribution Przeworski Limonogi DIC dictatorship GDP per capita development freedoms democracy Human Development Index economic growth GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Myanmar junta speech capital growth Dickatorships Przeworski Sen Amartya_Sen development_freedom reasoned_agency unfreedoms human_development_index economic_growth GDP democracy dictatorships Przeworski_Limonogi Equatorial_Guinea Myanmar_junta wealth_distribution citizen_agreement development economic growth unfreedoms democracy Human Development Index freedom of speech Equatorial Guinea Economic growth GDP wealth distribution Przeworski Limonogi Myanmar junta Amartya_Sen development_freedom reasoned_agency unfreedoms Human_Development_Index democracy_necessity citizen_agreement Myanmar_junta Equatorial_Guinea GDP_distribution Przeworski_Limongi dictatorship_growth Amartya_Sen democracy unfreedoms reasoned_agency Human_Development_Index Economic_growth GDP Equatorial_Guinea dictatorship democracy_growth EKONOMSKI_PREGLED
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro03a	There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, African women education illiteracy rates educational potential economic impact manufacturing sectors service sectors business ownership workforce development post-independent Africa UNESCO statistics African women education illiteracy rates economic potential manufacturing sector services sector entrepreneurship workforce impact gender equality education statistics post-colonial Africa African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad educational potential economic impact youth literacy manufacturing sector service sector self-employed women UNESCO statistics African women education potential for women in Africa illiteracy rates in Africa women in economy African women literacy manufacturing sector opportunities services sector opportunities African women entrepreneurship education impact on economy African women workforce development African women education literacy economic potential manufacturing services entrepreneurship workforce post-independent Africa UNESCO African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad youth literacy workforce impact economic development manufacturing services sector entrepreneurship cultural change African women education literacy rates economic potential manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship workforce impact post-independence cultural roles development statistics African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad youth literacy workforce impact economic potential manufacturing services sector entrepreneurship education opportunities African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad youth literacy workforce participation economic impact manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship education potential African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad educational potential economic impact youth literacy manufacturing sector services sector entrepreneurship UNESCO
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability transparency elections leadership health misinformation political trust Ghana John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana accountability governance leadership transparency elections political trust misinformation health secrecy political scandal John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye presidential candidates Modern Ghana accountability leadership transparency health secrecy election political trust misinformation presidential candidate Ghana John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political lying accountability political transparency leader's health electorate trust presidential candidates distaste for democracy information accuracy political lies government accountability public misinformation health secrecy presidential health electoral mandate transparency in government health deception political honesty presidential elections health misinformation accountable leadership political openness accountability people secrecy distrust electorate administration lying John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye presidential candidate health issues Modern Ghana transparency accountability political accountability leader's health electorate trust health transparency presidential health lying in politics election accountability political lies election candidates health misinformation political manipulation president's health disclosure political secrecy political openness presidential health claims political elections election results health and politics political misinformation presidential health debate political integrity political scandals presidential elections health and governance electoral accountability presidential health rumors political communication presidential health debates political transparency political discourse presidential health reports p accountability electorate secrecy health deception politicians election misinformation leadership transparency governance political ethics john atta mills nii lantey vanderpuye accountability electorate leadership health secrecy political trust election misinformation presidential candidate governance transparency political manipulation accountability political transparency leader's health electorate trust presidential elections lying government deception health misinformation political parties public health disclosures Mills presidency Vanderpuye statement accountability transparency leadership elections misinformation political integrity health secrecy presidential candidates misinformation in politics election accountability health misinformation
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro01a	Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ vulnerability tourism economy unrest Tunisia Salafists travel advisories kidnapping risk alternative law enforcement Western tourists footfall revenue security terrorism revolution culture shock tourism economy unrest Tunisia Salafists Sharia law government travel advisories Westerners kidnapping risk tourist footfall economic reliability security threats vulnerability tourism economy unrest Tunisia Salafists travel advisories violence ransom Western tourists revenue alternative law enforcement kidnapping vulnerable economy tourism dependence unrest impact tourist decline Tunisian revolution Salafist attacks government travel advisories Western tourists ransom risk economic reliability alternative law enforcement kidnapping threats tourism economy unrest violence Salafists ransom government advice Westerners revenue Tunisia vulnerability tourism economy unrest Tunisia Salafists ransom travel advisories revenue Westerners alternative law enforcement vulnerable unrest tourism economy violent breakdown Salafist attacks Tunisian revolution tourist decline travel advisories Westerners ransom risk Revenue reduction unreliable industry vulnerable economy tourism reliance unrest impact tourist decline Tunisian revolution Salafist attacks government travel advisories Westerner targets kidnapping risk tourism economy unrest Tunisia Salafists Sharia law government travel advice foreign tourists revenue decline security threats vulnerability tourism economy unrest Tunisia Salafists kidnapping risk travel advisories revenue decline
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con03a	There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . elderly society cost coercion right to die normalization suicide perception burden value narrative choice working age taboo suicidology coercion elderly society right to die societal norms psychological coercion economic burden elderly perception suicide risk aging population cultural norms elder discrimination end-of-life choices elderly value aging demographics societal pressure aging workforce elder dignity euthanasia elder rights aging issues end-of-life care geriatric society coercion in healthcare elder autonomy elderly rights aging challenges end-of-life decisions elderly burden coercion and choice elderly suicides aging ethics free choice coercion right to die silent coercion elderly society working age population narrative elderly burden choice without coercion normalization free will suicide prevention perceived burden suicide causes taboo Joiner's theory free choice coercion right to die elderly society societal norms burden perception suicide elderly value working age cost psychological coercion norm creation elderly rights aging population suicide prevention end-of-life choices cultural normalization individual freedom psychological well-being social stigma eldercare burden moral obligations autonomy vs coercion ethical considerations public health impact aging demographics healthcare ethics euthanasia debate psychological factors social pressure quality of life terminal illness end-of-life decisions mental health elderly autonomy coercion detection ethical dilemmas aging societies suicide risk factors elder risk coercion right to die elderly society societal norm elderly burden free will psychological coercion public perception suicide aging population working age social norms end-of-life choices moral obligation suicide prevention elderly value social costs aging demographics cultural shift suicide causation psychological factors end-of-life ethics risk coercion right to die elderly society societal norm free choice suicide burden normalization psychological factors free choice coercion right to die elderly society societal pressure economic burden normative expectations suicide psychological coercion norm creation working age population elderly value suicide prevention coercion detection elderly suicide aging population social norms suicide causation elderly well-being end-of-life decisions societal narrative ethical considerations aging issues suicide risk factors elderly rights psychological well-being end-of-life ethics aging ethics coercion mechanisms elderly autonomy right to die debate free choice coercion right to die elderly society social norms financial burden suicide perceived burden working age population normative pressure mental health public discourse cultural shift end-of-life care ethics psychology neurobiology free choice coercion right to die elderly society societal norms economic burden psychological coercion aging population suicide prevention ethical considerations end-of-life decisions elderly value social stigma public health gerontology coercion detection ethical dilemma aging demographics elderly contribution economic impact suicide risk factors end-of-life care eldercare challenges aging workforce societal expectations elderly rights moral psychology coercion in healthcare end-of-life ethics elderly perception cultural norms elder abuse aging policy suicide rates end-of-life decisions ethics elderly mental health end-of-life support elderly well risk coercion right to die elderly society societal pressure economic burden suicide social norms free will ethical considerations aging population psychological impact cultural shift elderly perception suicide prevention end-of-life choices coercion detection public opinion healthcare ethics eldercare social responsibility
test-economy-thsptr-con05a	The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality entitlement resentment necessary services economic competitiveness economic freedom social engineering wealth redistribution [1] [2] equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat tax social equality taxation aims economic competitiveness resentment entitlement essential services ability to pay libertarianism tax systems comparison equality of opportunity taxation purpose flat taxes progressive taxes social equality wealth redistribution resentment tax fairness economic competitiveness flat tax examples system of proportionality in taxation equality of opportunity taxation purposes progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment economic competitiveness essential services paying according to ability tax engineering morality of taxation russian flat tax rick perry flat tax plan taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment entitlement necessary services economic competitiveness payment ability direct taxes indirect taxes Russia tax systems socioeconomic fairness taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment entitlement essential services ability to pay economic competitiveness taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment entitlement economic competitiveness necessary services ability to pay Society Russia BBC libertarianism Nolan Chart taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality entitlement resentment necessary services economic competitiveness equality of opportunity taxation purpose progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment entitlement economic competitiveness essential services ability to pay economic freedom libertarianism Nolan Chart Russia tax system flat tax of 13% Rick Perry's flat tax plan taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment entitlement economic competitiveness necessary services ability to pay Russia tax outcomes recommendations
test-society-asfhwapg-pro01a	Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 genes intellectual property patenting genome research patent office symbols trade secrets biomedicine new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques patent law US law biotechnology innovation nature isolation usefulness invention discovery medicine health genetic patents copyright trademark trade secrets biotech gene patents intellectual property nature isolation useful invention patent law biomedical inventions cell lines drug development trade secrets biotechnology copyrights trademarks genes intellectualproperty patenting nature isolation utility genome research companies patentcriteria uslaw ipinventions biomedicine drugdevelopment celllines cloningtechniques geneethics gene专利 gene产权 gene专利制度 gene patents intellectual property nature isolation patentable inventions genome research biomedicine US law new and useful inventions materials methods drugs cell lines extraction cloning techniques popular science articles biotechnology industry critical analysis genes intellectual property patent application criteria nature isolation useful invention genome research biomedicine new drugs cell lines extraction cloning US law patentable inventions materials methods process machine manufacture composition of matter trade secrets inventor discovery community genetics gene patents intellectual property patenting office genome research biomedical inventions creation of mind US law patentable criteria new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques patentable materials biomedical innovations gene patents intellectual property nature isolation useful invention genome research patent criteria biomedical inventions US law patentable items biotechnology cell lines new drugs extraction techniques cloning genes intellectual property patenting genome research patent criteria invention us law biomedicine patentable inventions new drugs cell lines cloning techniques patent disputes gene patents intellectual property patent eligibility genome research biomedical inventions extraction techniques cloning trade secrets US patent law biomedical materials new drugs cell lines gene patents intellectual property patent eligibility biotechnology genetic research biomedical inventions isolation usefulness genome research patent law United States law biotech companies pharmaceuticals cell lines extraction techniques cloning patent applications trade secrets innovation genetic material biomedicine scientific discoveries legal protection biotech industry biopiracy ethical concerns public access genetic testing genetic engineering
test-international-siacphbnt-con03a	Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. cybersecurity africa kenya south africa hacking fraud identity theft entrepreneurship digital users security risks mutegi 2013 online privacy cybersecurity africa kenya south africa hacking identity theft cyber-crime digital security entrepreneurship technology safety fraud promote security new digital users Mutegi 2013 cybersecurity hacking digital security internet risks fraud prevention identity theft African cybersecurity Kenyan cyber-crime South African cyber-crime digital user safety technology security entrepreneur safety customer privacy business security cybersecurity measures cyber threats digital privacy secure technology online security digital safety cybersecurity policies cyber security trends cybersecurity measures african cybersecurity kenyan cybersecurity south african cybersecurity digital security preventing hacking identity theft prevention cybercrime statistics entrepreneur security privacy protection insecure technology security for digital users boosting technology trust cybersecurity awareness cybersecurity funding cybersecurity policies securing online transactions protecting personal data enhancing digital safety technological security risks encryption methods cybersecurity education online security threats cybersecurity strategies security in technology protecting digital identities securing business information cybersecurity solutions improving cybersecurity cybersecurity risk enhancement query expansion Africa kenya south africa cybercrime hacking security promotion digital users fraud identity theft entrepreneurship safety privacy cybersecurity hacking prevention digital security internet safety fraud protection identity theft secure technology cyber-crime prevention digital user safety technology security African cybersecurity Kenyan cyber-security South African cyber-crime entrepreneur security customer data protection business plan security secure online transactions cybersecurity hacking digital security fraud prevention identity theft internet security Kenyan cybersecurity South African cybersecurity technology safety entrepreneur security customer data protection business plan security internet risks cybersecurity measures digital user safety security awareness cyber-crime costs digital privacy technological security security for new users cybersecurity promotion tech security internet safety secure technology online security cybersecurity strategies cybersecurity africans cybercrime knowledge safety fraud hacking identity theft entrepreneurship business plans private information kenya south africa promotion digital users security risks prevalence misuse protection education awareness technological advancement privacy information security technological safety encryption authentication firewalls VPNs cloud security phishing identity protection secure networks legal frameworks public awareness IT security threats risks mitigation training Internet security online safety ICT security security policies security risk internet security cybersecurity hacking events Africa digital users Cyber-crime Kenya government malware vulnerabilities identity theft entrepreneurship customer privacy security measures safety fraud prevention security promotion policy implementation encryption firewalls security awareness network security security protocols data protection security standards security training cybersecurity tactics prevention strategies Africa kenya south africa fraud identity theft entrepreneurship digital security hacking Internet safety policy education risk management
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro03a	Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, democratic mandate Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto International Criminal Court crimes against humanity electoral observation European Union Kenya elections 2013 democratic mandate Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto ICC indictment crimes against humanity International Criminal Court electoral observation European Union Kenya elections voter will international community respect foreign court jurisdiction democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto crimes against humanity International Criminal Court election observation mission Kenya elections 2013 general elections European Union voter will respect mandate international community democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto International Criminal Court crimes against humanity electoral observation mission European Union Kenyan elections voter will international community respect democratic mandate ICC Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto crimes against humanity international criminal court electoral observation mission Kenya elections 2013 elections democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections 2013 Kenyan elections international criminal court crimes against humanity voter will European Union observation mission democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections 2013 Kenya International Criminal Court electoral observation mission European Union crimes against humanity international community democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto electoral mandate international criminal court crimes against humanity European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya general elections 2013 electoral mandate democratic legitimacy international criminal court Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto crimes against humanity European Union Election Observation Mission democratic will voter representation foreign judicial intervention international community respect vote validity democratic mandate electoral observation international criminal court crimes against humanity ICC Kenya election European Union voter will foreign court respect mandates
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro04a	Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, partial birth abortion moral standards support polling data legislative history veto presidential promises partial birth abortion polling data moral standards abortion bans legislative history presidential vetoes campaign promises historical support United States politics government actions-abortion laws partial birth abortion moral standards support polls historical voting records veto promises banning procedures government decisions popularity partial birth abortion moral standards support for ban poll results House of Representatives vote Senate vote President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup poll Larry Craig partial birth abortion moral standards support polls veto ban presidential promises House of Representatives Senate partial birth abortion moral standards popular opinion poll results house of representatives senate vote clinton veto bush campaign promise gallup poll campaign promises abortion legality partial birth abortion moral standards support for ban polling data House of Representatives Senate vote presidential veto campaign promise partial birth abortion moral standards support ban popular opinion president bush campaign promise house of representatives vote senate vote gallup poll clinton veto abortion legislation partial birth abortion moral standards support bans polling data House of Representatives Senate voting records campaign promises Clinton Bush Gallup poll Craig partial birth abortion moral standards support polling data House of Representatives Senate veto campaign promise
test-international-ghbunhf-pro02a	UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN human rights abuses post-war world genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictators women's rights developing nations peacekeepers Saudi Arabia Cuba China Human Rights Council sexual abuse peacekeeping failures UN human rights failures Cambodia genocide Rwanda genocide Congolese conflict Yugoslav war UN peacekeeper abuses Saudi Arabia UN membership Cuba UN membership China UN membership human rights dictatorships post-war human rights gender equality UN 2011 UN human rights council UN human rights abuses post-war world protection failures ethnic minorities women rights children rights genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia peacekeeping scandals UN peacekeepers sexual abuse UN Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China membership controversies human rights abuses UN failures genocide UN peacekeepers women rights ethnic minorities dictatorship UN Human Rights Council member states sexual misconduct UN human rights abuses post-war world protection failure ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorship UN peacekeepers sexual abuse 2011 Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China human rights abuses UN failures genocide episodes UN peacekeepers misconduct UN Human Rights Council criticisms dictatorship tolerance women rights neglect post-war human rights development UN human rights abuses post-war world citizen rights ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia peacekeeping failures UN peacekeepers sexual abuse UN Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN human rights failures Cambodia genocide Rwanda genocide Congolese genocide Yugoslav conflicts UN peacekeeper abuses Saudi Arabia UN UN Human Rights Council cuban UN membership chinese UN membership women rights violations ethnic minority rights child rights abuses dictatorship in UN post-war human rights UN accountability UN human rights failures Cambodia genocide Rwanda genocide Congolese conflict Yugoslav conflict UN peacekeeper abuses Saudi Arabia UN HRC members Cuban UN Chinese UN women rights violations ethnic minorities rights children rights post-war human rights development dictatorship UN membership human rights council controversies human rights abuses UN failure genocide UN peacekeepers dictators women rights child rights ethnic minorities UN Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives major foreign policy decisions unison High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK EU stance major foreign policy decisions state level cooperation High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU integration UK EU treaties major foreign policy decisions member states unity High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states UK stance state-level decision-making High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unity UK representatives major foreign policy decisions High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK representation major foreign policy decisions EU integration EU member states unity EU state level decision-making High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK EU member states foreign policy decisions High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK position state-level decision-making High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states EU unity UK EU treaty language
test-international-emephsate-con03a	Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey Cyprus European Union negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots settlement stalled confidence building barriers member states Turkey Cyprus European Union enlargement negotiations reunification confidence building Greek Cypriots UN peace plan EU membership stalled barriers settlement Turkey Cyprus European Union enlargement negotiations reunification conflict greek cypriots UN peace plan Van Rompuy Cyprus EU membership stalled negotiations confidence building Turkey Cyprus European Union enlargement negotiations reunification port airport confidence bargaining challenges peace plan Greek Cypriots International Crisis Group Van Rompuy EU membership Turkey Cyprus European Union negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots settlement stalled bid confidence building barriers Van Rompuy Turkey Cyprus EU membership negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots reunification confidence building stalled negotiations Turkey Cyprus European Union enlargement negotiations reunification confidence building Greek Cypriots UN peace plan EU membership Van Rompuy Turkey Cyprus EU membership Turkey EU negotiations unrecognized state Cypriot rejection enlargement negotiation stalled talks confidence building UN peace plan Greek Cypriots EU President Van Rompuy negotiation barriers island reunification Turkey Cyprus European Union enlargement negotiations reunification conflict stalled UN peace plan Greek Cypriots Van Rompuy international relations EU membership cyprus accession turkey recognition confidence building Turkey Cyprus European Union enlargement negotiations stalled UN peace plan Greek Cypriots settlement confidence-building barriers
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con01a	Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. collective bargaining necessity democracy worker rights firm feedback public good worker solidarity indirect benefits labor relations public interest workforce morale brain drain industrial relations negotiation processes strike protest collective bargaining necessity worker communication feedback structures democracy and labor public good profit maximization indirect benefits workforce happiness brain drain collective action strikes protests industrial relations theory collective bargaining necessity democracy job needs worker communication feedback structures power dynamics public good indirect benefits happiness workforce efficiency brain drain strikes protests industrial relations economic impact social justice collective bargaining importance democratic process feedback structures public interest worker rights profit maximization brain drain prevention industrial relations workplace happiness labor negotiations union representation strike effectiveness protest impact wage determination benefit analysis employee welfare collective bargaining democracy feedback structures public good worker rights indirect benefits happiness workforce productivity brain drain labor relations strikes protests industrial relations collective bargaining necessary aspect democracy job needs feedback structures worker communication management decision public good profit issues worker collection public interest workforce treatment indirect benefits happiness hardworking workforce brain drain alternative actions strikes protests collective bargaining importance collective bargaining democracy feedback structures worker communication public good profit maximization indirect benefits happy workforce brain drain strikes protests industrial relations workplace improvement collective bargaining necessary aspect democracy job needs feedback structures worker communication manager decision makers public good profit issues single worker rejection large workforce happiness harder working workforce brain drain collective bargaining process strikes protests industrial relations public interest collective bargaining democracy job needs feedback structures worker communication manager communication public good worker collection public interest happiness workforce efficiency brain drain collective action strikes protests industrial relations worker rights collective bargaining democratic principles feedback structures worker communication public good profit motives brain drain workforce morale indirect benefits direct negotiation labor rights strike action protest industrial relations worker solidarity
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con02a	The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on Internet governance international space political freedom censorship digital rights nanny state power dynamics global communication elections nation-specific laws internet sovereignty papacharissi babel Internet governance international space political freedom digital rights nanny state censorship electoral democracy information sovereignty global communication public sphere Internet freedom government control international communication pUBLIC SPACe internet governance digital rights nanny state censorship information sovereignty liberal democracy extremist content Internet regulations global internet online freedom Internet freedom government control international space popular sovereignty nanny state cybernetic governance public domain cross-border communication digital rights liberal democracy Internet government control international space political freedom nanny state public sphere digital rights censorship liberal democracy extremism Internet governance freedom of information international communication public sphere government overreach nanny state censorship digital rights sovereignty online security information control democratic principles cyber governance digital citizenship internet regulations Internet freedom government control international space pubic sphere nanny state electoral basis country-specific extremist content digital rights liberal democracy global communication Internet governance freedom of information digital rights international communication public sphere government overreach authoritarianism citizen autonomy cyber sovereignty online regulation global internet digital citizenship net neutrality cyber democracy state control digital dictatorship nanny state information rights international internet public space online digital freedom Internet governance censorship international space political sovereignty digital rights nanny state democracy cyberliberties cross-border information flow political control information freedom civil liberties cybersecurity net neutrality internet regulations power dynamics global communication public sphere free speech online safety legal jurisdiction Internet regulation Internet freedom online censorship Internet governance digital rights freedom of information government intervention cyber sovereignty global communication public sphere democratic principles nanny state international law digital ethics online censorship net neutrality information warfare cybersecurity human rights digital democracy internet freedom state control digital citizenship cyber security digital policy internet regulation digital governance internet governance frameworks
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro01a	"The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: patent_expansion pharmaceutical_lobbying democratic_processes evergreening_tactics economic_incentives societal_progress patent_abolition innovation_stimulation citizen_welfare political_influence pharmaceutical_profit_mechanisms public_health_impact patent system reform pharmaceutical industry lobbying evergreening strategy drug patent expiration innovation incentives public health impact patent law analysis democratic state influence monopolistic pricing intellectual property rights pharmaceutical innovation patent reform advocacy healthcare affordability regulatory capture patent reform pharmaceutical lobbying democratic governance innovation incentives evergreening strategy copyright law research and development political influence public health economic dynamics lawmaking process pharmaceutical profits intellectual property rights political economy societal progress patent expiration monopoly pricing public interest pharmaceutical industry influence patent policy analysis patent reform perverse incentives pharmaceutical lobbying drug patent expiration evergreening special loopholes innovation incentives economic dynamism patent expiration patent reform policies laws on drug patents political influence on pharmaceuticals pharmaceutical industry power patent abuse pharmaceutical monopolies patent duration public health impact pharmaceutical innovation pharmaceutical patents patent law reform pharmaceutical company profits patent legislation pharmaceutical industry influence pharmaceutical industry lobbying pharmaceutical patent extensions patent system critique pharm patent system perverse incentives pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens lobbyists politicians democratic states United States special loopholes milk customers monopoly prices re-patent evergreening compounds variations societal progress abortion of drug patents economic dynamism Thomas Faunce patent reform perverse incentives pharmaceutical lobbying drug patent expiry evergreening societal progress innovation incentive economic dynamism pharmaceutical profit maximization citizen interests powerful lobbies democratic states patent system critique public health impact patent system pharmaceutical companies drug patents lobbyist influence politician corruption evergreening monopolies innovation incentives economic dynamism patent law public health pharmaceutical lobbying patent reform intellectual property rights patent expiration drug pricing healthcare access innovation stagnation policy analysis pharmaceutical industry power patent abuse drug innovation pharmaceutical profit maximization patent duration patent policy patent legislation pharmaceutical regulation patent enforcement patent expiration manipulation patent law reform patent system criticism patent system reform pharmaceutical market dynamics patent reform perverse incentives pharmaceutical companies lobbying political influence evergreening special loopholes monopoly prices innovation democratic states free flow of ideas economic dynamism patent system reform pharmaceutical industry lobbying democratic state politics evergreening drug patents societal innovation patent abolition economic dynamism drug patent legislation laws on patents public health advocacy pharmaceutical company profits patent law reform pharmaceutical industry influence drug pricing regulations political influence on policy pharmaceutical industry ethics patent expiration pharmaceutical research and development copyright versus patent pharmaceutical industry monopolies pharmaceutical industry regulations pharmaceutical industry accountability public health impact of patents pharmaceutical industry transparency pharmaceutical patent reform pharmaceutical lobbying drug pricing patent expiration innovation incentives evergreening lawsuit reform public health political influence"
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro04a	Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. gun control suicide prevention gun laws mental health public policy homicide rates firearm regulations depression public safety cessation of suffering lethal means management gun control suicide prevention mental health firearms legislation public safety lethality of suicide methods firearm restrictions statistical analysis public policy suicide rates by country mental health access gun violence public health homicide statistics firearm ownership trends gun control suicide prevention mental health gun violence public safety firearm regulations public health policy statistical correlation legal measures mental illness treatment gun control suicide prevention gun violence mental health public safety firearm regulations homicide rates statistical analysis psychological impact legislative measures public opinion policy reform crime prevention societal impact lethality of suicide mental illness firearms ownership data correlation suicide mortality public health policy gun accessibility statistical significance risk factors suicide prevention strategies mental health disorders gun legislation firearm restrictions public safety measures gun control policies gun violence prevention public health outcomes gun ownership suicide risk country's gun laws suicide rate depression means of suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun control population health public safety mental health legal restrictions search performance relevant expansion phrases query analysis suicide risk gun ownership country's gun laws suicide rate depression means of suicide successful suicide attempts failed suicide attempts state intervention restricting gun ownership human life value public health policy mental health impact firearm regulations suicide prevention strategies statistical correlation psychological factors legal measures public safety suicide mortality rates gun laws suicide rates mental health public safety firearm regulations violence prevention homicide rates public policy mental illness statistics gun control suicide prevention gun laws country suicide rates mental health public safety homicide prevention firearm restrictions mental illness statistics cessation of suffering gun control suicide prevention public safety mental health firearm regulations homicide rates psychological impact legislative measures public policy statistical analysis suicide prevention strategies gun violence psychological factors legal restrictions firearm accessibility mental health services public health legislative reform societal impact risk assessment psychological wellbeing legislative action gun ownership benefits mental illness public safety measures gun control effectiveness suicide mortality firearm legislation gun control debate gun control suicide prevention public health mental health firearm regulations lethal means restriction gun violence statistical analysis psychological factors policy implications
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro02a	We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. duty protection individual rights social disgust artistic freedom value violation public exposure historical trauma cultural sensitivity censorship art regulation ethical considerations societal impact artistic expression moral boundaries historical context emotional harm artistic controversy artistic censorship cultural appropriation duty to protect individuals social disgust central values artistic restrictions individual rights Nazi imagery historical trauma public exposure artistic freedom cultural sensitivity ethical considerations censorship artistic expression personal trauma public morality artistic intent societal norms ethical art moral boundaries offensive art artistic censorship artistic regulation harm principle ethical responsibility artistic ethics artistic limits public opinion ethical art criticism artistic controversy moral harm artistic impact ethical art practice artistic consequences ethical artistic expression ethical considerations in art ethical art debates ethical art practices ethical art standards ethical art guidelines duty protection individual rights artistic freedom social norms cultural sensitivity public reaction censorship art controversy ethical considerations harm principle Nazi imagery Holocaust trauma artistic expression public exposure cultural impact value violation artistic restriction societal values artistic integrity artistic ethics historical context artistic censorship artistic criticism artistic boundaries public morality artistic offense artistic judgment artistic responsibility artistic impact artistic influence artistic restriction justification artistic freedom limits duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust values individual rights abuse artist unrestricted work societal harm accept chapman brothers nazi imagery ww2 historical personal trauma family comic material unacceptable artistic freedom restrictions artwork social disgust individual rights censorship artistic freedom cultural sensitivity historical impact trauma public exposure value violation ethical considerations legal restrictions artistic expression harm prevention societal norms cultural impact artistic boundaries art protection social disgust individual values artistic freedom censorship public reaction historical sensitivity trauma representation comedy restrictions artistic expression limits artwork social disgust individual rights value violation artistic freedom harm principle censorship cultural sensitivity trauma public exposure artistic expression historical imagery Nazi symbolism public reaction ethical considerations artistic boundaries legal restrictions societal norms moral obligations artistic censorship protection of individuals cultural values artistic ethics freedom of expression historical context artistic intent public sentiment artistic impact ethical art artistic limits moral duty artistic controversy protection from art individual dignity artistic restrictions ethical guidelines artistic boundaries artistic trauma public morals artistic regulation ethical art practices artistic harm artwork protection social disgust individual values artistic freedom harm prevention Nazi imagery trauma recognition censorship necessity cultural sensitivity artistic expression limits art censorship artistic freedom individual rights social norms cultural sensitivity public reaction historical trauma artistic expression ethical considerations legal protections artistic restrictions public exposure artistic boundaries moral values free speech cultural impact psychological harm artistic impact social acceptance artistic controversy ethical art artistic ethics public opinion artistic responsibility art restrictions individual rights social norms artistic freedom public exposure historical sensitivity artistic censorship trauma impact cultural values ethical art offensive content societal reaction artistic expression limits artistic ethics moral boundaries artistic censorship laws public opinion artistic controversy
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro01a	Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 right to bear arms individual rights gun control DC ban state violence citizen protection balance of power symbolic representation legal monopoly public safety constitutional rights self-defense government overreach local laws constitutional interpretation second amendment federalism civil liberties disarmament political context legal precedent individuals right bear arms DC monopoly violence citizens protection symbolic rebellion oppression check balance harm revocation US ban isolation similar problems individual rights second amendment gun control DC gun ban state violence citizen uprising constitutional interpretation public safety legal precedent firearm regulations federal law local ordinances political debate civil liberties individual rights gun control DC gun ban state monopoly on violence citizen's right to bear arms public safety political oppression self-defense civil liberties constitutional rights law enforcement Second Amendment armed uprising federal jurisdiction local governance firearms legislation violence prevention legal challenges policy implications public opinion constitutional interpretation judicial review public security community safety armed conflict legislative action civil unrest democratic principles constitutional amendments gun violence police brutality civil rights firearm regulations law enforcement powers public health social justice crime rates constitutional law judicial activism legislative intent right to bear arms DC state monopoly of violence citizen security symbolic representation protection against oppression balance of power citizen defense state harm revocation of rights isolated bans U.S. gun laws right to bear arms DC gun ban state monopoly of violence citizen protection symbolic representation check and balance state oppression harm prevention citizens' rights gun control legal restrictions public safety constitutional rights federal law local legislation right to bear arms DC gun ban state monopoly of violence citizen security symbolic representation protection against oppression revocation of rights gun control legal enforcement individual liberties public safety constitutional rights legislative measures federal laws local regulations individual rights arms control DC gun ban state violence citizen protection balance of power symbolic representation monopoly on force public safety legal precedent constitutional interpretation civil liberties gun control political philosophy public policy social contract security measures legal restrictions historical context democratic principles individual rights Second Amendment gun control DC gun ban state violence citizen defense public safety constitutional rights law enforcement federal jurisdiction political philosophy gun rights armed rebellion self-defense legal interpretation societal security constitutional law democratic principles firearm legislation civil liberties legal challenges Individuals Right to Bear Arms DC State Monopoly of Violence Citizen Security Symbolic Representation Protection Against Oppression Checks and Balances Revocation of Rights Isolated Bans Violation of Rights
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro02a	Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. public service broadcaster BBC offensive views church airtime minority interests secular society professional standards diverse perspectives media bias religious extremism homophobia illibality sexism public opinion broadcasting ethics media diversity public service broadcaster BBC religious views offensive content level playing field minority interest secular society homophobia liberalism sexism airtime allocation media bias public service broadcaster BBC offensive views church influence media bias level playing field diverse perspectives minority interests religious extremism homophobic views illiberal opinions sexist opinions media professionalism press release National Secular Society public service broadcaster level playing field diverse ideas offensive views church influence BBC criticism religious minorities airtime allocation professional ethics public interest media diversity secularism homophobia illiberal opinions sexist opinions minority rights media bias press release national secular society public service broadcaster BBC offensive views church level playing field diverse perspectives airtime allocation minority interests religious extremism homophobia illiberalism sexism professional standards press release National Secular Society public service broadcaster views offensive content level playing field minority interests religious views professional standards airtime allocation BBC controversy media ethics diversity of ideas secular society offensive opinions broadcasting challenges minority rights homophobia illiberalism sexism search accuracy expansion terms enrich query public service broadcaster church views offensive content level playing field BBC diverse ideas minority interests religious attendance offensive opinions professional broadcasting secular society evangelical wing church of england press release public service broadcaster BBC offensive views church roles level playing field diverse ideas airtime allocation minority interests religious opinions professional standards offensive content homophobia illiberalism sexism public perception media bias equal representation public service broadcaster BBC religious views offensive content level playing field minority interests airtime allocation professional standards diverse perspectives secularism homophobia liberalism sexism church influence media bias press release National Secular Society public service broadcaster level playing field diverse ideas offensive views church influence BBC criticism airtime allocation minority interests religious perspective professional constraints secular society offensive content broadcasting ethics
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro01a	Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ child performer education formal education restrictions performance training impact child labor laws educational requirements specialized skills education legal centre child performers working hours child performers child performer education limitations formal education restrictions performer schooling hours UK child performer laws child actor education time dancing performer education acting performer schooling family impact on child education child labor education rights performer education child performer schooling formal education limits child actor training educational requirements child dancer education legal rights child performer work hours specialized skills education child performer education limitations formal education restrictions performer training schedule child labor education laws UK child performer education education vs performance child actor schooling requirements performing arts education impact child performer educational hours formal education vs performance child labor rights and education performance training educational conflict performer child education formal time training UK work hours legalcentre skill focus interes child performer education formal education limits performer schooling hours child actor education training vs education child dancer education UK child performer laws education requirements performer performer legal rights child performer education formal education limitations performance training conflict child labor laws educational requirements specialized skills impact family education interests working hours child performers performer education child performer schooling formal education limits child performer training child performer legal rights child actor education dance performer schooling acting performer education child performer work hours educational requirements child performers performer family education support performer education child performer schooling limited education time formal education restrictions child performer training child performer work hours education requirements specialized skills impact family interests legal center child performer performer education child performer schooling formal education limitations child performer training child actor education child dancer education educational hours for performers child performer rights performer education restrictions child performer schooling requirements
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con03a	Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) infrastructure education Africa development economy gender literacy construction empowerment infrastructure deficits Africa education disparities Mauritius construction industry gap in literacy rates Senegal Mauritanian education Mozambique education Ghana education economic growth highest skilled jobs gender gap in education Grand Inga Dam World Bank World Economic Forum infrastructure education Africa economy women development construction literacy gender gap education levels economic growth projects dams workforce leadership infrastructure development Africa education disparities construction industry women's role economic growth Grand Inga Dam Mauritius Korea youth literacy rates Senegal male dominance Sierra Leone primary education secondary education tertiary education Mauritania Mozambique gender gap World Economic Forum infrastructure education Africa economy women development literacy construction energy education gap workforce gender inequality search performance relevant expansion phrases Africa infrastructure education economic growth gender gap construction industry youth literacy higher education workforce economic development World Bank literacy rates gender equality economic influence project recommendations infrastructure education Africa development gender gap economy construction industry literacy rates World Bank Grand Inga Dam female workforce education disparities economic growth infrastructure education Africa development women economy literacy construction 电力短缺 教育差距 经济成长 性别平等 高等教育 劳动力市场 search optimization meaningful expansion terms infrastructure needs education development gender gap economic growth construction industry literacy rates Africa economy project proposals global comparison World Bank educational attainment female workforce resource allocation development challenges infrastructure education Africa economic growth gender gap construction industry literacy rates development Grand Inga Dam World Bank World Economic Forum
test-international-gmehwasr-con04a	Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 conflict escalation arming rebels foreign intervention military commitment diplomatic consequences historical precedents military strategy geopolitical stakes Syria conflict Vietnam War international relations military training weapon supply political fallout Syria conflict escalation arms supply foreign intervention Vietnam War military training diplomatic relations military commitment regional stability humanitarian impact long drawn out conflict escalation foreign policy arms supply rebel support military intervention conflict stakeholders Vietnam War military commitment heavy weapons training equalizer diplomatic consequences strategic reversals regional dynamics international relations security concerns military escalation humanitarian implications long drawn out conflict foreign policy reversal escalate commitment arming rebels troops on the ground heavy weapons training equalizer stake in conflict Vietnam conflict roundtable discussion Foreign Policy long drawn out conflict intervene foreign policy escalation Vietnam conflict arms supply rebel support military commitment stake in conflict diplomatic relations heavy weapons training equalizer roundtable discussion Foreign Policy long drawn out conflict intervening power stake foreign policy reversal arming rebels rapid escalation ground troops heavy weapons training equaliser Vietnam conflict small commitment backing down foreign relations damage long drawn out conflict risk of escalation foreign policy reversal arms supply training rebels heavy weapons stake in conflict Vietnam conflict backing down men on the ground equaliser diplomatic relations military intervention strategic commitment long drawn out conflict intervening power stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Syria Vietnam conflict escalate troops on ground heavy weapons rebel training equaliser foreign relations military commitment strategic risk international involvement conflict escalation arms supply political consequences conflict escalation arms supply foreign policy military intervention stake in conflict Vietnam War heavy weapons training requirements equalizer roundtable discussion Syria conflict long drawn out conflict intervening power stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Syria Vietnam conflict escalation troops on the ground heavy weapons rebel training equaliser Foreign Policy Daniel Byman
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro02a	Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, North Korea Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il attention seeking provocations sanctions China negotiations aid bad behavior regime stability North Korea Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il attention seeking regime behavior provocations international relations sanctions China negotiations bad behavior aid foreign policy North_Korea provocative_actions attention_seeking cycle sanctions China Kim_Jong_Il Kim_Jong_Un regime_behavior [1] aid bad_behavior negotiations concessions North Korea regime behavior attention seeking cycle provocations sanctions diplomacy aid negotiations Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il North Korea strategy international relations China's role diplomatic concessions North Korea attention seeking regime Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocations missile launches sanctions China negotiations concessions bad behavior aid search optimization keyword generation North Korea attention seeking regime behavior international relations provocations sanctions negotiations diplomatic cycles Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il regime incentives aid negotiations provocative actions geopolitical strategies North Korea Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il attention seeking provocations sanctions China negotiations aid bad behavior cycle regime attention seeking provocations regime behavior North Korea Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il international relations sanctions negotiations aid regime incentives cycle of provocation diplomatic tactics geopolitical strategy North Korea attention seeking Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launches military attacks condemnation sanctions China negotiations minor concessions bad behavior aid regime stability diplomatic cycles attention seeking provocations sanctions diplomacy North Korea strategy Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il regime behavior aid negotiations Chinese influence provocation cycle diplomatic negotiations regime incentives sanctions evasion aid dependency geopolitical strategy
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro02a	Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. two-tier Internet risk of Internet digital divide ISP throttling content prioritization end user rights Internet freedom censorship bandwidth pricing Internet access net neutrality ISP behavior online content management Internet regulation internet tiering bandwidth discrimination Internet service provider practices Internet quality differences Internet service pricing free speech online commercial censorship political censorship internet access inequality Internet content delivery Internet service quality two-tier internet risk tiered internet ISP censorship content preference internet access freedom of expression commercial censorship Internet regulation BBC News ISP content prioritization net neutrality bandwidth pricing end user rights competition Internet service providers payment for priority Internet content delivery Internet quality disparities ISP behavior analysis Internet access affordability Internet freedom threats Internet access control Internet content control Internet service provider ethics Internet access discrimination Internet access fairness Internet access equality Internet access quality Internet access speeds Internet access prices Internet access restrictions Internet access priorities Internet access issues Internet access two-tier internet risk of internet censorship internet access ISP bandwidth flat rate services content delivery Internet freedom commercial censorship political censorship freedom of expression application pricing Internet regulation net neutrality Internet content prioritization BBC News Internet service provider bandwidth management risk two-tier Internet ISP pricing content delivery network management broadband discrimination Internet censorship freedom of expression commercial censorship payment for priority net neutrality access control bandwidth throttling Internet service provider flat rate services Internet content delivery priority-based pricing internet regulation online privacy internet freedom Internet policy Internet standards Internet governance internet access Internet regulation Internet infrastructure Internet technology internet economics internet politics internet sociology internet law internet history internet culture internet geography internet demography internet psychology internet anthropology internet linguistics internet ethics int Risk two-tier Internet ISP rates content preference end users producer concerns freedom of expression censorship commercial censorship political censorship BT Content Connect risk two-tier Internet ISP charges content prioritization freedom of expression censorship bandwidth pricing end users Internet access application pricing commercial censorship political censorship broadband services BBC News two-tier Internet riskISP contentcensorship flatrates Internetaccess bandwidthprices endusers contentproducers freedomofexpression commercialcensorship Politicalcensorship BBCNews ISPcharging preferrrencescontent two-tier Internet risk analysis ISP charging content prioritization freedom of expression censorship broadband access economic impact internet neutrality flat rate services bandwidth pricing commercial censorship political censorship internet service providers content delivery net neutrality Internet access quality consumer rights Internet regulation web content management two-tier internet risk of internet censorship internet access ISPcharging contentdelivery bandwidthapplications freedomofexpression commercialcensorship politicalcensorship Internetregulation netneutrality Internetderegulation Internetcontent precedence Internettrafficmanagement Internetcensorship Internetfreedom Internetmonopolies Internetaccessequality Internetqualityofservice Internetcontentprioritization Internettrafficprioritization Internetuserprivacy Internetuserrights Internetcontentdelivery Internetcontentmonetization Internetcontentcontrol Internetcontentregulation Internetcontentderegulation two-tier Internet risk assessment content prioritization ISP regulations flat rate services end user rights content producer concerns freedom of expression censorship prevention broadband pricing bandwidth management
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con03a	Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, migrant sustainability economicmigration conflict developedcountry aid policy safety returnmigration developingcountry prospects alternativetocountry migrationproblems Europe RachidAlgeria BBCNews migrant economic migration conflict developing countries aid sustainability policy developed countries asylum migration patterns repeat migration border control human trafficking migration barriers international law refugee rights immigration policy global migration migration challenges migration trends migrant policies migrant return countries aid sustainability conflict safety economic migration developed country prospects developing country policy risk sea boredom retry alternative examples Rachid Algeria Europe Migrant problems sustainable migration policies economic migration reasons developing countries aid conflict refugee acceptance developed country prospects repeat migration attempts migration challenges solutions migrants sustainability policy economic migration conflict safe countries developed countries aid alternative solutions return attempts migrant policy sustainable solutions economic migration developing countries conflict refugees Europe migration return migration alternative countries migrant problems development levels migrant policies economic migration sustainable solutions developing countries conflict refugees developed nations migration barriers repeat migrants aid dependency human trafficking asylum seekers migration patterns migrant policies sustainability economic migration developed countries conflict refugees migration problems aid dependency country development repeat migration illegal immigration European Union border control development disparities migrant policy sustainable migration economic migration developed countries conflict refugees migrant crisis aid development return migration migrant resettlement developing countries immigration barriers migrant rights European migration Rachid Algeria BBC News migrant policies economic migration developing countries sustainable solutions conflict refugees Europe migration borders control aid effectiveness policy sustainability migrant detention alternative solutions migrant integration return migration illegal immigration European Union migration
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con01a	Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. censorship free speech public view patronizing religious opinion prejudice government hypocrisy Internet freedom debate criticism censorship free speech public debate hypocrisy internet freedom religious opinion moral argument exposure contradiction censorship policies government action negative speech logical criticism censorship free speech public debate religious opinion sites government hypocrisy logical criticism moral implications information control Internet freedom civil liberties media censorship democratic principles censorship free speech public debate logical criticism religious opinion sites government hypocrisy exposure patronizing view complete world view censorship paradox democratic principles internet freedom moral scrutiny censorship free speech public view moral debate government hypocrisy internet freedom religious sites logical criticism exposure free speech censorship religious opinion sites public debate government hypocrisy moral dubiousness exposure prejudices Internet freedom thought control patronizing view complete world view automatic censorship logical criticism contradictory actions public influence debate platforms expression limitations hidden negativity free speech censorship public opinion internet freedom government control hypocrisy religious freedom moral debate information access Censorship free speech public view patronising assumption moral dubiety Internet freedom government hypocrisy exposure debate criticism censorship free speech public debate moral arguments internet freedom government hypocrisy exposure critical thinking religious opinion sites democratic values censorship paradox expression limitations free speech censorship public view religious opinion government hypocrisy Internet freedom moral argument debate criticism
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con01a	Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. profiling racism minorities class status wrong britain resentment irish mistake western nations muslims folly aviation authorities state control government group criminals provocative message profiling racism muslim profiling britain irish conflict security state control aviation security policies minority rights civil liberties stereotyping ethnic profiling security measures fairness justice profiling racism minorities second class citizens rights britain security forces resentment muslims western nations government aviation authorities state control potential criminals racism institutionalization minorities second-class citizens wrong Britain innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment western nations Muslims grave folly aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message profiling racism minorities class status wrong britain security forces resentment Irish UK western nations mistake Muslims gravest folly aviation authorities state control government group criminals provocative message profiling institutionalized racism second class citizens wrong Britain innocent until proven guilty security forces resentment Irish Muslims western nations grave folly aviation authorities state control potential criminals provocative message profiling racism marginalization second-class citizens resentment Irish stereotype western nations aviation security government policy ethnic profiling civil liberties counterterrorism ethnicity and crime profiling racism minorities second class citizens britain irish security forces resentment muslims state control aviation authorities government policy provocative message profiling racism marginalization minorities second-class citizenship britain irish intelligence government policy muslims aviation security state control civil liberties discrimination ethnic profiling security measures legal implications social justice terrorism ethnicity identity monitoring inequality minority rights civil rights public perception legal frameworks ethics policing strategies counter-terrorism law enforcement legal consequences public opinion minority representation security protocols immigration anti-discrimination legal activism public safety community relations ethnic profiling policies security practices profiling institutionalized racism minorities second class citizens wrong Britain innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment western nations Muslims gravest folly aviation authorities state control government policy potential criminals provocative message
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con01a	Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 transparency drones CIA Department of Defence normalisation policy public opinion military conflict secret information covert action public reaction government policies transparency effects digital surveillance surveillance policies civil liberties 信息公开 无人机 CIA部门 国防部分 正常化 政策影响 公众反应 政府行为 秘密信息 隐蔽行动 transparency drones CIA Department of Defense policy normalization public opinion military conflict covert operations government secrecy targeted killings public reaction normalization of abnormal transparency drones CIA normalization public opinion military conflict deniability government secrecy effectiveness transparency policy covert operations military drones civilian casualties Department of Defense policy normalization public reaction oversight civil liberties intelligence gathering counterterrorism legitimacy accountability classification whistleblowing security studies international law privacy concerns transparency normalization government secrecy deniability public reaction covert operations military action drones CIA Department of Defense targeted killings public opinion policy change transparency normalization government secrets deniability public reaction CIA drones military conflict covert operations policy evaluation 信息公开 正常化 政府秘密 不可否认性 公众反应 中情局 无人机 军事冲突 隐蔽行动 政策评估 transparency normalization government secrets deniability public disclosure drone program CIA Department of Defense public opinion covert action military conflict policy evaluation surveillance secrecy public reaction accountability policy change intelligence operations civilian casualties military ethics transparency drones CIA normalization public opinion government secrecy military conflict election impact deniability policy review classification security measures [1] [2] transparency normalization drones CIA Department of Defense government secrecy policy visibility public reaction military action covert operations public perception deniability effectiveness of transparency normalization of policies transparency normalization government secrecy drone programs CIA Department of Defense public opinion covert actions military conflict targeted killings public reaction policy evaluation information disclosure surveillance national security ethical considerations accountability democratic processes international law civil liberties military ethics whistleblowing surveillance policies intelligence agencies transparency benefits transparency risks policy normalization democratic oversight civilian casualties military operations legal frameworks ethical dilemmas privacy concerns transparency drones CIA normalization government secrecy policy evaluation military conflict public opinion deniability covert operations Department of Defense
test-economy-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. women labor market intersectionality feminization of labor female empowerment education and employment human capital labor force participation socioeconomic status race and gender gender inequality Atieno (2006) study intersectionality women's empowerment feminization of labor education and labor gender inequalities socioeconomic background race and gender workforce participation Atieno (2006) human capital theory intersectionality feminization of labor women empowerment education socioeconomic status gender inequalities labor market participation human capital female labor force Atieno (2006) women diversity intersectionality feminization of labor women empowerment education influence labor market participation human capital socioeconomic background racial diversity gender equality female workforce Atieno (2006) labor opportunities social inequalities intersectionality feminization labor diversity women education human capital empowerment inequalities study Atieno 2006 intersectionality women empowerment feminisation of labor diverse group race socioeconomic background education gender inequality labour market female participation human capital empowerment study Atieno (2006) inequalities among women women intersectionality labor market education empowerment feminization workforce participation human capital gender equality socioeconomic status race age intersectionality feminisation labour women empowerment education socioeconomic background race age human capital gender studies workforce participation Atieno (2006) female labor market women labor market intersectionality empowerment education gender studies workforce participation socioeconomics race age human capital inequality intersectionality feminization labor women empowerment education human capital socioeconomic background race gender studies female labor market Atieno gender inequality
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con04a	The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, democracy national sovereignty government choice United Nations charter interference equal states act of aggression religious law tribal law communism self-determination UN charter non-intervention democracy national sovereignty self-determination government choice international law UN Charter state equality acts of aggression interference religious law tribal law communism United Nations democracy national sovereignty government choice United Nations charter religious law tribal law communism self-direction interference equal states act of aggression democracy national sovereignty government choice United Nations Charter of the United Nations religious law tribal law Communism self-direction interference aggression equal states United Nations authorization democracy national sovereignty United Nations charter international law imposition religious law tribal law Communist system equality of states act of aggression democracy national sovereignty government choice international law United Nations charter religious law tribal law Communist system interference act of aggression democracy national sovereignty self-determination government forms religious law tribal law communism United Nations charter international law acts of aggression democracy national sovereignty government choice religious law tribal law communism self-direction United Nations charter equal states act of aggression democracy national sovereignty government choice religious law tribal law communism United Nations Charter interference equal states acts of aggression democracy national sovereignty self-determination government interference religious law tribal law communism United Nations charter act of aggression
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con03a	Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. ban pornography gender stereotypes feminism black market sexual harassment infidelity rape taboo sexuality ban pornography feminism gender_stereotypes black_market sexual_health sexuality reproductive_rights sexual_education digital_censorship sexual_harassment consent sexual_regulation prohibition child_pornography violence ban pornography gender stereotypes black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence sexual harassment infidelity rape feminism sexuality taboo domination regulations banning pornography gender stereotypes black market sexual harassment infidelity rape feminist movement sexual taboos child pornography non-consensual pornography healthy sexuality sexual rights digital distribution prohibition history sex industry regulations male sexual satisfaction female dominance sexual health sexual violence censorship effectiveness pornographic content sexual education sexual freedom sexual exploitation sexual health risks sexual addiction sexual repression sexual empowerment sexual liberation sexual ethics sexual autonomy sexual inequality sexual liberation movements sexual rights advocacy sexual freedom debates sexual ethics discussions banning pornography gender stereotypes feminism black market sexual harassment infidelity rape pornography gender stereotypes black market feminism sexual harassment infidelity rape ban pornography gender stereotypes feminism black market sexual harassment infidelity rape demand ease of distribution ban pornography gender stereotypes black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence taboo feminism sexual harassment infidelity rape narcotrafic easy distribution regulations sexuality male dominance sexual health consent ban pornography gender stereotypes feminism sexual harassment infidelity rape demand black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence taboo sexuality social norms pornography ban gender stereotypes feminist movement black market sexual harassment infidelity rape taboo sexual urges
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con03a	Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, surveillance intelligence agencies abuse of power information privacy national security FBI J Edgar Hoover PRISM waterboarding trust in government historical examples of abuse personal conduct civil liberties abuse of power intelligence agencies trust PRISM surveillance national security hoover FBI historical examples civil liberties privacy government surveillance intelligence community whistleblowers Edward Snowden surveillance intelligence agencies abuse of power PRISM national security civil liberties government surveillance privacy concerns historical examples FBI J Edgar Hoover intelligence agency abuses trust in government transparency whistleblowers surveillance programs ethical considerations information misuse government misconduct civil rights violations abuse of power intelligence agencies surveillance revelations like prism national security trust in intelligence agencies historical examples of abuse brooklyn liquor importer fbi director j edgar hoover prism program waterboarding intelligence agency abuses building trust information abuse intelligence agencies power abuse trust issues intelligence surveillance PRISM program waterboarding Brooklyn liquor importer J Edgar Hoover eavesdropping historical examples national security information abuse intelligence agencies trust issues surveillance abuses power abuse historical examples intelligence agencies mistrust PRISM program waroing examples abuse of power trust in government privacy concerns 1950s FBI scandal intelligence agency scandals Gage Beverly intelligence agencies abuse of power surveillance national security PRISM waterboarding trust FBI J Edgar Hoover Brooklyn liquor importer historical examples personal conduct political surveillance civil liberties privacy violations government overreach ethical concerns transparency surveillance abuses surveillance intelligence agencies government abuse trust issues historical examples PRISM waterboarding personal conduct national security FBI J Edgar Hoover abuse of power intelligence agencies surveillance trust in government historical examples of abuse national security intelligence agency abuses PRISM program waterboarding trust issues surveillance abuses intelligence agency mistrust historical surveillance examples PRISM program abuse of power in intelligence cat photos incident Gage Beverly waterboarding trust in intelligence agencies 1950s FBI misconduct
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con05a	"Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. lifting ban U.S.relations Europe's interest selling arms China human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers BAE Systems embargo congress defense firms lifting ban U.S. relations European Union arms embargo China human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers BAE Systems defense firms Congressional restrictions lifting arms ban U.S.-China relations human rights in China Taiwan independence American intervention technology transfers European Union embargo BAE Systems lifting ban arms trade U.S. relations human rights Taiwan freedom American intervention technology transfers European defense firms embargo consequences lifting ban U.S.relations Europe's interest arms sales China human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers congress BAE Systems defence firms Arms embargo lifting ban U.S. China Europe arms embargo human rights Taiwan technology transfers BAE Systems intervention risk relations sales congress political implications damage security concerns market access international relations strategic alliance geostrategic interests lifting ban U.S. relations European arms sales human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers Congressional restrictions BAE Systems embargo enforcement lifting ban U.S.relations europe china arms trade human rights Taiwan intervention technology transfers BAE Systems congress fear embargo lifting ban U.S. relations European Union arms sales China human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers BAE Systems embargo Congress lifting arms ban U.S.-China relations Europe's interest human rights in China Taiwan issue American intervention technology transfers BAE Systems arms embargo consequences political commitments"
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro03a	"Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” gender quotas corporate performance national productivity executive positions women education career development management ranks boardroom positions skill development positive discrimination talent pool economic contribution leadership roles female representation traditional sectors career paths gender equality workforce diversity educational quotas professional advancement career encouragement women's leadership workforce participation economic impact organizational change women empowerment skill enhancement leadership interest female empowerment workforce mobility career progression gender disparities economic growth workplace diversity career incentives gender quotas women education executive positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks positive discrimination talent pool economy leadership development women in business gender equality career advancement boardroom positions women's leadership career paths McKinsey report women in STEM women in finance women in technology women in law women in healthcare female executives women's empowerment gender quotas workforce diversity corporate performance national productivity executive positions educational incentives skill development management ranks talent pool economic contribution leadership roles career development female representation traditionally male-dominated sectors workplace discrimination McKinsey report gender equality women's advancement professional career paths gender quotas corporate performance national productivity executive positions educational background skilled women management ranks boardroom positions positive discrimination talent pool economy leadership development career paths traditionally male-dominated sectors women's interest economic growth workforce diversity women in leadership gender equality career advancement professional development skill acquisition gender quotas corporate performance national productivity executive positions workforce diversity educational attainment skill development leadership roles economic contribution professional development career advancement talent pool boardroom positions positive discrimination women in leadership entry level middle management economic impact gender equality occupational segregation gender quotas workforce diversity corporate performance national productivity executive positions women in management boardroom positions skill development positive discrimination talent pipeline economic contribution leadership development career advancement women in leadership female executives gender equality career progression workforce incentives McKinsey report gendered industries gender quotas corporate performance national productivity executive positions educational incentives skill development boardroom accessibility talent pool economic contribution leadership development career progression workforce diversity McKinsey report women's leadership male-dominated sectors career paths short-term benefits long-term impact gender quotas educational attainment professional job positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks positive discrimination boardroom positions talent pool economy McKinsey report leadership roles women's interest career development traditionally male-dominated sectors gender quotas corporate performance national productivity executive positions positive discrimination workforce diversity women's leadership talent pool economic growth management ranks educational attainment skill development career advancement leadership roles gender equality workforce participation economic empowerment career development professional opportunities boardroom positions women in business McKinsey report leadership interest male-dominated sectors gender quotas workforce diversity corporate performance national productivity executive positions management ranks skilled women positive discrimination professional career development talent pool economic contribution leadership roles women in business career advancement boardroom positions entry level middle management male-dominated sectors career paths gender equality workforce inclusion skill development economic impact"
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro04a	Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 political parties divided government compromise bipartisan consensus American achievements partisan politics two-term presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton voter preferences mature cooperation Effect structure political parties divided government compromise bipartisan consensus electoral outcomes American achievements policy consequences polarization mature co-operation voters opposition party re-election aspirations presidential governance congress cooperation majority rule minority influence election strategies presidents Reagan Clinton policy making electoral success middle ground coalition building voter preferences political science american politics government effectiveness public opinion party dynamics legislative process american history political behavior power distribution electoral systems political consensus governing effectiveness bipartisan cooperation presidential re-election mature politics political compromise election strategy political polarization public opinion policy outcomes U.S. political history divided government benefits congressional cooperation political success fiscal responsibility Voter preferences political ideology power sharing electoral strategy legislative efficiency search utility expansion phrases main political parties divided government compromise bipartisan consensus American achievements partisan considerations two-term presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton opposition party mature cooperation voter preferences re-election hopes policy compromise political dynamics congressional control electoral strategy legislative cooperation governance effectiveness ideological polarization government effectiveness voter behavior policy outcomes Effect structure political parties divided government compromise bipartisan consensus American achievements partisan considerations two-term Presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton opposition party mature cooperation voter preferences search performance expansion phrases political parties divided government compromise bipartisan consensus American achievements partisan considerations two-term presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton opposition party mature cooperation voter preferences re-election hopes structure political parties divided government compromise bipartisan consensus American achievements partisan considerations two-term Presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton opposition party mature cooperation voter preferences re-election policy consequences partisan polarization political parties effect of divided government bipartisan consensus election outcomes policy consequences partisan polarization Presidents Reagan and Clinton mature cooperation voter preferences bipartisanship in governance search optimization keyword expansion political parties divided government bipartisanship American politics governance voter preference historical analysis policy making electoral success voter behavior bipartisan consensus political science legislative process voter aspirations search outcomes beneficial expansion terms effect on political structure divided government compromise bipartisan consensus American achievements political parties partisan considerations two-term Presidents congressional control voter preferences mature cooperation policy consequences polarization Presidential re-election cooperative governance political science electoral strategy political history divided government benefits
test-international-siacphbnt-con02a	The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. technological revolution Africa expectations phone quality internet connectivity BBC World Service 2013 technological revolution Africa mobile phone quality internet connectivity population access China imports quality testing geographical location economic constraints better connectivity high-speed internet policy implications infrastructure development local production sustainability issues priority areas debate analysis expectations vs reality technological revolution Africa mobile phone quality internet connectivity China imports technology access market approval better connectivity geographical locations affordability technological revolution africa mobile phone quality internet connectivity issues China imported technology technology accessibility quality testing imports local product testing internet speed limitations affordability of technology geographical connectivity differences BBC World Service technological revolution Africa Mobile phone quality internet connectivity quality testing imported technology China geographical location economic constraints broadband accessibility BBC World Service technological revolution Africa expectations realities technology access phone quality internet connectivity China imports market approval quality testing BBC World Service technological revolution Africa mobile phone quality internet connectivity China imports market devices quality testing geographical location population access better connectivity high-speed internet economic constraints readings BBC World Service technological revolution Africa mobile phone quality internet connectivity China imports quality testing geographical locations economic constraints technological accessibility market devices high-speed internet better connectivity BBC World Service 2013_readings technological revolution Africa mobile phone quality internet connectivity China imports quality testing geographical location economic constraints technological access high-speed internet better connectivity readings BBC World Service technological revolution Africa expectations technology quality internet connectivity quality testing geographical locations high-speed internet imported technology local production China market devices better connectivity affordable prices BBC World Service 2013 readings
test-politics-glghssi-con01a	Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. UK international influence UN Security Council Scottish independence EU membership international institutions UK global role Scotland's future EU fisheries policy Edinburgh business base international clout UK international influence UN Security Council membership Scottish independence impact European Union influence Scottish fisheries policy company base relocation Edinburgh economic advantages UK global standing Scottish independence UK international influence UN Security Council EU membership Scotland's role UK political impact international institutions economic benefits Scottish fisheries constitution unit Scottish independence international influence UN Security Council European Union global politics UK clout Scotland's role international institutions UK benefits Scottish interests fisheries policy company bases constitutional implications geopolitical strategy UK international influence UN Security Council Scottish independence European Union clout global political impact international institutions UN fisheries policy company bases Edinburgh advantage search optimization keyword expansion international clout UK influence global scene international institutions UN Security Council Scottish independence European bodies fisheries policy company base location Edinburgh advantage UK global influence international institutions UN Security Council Scottish independence economic base fishing policy country clout international relations big player Tavistock House UK international influence Scotland independence UN Security Council European Union clout Scottish fisheries policy business base Edinburgh international institutionsimpact UK international influence UN Security Council Scottish independence economic impact global politics fishing regulations company relocation business strategy international institutions European Union Scotland's role UK international influence UN Security Council Scottish independence European Union clout fisheries policy company relocation strategic location Edinburgh
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro03a	Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, abortion alternatives adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester foetus guilt psychological harm Bupa stages of pregnancy abortion_alternatives adoption_benefits unwanted_pregnancy late_term_abortion_guilt fetal_development_third_trimester psychological_impacts_abortion_adoption abortionalternatives adoptionbenefits unwantedpregnancyrisks latetermabortionimpact fetaldevelopmentthirdtrimester guiltabortion maternalhealthadoption terminationoptions unplannedpregnancychoices birthoptioncomparison abortion alternatives adoption benefits unwanted pregnancy risks late term abortion impact psychological effects of abortion pregnancy stages adoption versus abortion moral arguments against abortion fetal development third trimester adoption after third trimester Abortion alternatives adoption unwanted pregnancy psychological harm late stage abortion guilt foetus pregnancy stages abortion alternatives adoption benefits unwanted pregnancy risks late term abortion consequences fetal development third trimester psychological impact adoption maternal guilt abortion abortion alternatives adoption unwanted pregnancy moral arguments late stage abortion guilt foetus psychological harm abortion_alternatives adoption_benefits unwanted_pregnancy_impact late_term_abortion_guilt pregnancy_stages adoption_vs_abortion ethical_arguments_adoption abortion_alternatives adoption_benefits unwanted_pregnancy_impact late_term_abortion_guilt fetal_development_stages adoption_vs_abortion pregnancy_stages_expansion ethical_adoption_arguments moral_obligation_adoption abortion alternatives adoption benefits unwanted pregnancy fetal development late term abortion psychological impact mother's rights ethical considerations
test-international-ghbunhf-pro03a	UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN efficiency bureaucratic inefficiency General Assembly criticism Security Council veto power permanent member dominance UN reform suggestions global governance critiques international organization effectiveness diplomatic failures multilateralism limitations UN efficiency bureaucratic inefficiency General Assembly criticism Security Council power dynamics veto power misuse global governance flaws United Nations reform permanent members influence international organization effectiveness UN decision-making processes world leader interactions diplomatic failures UN structures critique UN reform bureaucracy council efficiency veto power Security Council power imbalance General Assembly world leadership ineffective governance international organizations bureaucratic inefficiency political influence voting rights permanent members global policy decision-making process United Nations structure UN efficiency bureaucratic inefficiency General Assembly functionality Security Council structure veto power abuse global governance reforms United Nations reform international bureaucracy world leader interactions diplomatic inefficiency UN decision processes Security Council dynamics permanent member influence UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucratic traits General Assembly Security Council permanent members veto power global policy international diplomacy UN reform bureaucracy inefficient decision-making veto power Security Council power imbalance permanent members General Assembly functioning criticism world bodies bureaucratic inefficiency veto usage world leader interaction ambassador roles Global Policy Forum UN structures critical analysis UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucratic traits General Assembly Security Council veto power permanent members global policy论坛 lambasting inaction world leaders ambassadors global governance United Nations history Security Council reform UN structure criticism power imbalance international cooperation veto usage global policy analysis UN efficiency bureaucratic inefficiency General Assembly criticism Security Council criticism veto power abuse permanent membership critique global policy reform UN procedural reforms international diplomacy challenges UN efficiency bureaucratic inefficiency General Assembly criticism Security Council veto permanent members UN reform world leadership debate global governance international organization effectiveness policy analysis diplomatic failures veto misuse global conflict resolution United Nations history organizational structure critique decision-making flaws UN reform inefficiency in UN bureaucratic inefficiency Security Council veto permanent members power UN General Assembly limitations world leader conflicts global policy论坛 UN decision-making criticism UN structure flaws
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro02a	Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business travel summits harassment vexatious claims democratic mandate regime change ICC international criminal court head_of_state_immunity international_law diplomacy ICC regime_change democratic_mandate vexatious_claims foreign_courts sitting_heads_of_state diplomatic_functioning immunity_precedent immunity diplomacy ICC sitting heads of state regime change democratic mandate vexatious claims foreign courts diplomatic immunity international law head of state functions diplomatic immunity exceptions head of state immunity diplomatic immunity foreign courts ICC international criminal court regime change democratic mandate vexatious claims diplomatic functions immunity in foreign courts heads of state travel diplomatic immunity protection international law sovereignty concerns head of state privileges legal precedents judicial activism human rights violations state functions international relations global governance legal immunity political immunity international justice legal protections state sovereignty diplomatic immunity rules international law principles head of state travel restrictions international tribunal legal jurisdiction state immunity diplomatic protection international legal framework head of state immunity exceptions international immunity diplomacy foreign courts heads of state ICC regime change democratic mandate vexatious claims immunity heads of state diplomatic immunity foreign courts international law ICC regime change democratic mandate vexatious claims diplomacy legal precedents sovereignty international relations immunity diplomatic functions international law ICC heads of state regime change democratic mandate vexatious claims foreign courts diplomacy legal precedent head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business summits harassment vexatious claims regime change ICC democratic mandate head of state immunity diplomatic immunity international law ICC sitting heads of state regime change foreign courts democracy legal precedent diplomatic functions state visits legal protection human rights sovereignty international criminal court legal immunity state leaders international relations judicial interference head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business summits harassment vexatious claims democratic mandate ICC regime change
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook social media learning distractions education students impact studies grades scholarships community college psychological effects social networking academic performance future prospects Facebook student learning social media distraction educational progress constant notifications academic performance scholarship impact community college study habits psychological effects digital distractions social networking educational outcomes technology influence academic success future prospects social media impact cognitive function concentration multitasking internet addiction educational technology digital divide social media distractions academic performance attention span digital divide online behavior study habits cognitive impact internet addiction educational outcomes technology influence peer interaction psychological effects time management educational psychology online learning digital literacy youth culture cyberbullying screen time media consumption digital natives educational technology social isolation mental health information overload digital detox online distractions virtual communities educational inequality Facebook distraction social media impact learning environment student concentration educational performance social networking effects academic success digital distraction study habits online behavior technology and education social media and learning educational distractions social media influence attention span digital divide academic achievements social media addiction technology impact on education social media and mental health screen time and learning digital literacy internet addiction educational technology social media and cognitive function Facebook social media learning distractions student education educational progress social networks academic performance scholarship community college future prospects socializing psychological impact studies research impact analysis digital divide attention span study habits Facebook impact on learning social media distraction student grades social networking effects education vs socializing academic performance scholarship impact community college study concentration digital distractions online behavior educational progress social media habits technology and learning student success internet addiction attention span educational technology digital divide screen time cognitive function mental health internet safety digital literacy social media policy online privacy cyberbullying social isolation online harassment information overload media consumption digital detox online reputation social media management educational resources online education remote learning virtual classrooms digital citizenship social media impact student distractions educational progress social networking effects learning impairment academic performance scholarship impact community college future prospects digital distraction study interruptions psychological association studies Facebook distraction learning students social media education impact grades scholarships community college future prospects social networking studies psychology academic performance time management digital divide attention span cyberbullying screen time cognitive function Facebook student distraction social media impact learning educational progress digital distraction social networking academic performance scholarship impact community college future prospects social media studies psychological effects digital divide student socializing technology in education educational technology internet addiction cognitive distraction social media habits online behavior attention span study environment virtual interactions real-life consequences technological influences media consumption information overload social media distractions educational progress student performance academic achievement digital divide technology and education online behavior study habits scholarship eligibility community college future prospects social networking impact psychological effects learning environment internet addiction attention span educational technology digital literacy screen time cognitive function mental health digital natives generational differences educational psychology internet safety cyberbullying information overload
test-international-gsciidffe-pro04a	It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, legitimate freedom circumventing censorship advancing democracy online activism surveillance tools free speech enforcement Internet freedom anonymity software promoting human rights foreign policy interventions censorship freedom of expression enabler circumventing censorship cost effective promoting freedom state intervention human rights activism technology online communication anonymity saving lives foreign policy digital rights propaganda surveillance democracy promotion freedom circumventing censorship enabling rights cost effective promoting expression Britain's Foreign Office online communication anonymity survival activists legitimate freedom enabling rights circumventing censorship publicising activism organising protests anonymous communication saving lives freedom of expression promoting democracy internet freedom digital activism foreign policy soft power information warfare global surveillance online censorship activist technology free speech media manipulation dictatorship resistance human rights advocacy Internet governance cybersecurity privacy protection global internet regulation Internet freedom advocacy online dissidence oppression mitigation Internet neutrality netizens online anonymity tools counter-censorship technology promoting human rights free society online freedom legitimate freedom enabling freedom circumventing censorship cost effective promoting freedom country rights international intervention right to expression online activism Foreign Office Britain software for anonymity survivor benefits activist safety online communication anonymity publicising and organising recommending expansion phrases query analysis enhancing search performance promoting freedom circumventing censorship enabling rights cost effectiveness state intervention foreign office digital activism online communication anonymous software promoting expression human rights information dissemination search accuracy keyword expansion enrichment query improvement freedom of expression circumventing censorship promoting democracy enabling rights cost effectiveness government intervention human rights online activism anonymous communication digital tools state action foreign policy information control activist support technological solutions political repression international relations digital freedom propaganda surveillance internet censorship diplomatic efforts human rights advocacy legitimate freedom enabling freedom circumventing censorship cost effective promoting freedom right to freedom of expression activists survival software anonymous communication platform for activism Britain's Foreign Office Foreign Office £1.5million promotion keeping activists safe promoting expression online legitimate freedom enabling freedom circumventing censorship cost effective promoting freedom censorship benefits foreign office online activism freedom of expression activist support anonymous communication social media activism internet freedom british foreign policy search outcomes expansion terms freedom circumventing censorship promoting freedom enabling rights cost effective state intervention foreign policy digital activism online communication anonymity human rights diplomatic strategies technology for freedom international relations digital diplomacy information control activist support internet freedom surveillance avoidance public expression global politics
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro01a	South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea economic superiority North Korea military capability Cold War aftermath Korean Peninsula security neighboring powers intervention unilateral response deterrence strategy military balance analysis international strategic studies regional conflict resolution economic disparity north south relations South_Korea_economy South_Korea_military International_Institute_for_Strategic_Studies Korean_Peninsula_conflict Cold_War unilateral_action deterrence diplomatic_negotiations North_Korea_threats regional_security global_interest South Korea capability economic disparity North Korea military International Institute for Strategic Studies Cold War endorsement for self-reliance multilateral process deterrence security concerns Korean Peninsula conflict regional powers invasion response negotiation strategy South Korea capability military superiority economic disparity Korean conflict single-handed response north korea single-handed security deterrence International Institute for Strategic Studies Cold War legacy unilateral action multilateral process South Korea economic superiority military capability deterrence negotiations Korean conflict Cold War frozen conflict international interest neighboring powers regional stability military balance Korean peninsula South Korea capability economic disparity Korean Peninsula single-handed response military superiority deterrence negotiation role neighboring powers Cold War aftermath conflict resolution security management International Institute for Strategic Studies South Korea North Korea Cold War economic disparity military capability negotiation multilateral process frozen conflict regional stability self-deterrence international interest South Korea economic superiority North Korea military inferiority Cold War legacy Korean Peninsula security unilateral action multilateral process deterrence capability international interest frozen conflict Korea Times International Institute for Strategic Studies South Korea capability military superiority North Korea economy deterrence negotiations Cold War International Institute for Strategic Studies Korean Peninsula conflict economic disparity security issues international interest frozen conflict response South Korea capability military superiority economic disparity North Korea single-handed response Cold War endorsement international interest Korean conflict neighboring powers security deterrence international institute for strategic studies
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con03a	People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. censorship government control internet freedom public opinion media control political satire China surveillance propaganda civil liberties democratic values censorship internet freedom Chinese government public opinion political satire media control government suspicion information hiding public outrage internet censorship freedom of speech government behavior digital rights propaganda democracy authoritarianism internet restrictions citizen awareness state control surveillance digital divide human rights media bias censorship internet freedom government control public opinion information suppression political satire media restrictions civil liberties propaganda democratic values free speech authoritarianism surveillance democracy human rights propaganda internet governance digital rights state censorship media manipulation government transparency censorship effects internet freedom public opinion government control information suppression media manipulation political satire public distrust authoritarianism media censorship China censorship free speech limitations government surveillance digital rights information accessibility propaganda democratic ideals internet restrictions civil liberties media influence internet regulations state control citizen awareness media transparency political repression digital divide internet freedom benefits government transparency censorship internet freedom government control public opinion information suppression media restrictions political satire public outrage China democracy surveillance propaganda freedom of speech censorship effects internet freedom government control public opinion information suppression political satire media restrictions public distrust freedom of speech authoritarianism censorship internet freedom government control public opinion information hiding political satire media control public distrust China censorship free speech surveillance propaganda censorship government control internet freedom public opinion political satire misinformation public distrust authoritarianism information suppression media control Internet censorship government surveillance public outrage political satire media control citizen dissatisfaction information hiding democratic rights free speech authoritarianism Internet censorship suspicious behavior dictatorial behavior popular discontent political satire cost of suspicion malevolent use censorship and public interest censorship and information control public reaction to censorship china internet censorship individual choice vs government control
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro03a	Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. sports shooting desensitization firearm lethality gun culture economic compensation gun control public safety minority interests societal impact sports shooting desensitization firearm lethality gun culture economic compensation minority interest public safety gun control societal impact sports participation cultural normalization risk perception legal implications public opinion recreational activities mental health violence prevention legislation effects social norms sports shooting societal impact gun control lethal weapons culture formation gun ownership minority interests economic compensation social justice firearm regulations public safety legislationimpact sports shooting ethics firearm desensitization gun culture promotion minority rights vs public safety compensation for gun owners ban on firearms justification economic impact of gun bans sports shooting desensitization firearm lethality gun culture economic compensation gun control public interest minority influence sports shooting desensitizes lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorises legitimises unnecessary gun ownership minority societal interests gun control compensation economic loss ban implementation sports shooting desensitization firearm lethality gun culture economic compensation public safety gun control minority interests societal impact recreational shooting violence normalization sports shooting desensitization firearm lethality gun culture economic compensation minority interests public safety societal interests gun control recreational shooting psychological impact public opinion gun rights legislation impact sports shooting desensitization firearm lethality gun culture economic compensation gun control public safety minority interests societal impact sports violence sports shooting desensitization firearm culture gun control economic compensation public safety minority interests societal impact sports violence cultural normalization firearm regulation public health mental health risk assessment policy recommendation community engagement ethical considerations legal implications
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro01a	This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. blasphemy art free speech censorship media controversy religious offense viewership statistics warning notices opera broadcasting lawrence oliver awards public choice adult rights blasphemous content art and offense free speech vs blasphemy viewer choice and responsibility censorship debates potential harm from art national broadcasting controversies opera censorship media freedom and limits potential feigned outrage adult choices with consequences drama and controversy broadcasting blasphemy and public reaction public broadcasting ethics operatic performances and broadcasting lawrence oliver awards blasphemy censorship free speech artistic expression public broadcasting viewer choice warning notices offensive content media discussion religious issues societal harm cultural controversy opera broadcasting media criticism viewer rights television ethics blasphemous content graphic language sexual references adult choices broadcasting controversies artistic expression warning signs media discussions offensive programming national broadcast Lawrence Olivier Awards public outrage religious sensitivities free society debates art vs offense viewership numbers television ethics cultural impact media responsibility artistic freedom offensive content analysis broadcasting regulations public reaction analysis search efficiency query expansion art criticism blasphemy free society choice consequences media discussion offensive content broadcast warnings public opinion cultural sensitivity artistic expression censorship viewer rights television broadcasting religious offenses public art broadcasting controversy media impact art controversy blasphemous graphic language sexual references free society informed choice artistic expression offensive content national broadcast cultural debate public reaction censorship religious issues artistic controversy art advertising description blasphemy language sexual references warnings media discussion choice free society consequences harm viewership Lawrence Olivier Awards broadcasting opera public opinion objection offense performance national broadcast artistic expression societal norms art advertisement description blasphemy objection graphic language sexual references warnings free society consequences choice harm adult rights informed consent broadcasting opera Lawrence Olivier Awards national broadcast viewership controversy media discussion offending content artistic expression cultural impact societal norms blasphemy artistic expression freedom of speech warning notices offensive content societal norms television broadcasting public reaction art criticism media discussion religious offense choice rights consequence acceptance opera broadcasting cultural controversy viewer choice artistic controversy media ethics public outrage blasphemy free society choice consequences art offensive content warnings media discussion Lawrence Olivier Awards broadcasting public opinion artistic expression religious issues television ratings viewer choice artistic controversy
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro03a	The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. visual art media comparison visceral impact public spaces controversial art emotional response cultural impact public confrontation taboo subjects art therapy sensory experience lasting memory public discourse art in society visual communication psychological impact visual art visceral impact public art discomfort in art controversy in art taboos in art public spaces for art emotional response to art unforgettable art visual media comparison art in public art as challenge art and consent art and trauma art and public reaction visual art media comparison visceral impact public space art controversy taboos consent subconscious influence memory retention public sculpture gallery art urban art museum exhibits street art visual culture psychological impact artistic expression social commentary public opinion art therapy visual communication art psychology art history visual symbolism emotional response art and society art and trauma art and memory art and culture art and politics visual impact visceral reaction public art emotional response confrontation art subconscious influence lasting impression artistic expression controversy art taboos in art public space art visual communication art therapy sensory experience gallery culture street art museum art emotional intelligence art psychology social commentary art impact cultural impact visual impact visceral reaction public art discomfort consent controversy taboos public spaces memory trauma perception media comparison discussion dynamics visual impact art expression visceral response public art taboo subjects controversial art confrontational art memory impact power of image public space art visual art media comparison visceral impact public space art consent in art confronting art lasting impression taboo subjects public reaction visual power controversy in art public art impact visual art psychology art in public spaces art expression art impact analysis visual impact visceral reaction public art confrontation art subconscious influence enduring memory discomfort in art controversy in art taboo subjects public space art immediate impact forgetting curve artistic expression media comparison emotional response public art debate art in society visual culture public sphere art art psychology art reception visual communication art impact analysis visual impact art expression media comparison public art controversial art taboo subjects consent in art power of images museum art square art park art traumatic art public space art visual impact public art visceral reaction discomfort art conversation dynamics taboo subjects public spaces artistic power memory retention visual media controversy reception public confrontation art in society expressive art forms psychological impact art
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro02a	Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 handguns dangerous compared other weapons worse concealable portable shotguns rifles long distance avoid police criminals gang members drug dealers accidental injuries recklessness citizens freely available harm availability handguns criminal use concealability portability risk accidental injuries citizen safety weapon comparison gun control gang activities drug trade public safety handguns weapons comparison concealable weapons portability shotguns rifles distance identification police detection criminal use gang activities drug dealing accidental injuries citizen harm weapon availability handgun dangers concealable weapons portability in crime shotgun identification rifle identification avoidance tactics police detection criminal weapon choice handgun accessibility accidental injuries from guns citizen safety handgun prevalence in crime search efficiency expand query handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identification authorities confrontation range criminals gang members drug dealers availability harm citizens accidents recklessness search optimization keyword generation query refinement concealed weapons portable firearms crime prevention accidental injuries law enforcement handgun statistics weapon availability public safety criminal behavior weapon selection crime rates firearm regulation accidental shootings concealed carry police encounters client interactions gang activities weapon effectiveness firearm accessibility criminal use of weapons weapon design weapon functionality weapon concealment weapon portability weapon range weapon comparison weapon types weapon characteristics weapon lethality weapon history weapon psychology weapon sociology weapon economics weapon policy weapon impact weapon ethics search accuracy query expansion handguns danger comparison weapons concealability portability shotguns rifles identification authorities confrontation criminal actors gang members drug dealers availability harm accidents recklessness search efficacy expansion keywords handguns weapon comparison concealability portability shotguns rifles identification law enforcement criminal activities gang members drug dealers accidental injuries citizen harm weapon availability search optimization keyword expansion handgun safety weapon comparison criminal use gang activities drug dealing police avoidance accidental injuries weapon availability citizen harm firearm statistics concealable weapons weapon portability ranged weapons dangerous weapons criminal tools public safety weapon regulation handguns citizen safety criminals availability accidental injuries concealable portable ranged weapons gun control policy public health crime prevention legal restrictions law enforcement violence accidents protection security law enforcement crime prevention public safety gun control gun legislation gun ownership weapon types concealability transportability range criminal activities gang members drug dealers unassuming search police avoidance confrontation runaway weapon choice accidental injuries
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con02a	Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 information asymmetry national security military developments China United States transparency competitive intelligence decision-making advantage secrecy international competition information asymmetry international competition national security secrets military developments authoritative information China's military United States-China relations analysts decision-making process transparency issues information asymmetry international competition national security secrets military developments authoritative information analytical advantage [1] National Security Forum [2] Pentagon report information asymmetry international competition national security secrets decision-making competitive advantage military developments authoritative information analytical advantage China United States [1] [2] information asymmetry national security competition transparency military developments intelligence decision-making United States China information asymmetry national security competition decision-making transparency military developments intelligence confidentiality strategic advantage international relations information asymmetry national security secrets competitive intelligence military developments transparency issues decision-making advantages United States China authoritative information information asymmetry international competition national security secrets decision-making competitive advantage military developments transparency analytical advantage power dynamics geopolitical strategy information asymmetry international competition national security competitor intelligence military secrets authoritative information decision-making advantages United States China information asymmetry national security competition decision-making transparency military developments United States China
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro02a	performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ child performers exploitation agents parents decision-making underage athletes celebrity children legal rights minors sports endorsements entertainment industry legal cases financial management child labor laws child performers exploitation parents agents financial benefits decision-making lawsuits Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin child exploitation sports performance decision-making rights agent ethics parental responsibility minor earnings celebrity childhood legal rights of minors child star controversies child performers exploitation risks parental decisions agent conflicts famous child stars lawsuit outcomes financial management child rights decision-making roles sports performance legal protections minor contracts child performers exploitation decision-making agents parents financial benefits lawsuits Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin child performers exploitation risks parental decision-making agent benefits minors in sports celebrity child stars financial management legal cases child actor rights child performers exploitation parents decision-making agents financial benefits Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin lawsuits child performers exploitation risks decision-making agents parental exploitation famous child actors financial exploitation legal cases minors in sports youth in media child performers exploitation parental exploitation agent exploitation decision-making underage athletes celebrity childhood financial exploitation legal cases minors in entertainment Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin child performers exploitation agents parents decision-making financial benefits legal cases Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin
test-society-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labor-force participation gendered burdens feminist economics Sassen 2002 feminization of survival unrecognized work empowerment labor market participation gender inequalities double burden of work feminization of labor unpaid domestic work gender inequalities labour-force participation women's empowerment family care time poverty mental health social reproduction theory Sassen 2002 female breadwinners recognizing women's work double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labour-force participation women's burden time demands physical demands mental demands gender inequalities feminist theory Sassen 2002 feminised survival labour market recognition empowerment women's roles double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labor-force participation women's anxieties feminized survival unrecognized labor empowerment Sassen 2002 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labour-force participation women's burden time demands physical demands mental demands survival feminised Sassen labour market recognition empowerment double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labor-force participation gendered burdens time demands physical demands mental demands feminist economics Sassen 2002 feminization of survival unrecognized labor empowerment gender inequality double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation gendered burdens time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival recognised work labour market recognition empowering women Sassen 2002 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work labour-force participation women's role reproductive sphere family care time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner survival feminised Sassen labour market recognition empowerment gender inequalities double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work labor-force participation gender inequalities reproductive sphere women's roles time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminized survival unrecognized work empowerment Sassen 2002 double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work women's role reproductive sphere labor-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands gender empowerment Sassen feminized survival unrecognized labor labor market participation women's anxieties
test-international-gmehwasr-con05a	"Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 policy effectiveness arming rebels military strategy Syria conflict policy implementation weapons supply M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles international support policy decision making military balance policy effectiveness arming rebels Syria conflict military strategy M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles escalation risk Senator John McCain Syria war policy evaluation arms supply strategy rebel support military imbalance weapon escalation international intervention Syria conflict political consequences military effectiveness foreign aid considerations policy effectiveness arming rebels Syrian conflict M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles escalation risk decision making military imbalance support for rebels political implications policy effectiveness armed rebellion military intervention Syria conflict weapons supply military imbalance escalation risks political support military hardware decision making search performance relevant expansion phrases policy evaluation armed rebels Syria conflict military intervention M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles escalation risk search accuracy expansion terms policy effectiveness arming rebels Syrian conflict M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles escalation Senator John McCain Foreign Policy decision-making search efficacy expansion keywords policy implementation arming rebels Syrian conflict M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles escalation decision making Syria Iran Russia military support effectiveness assessment policy effectiveness armed rebels military intervention escalation risks Syria conflict weapon supply M1 Abrams anti-aircraft missiles Senator John McCain military strategy analysis search outcomes beneficial expansion terms policy implementation arming rebels Syria conflict M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles Senator John McCain decision making escalations military strategy"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro01a	Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. privacy net neutrality internet regulation isp data privacy privacy rights data treatment internet principles privacy concerns isp role bandwidth provision privacy implications data classification privacy enforcement privacy arguments internet freedom privacy legislation privacy internet net neutrality dutch example KPN labour MP Martijn van Dam ISP privacy principles Internet privacy bandwidth Skype BitTorrent privacy rights privacy net neutrality ISP data privacy internet regulation bandwidth privacy rights privacy principles data treatment internet neutrality privacy argument ISP responsibilities data handling privacy concerns internet privacy data protection privacy implications privacy impact internet freedom privacy violation privacy internet net neutrality data privacy isp rights privacy concerns internet privacy data protection privacy argument internet principles privacy rights data treatment privacy impact net neutrality definition privacy examples privacy issues privacy enforcement privacy legislation privacy rights online privacy rights vs ISPs privacy and technology privacy policy privacy regulations privacy laws privacy standards privacy ethics privacy violation privacy breach privacy protection privacy invasion privacy safeguards privacy threats privacy measures privacy guidelines privacy compliance privacy guidelines internet privacy rights debate privacy principles privacy regulations internet privacy standards internet privacy ethics privacy net neutrality ISP data privacy internet principles privacy rights internet regulation data treatment privacy argument data monitoring net neutrality debate privacy concerns ISP role bandwidth provision privacy implications data usage privacy protection privacy legislation privacy net neutrality internet privacy isp transparency data treatment privacy rights bandwidth provision privacy principles internet principles privacy concerns net neutrality arguments privacy protection data handling internet regulations privacy implications privacy in ISP data privacy privacy and internet privacy policy privacy standards privacy legislation privacy examples privacy impact privacy considerations privacy impacts privacy measures privacy laws privacy enforcement privacy impact analysis privacy rights protection privacy data management privacy in technology privacy issues privacy challenges privacy solutions privacy protection measures privacy guidelines privacy best practices privacy standards implementation privacy policy privacy net neutrality ISP data privacy internet principles privacy rights data treatment internet infrastructure data censorship privacy infringement data handling internet regulations privacy implications internet freedom data surveillance ISP responsibilities internet policy data protection internet ethics privacy concerns internet usage data management internet standards privacy arguments privacy net neutrality internet privacy isp data treatment privacy rights data privacy net neutrality principles privacy concerns privacy argument data protection internet privacy rights privacy and internet isp privacy privacy in Netherlands data handling privacy in communications internet freedom digital privacy privacy and technology privacy policy privacy rights protection privacy and internet usage privacy and isp privacy law privacy in data privacy and bandwidth privacy and services privacy and technology use privacy and online activities privacy and data management privacy and information privacy and internet regulation privacy and data handling privacy and data security privacy net neutrality ISP data privacy internet regulation bandwidth privacy rights data treatment digital privacy privacy principles internet principles net neutrality debate privacy arguments ISP responsibility privacy in communication privacy implications privacy and technology privacy laws internet freedom data protection privacy policy internet access privacy concerns privacy impact privacy enforcement privacy legislation privacy internet net neutrality data protection ISP rights end user privacy principles bandwidth Internet regulation postal worker analogy BitTorrent Skype
test-international-gsciidffe-pro03a	It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, domestic legitimacy international legitimacy state foreign policy circumventing censorship government support popular support human rights democracy promotion democracies top priority opinion polls Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy policy support democracy promotion human rights censorship people support government legitimacy foreign policy domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy circumventing censorship government support popular support democracy promotion human rights democracies opinion polls public support legitimacy derivation opinion surveys domestic legitimacy policy legitimacy democratic support circumventing censorship foreign policy human rights democracy promotion international legitimacy government legitimacy popular support national opinion domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy circumventing censorship government support popular support human rights democracy promotion democracies opinion polls domestic legitimacy foreign policy circumventing censorship government support people support democratic support promoting human rights spreading democracy opinion polls national opinion domestic legitimacy foreign policy support of people government legitimacy circumventing censorship human rights democracy promotion international legitimacy democratic support domestic legitimacy policy support censorship foreign policy human rights democracy promotion government legitimacy popular support democracy domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy circumventing censorship government support policy legitimacy democratic support human rights democracy promotion opinion polls public opinion domestic legitimacy foreign policy government support people support legitimacy derivation democratic support human rights spreading democracy censorship circumvention opinion polls foreign policy priorities
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, copyright infringement enforcement cost analysis public domain internet piracy creative commons licensing deterrent effect bootlegging peer-to-peer networks intellectual property piracy trends legal enforcement artistic compliance consumer rights copyright infringement costs of monitoring copyright state enforcement public domain internet piracy creative commons licensing effectiveness of copyright law deterrence of copyright piracy unenforceability of copyright laws peer to peer networks bootlegging artist exposure copyright pressures copyright infringement costs of monitoring benefits of monitoring deterrent effect internet piracy creative commons public domain enforcement of copyright laws peer to peer networks bootlegging compliance with licensing social implications of copyright public exposure copyright monitoring costs of copyright enforcement benefits of copyright enforcement deterrence of copyright piracy internet piracy trends effectiveness of copyright laws creative commons licensing public domain bootleg DVDs p2p networks copyright enforcement challenges copyright law adaptation artist exposure consumer benefits copyright monitoring costs outweigh benefits ineffective deterrence internet piracy creative commons public domain enforcement fraud/bootlegging peer-to-peer networks vocal crediting copyright monitoring costs outweigh benefits ineffective deterrent effect internet piracy books music films creative commons licensing scheme draconian legitimate claim artist compliance pubic exposure personal property public domain peer to peer networks drastic measures criminal justice system legal enforcement bootlegs China industries artistic freedom consumer rights intellectual property laws work protection artist credit public recognition piracy deterrents legal challenges world intellectual property organization emerging issues past present future monitoring copyright costs of copyright enforcement benefits of copyright enforcement ineffective copyright enforcement internet piracy creative commons licensing public domain deterrence of copyright infringement copyright laws enforcement peer to peer networks bootlegging China copyright issues artist rights consumer rights WIPO IPR enforcement Internet piracy trends monitoring copyright costs of copyright enforcement deterring copyright piracy internet piracy trends creative commons licensing effectiveness of copyright law piracy rates increase bootleg products peer to peer networks draconian copyright laws copyright law enforcement challenges of copyright infringement public domain ideas deterrence in copyright violations artist compliance consumer benefits from copyright copyright monitoring costs benefits internet piracy legal enforcement public domain creative commons deterrence effectiveness copyright laws enforcement copyright infringement peer to peer bootlegging China punishment artist exposure consumer rights copyright monitoring costs of copyright public domain internet piracy effectiveness of copyright enforcement creative commons licensing deterrence of copyright violations bootleg products peer to peer networks IP enforcement challenges artist rights and compensation consumer benefits of relaxed copyright
test-international-emephsate-con02a	Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, human rights kurdish minorities democracy European Union turkey autocracy police detention press freedom Reporters Without Borders Armenian genocide Turkey European Union human rights democracy Kurdish minority autocracy suppression media freedom Press Freedom Index Armenian genocide BDP party State Department Reporters Without Borders human rights Kurdish minority autocracy State Department press freedom European Union Turkey democracy suppression minorities linguistic rights cultural rights political rights press control Reporters Without Borders Armenian genocide EU standards human rights european union turkish democracy kurdish minority autocracy state department report press freedom media control genocides eu membership criteria Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union autocracy Kurds minorities State Department press freedom Human Rights Report Reporters without Borders American Genocide Recognition human rights violations Turkey European Union democracy autocracy Kurds membership press freedom censorship genocide recognition European standards Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union autocracy Kurds minorities press freedom Human Rights Report State Department arbitrary arrest denial of rights genocide EU membership press control Reporters Without Borders media freedom Armenian genocide European standards human rights Turkey democracy autocracy Kurds minorities State Department arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP police detention linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights press freedom media control Reporters Without Borders Turkey-EU membership Armenian genocide Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union autocracy Kurds minorities police arbitrary arrest State Department press freedom Reporters Without Borders Armenian genocide Greece media control linguistic rights cultural rights European standards human rights Turkey democracy Autocracy Kurds minorities police detention press freedom State Department denial of genocide Human Rights Report EU membership
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. foreign policy Commission Council EU High Representative inefficiency complexity expense rivalry duplication external affairs member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign policy EU foreign policy Commission Council high representative efficiency complexity expense rivalry duplication common foreign policy member states external affairs Brusselsagenda foreign policy EU Commission Council High Representative efficiency complexity expense rivalry duplication resources external affairs common foreign policy member states agenda foreign policy dictatorship foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels foreign policyagenda foreign policy centers Commission Council 单一办公室 复杂性 成本 欧盟高级代表 外部事务 成员国同意 外交政策 布鲁塞尔 成员国限制 search performance relevant expansion phrases foreign policy centers Commission Council inefficiency complexity expense EU High Representative position external affairs rivalry duplication staff resources single person common foreign policy member states agreement foreign affairs role Commission Brussels agenda member states foreign policy foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication external affairs member states common foreign policy Brusselsagenda foreign policy centers Commission Council single office-holder complexity expense EU High Representative rivalry duplication external affairs member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign policy member states foreign policy EU High Representative inefficiency consolidation complexity expense rivalries duplication resources spokespersons common foreign policy member states Brussels foreign policy centers Council Commission EU High Representative rivalry duplication common foreign policy member states Brussels
test-international-atiahblit-pro04a	Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries financial concerns teacher motivation occupational morale pension schemes South African teachers average salaries GEPF aging population teacher investment formal employment public organizations social security social policy teacher wages teacher satisfaction pension schemes occupational motivation teacher salaries formal professions financial security teacher morale South African education GEPF social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries teacher finance inadequate pay teacher morale occupational motivation teacher pension schemes public organizations GEPF teacher retirement ageing population formal employment social welfare education funding teacher job security teacher compensation comparative wages economic conditions professional development teacher well-being Social Policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries financial concerns teacher morale occupational motivation pension schemes South African education GEPF teacher pensions ageing population formal employment public organizations teacher wages comparison teacher job security Social Policy teacher wages occupational motivation pension schemes secure salaries stable income teacher satisfaction finance concerns South Africa education GEPF pension security teacher morale formal employment public organizations elderly population social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries financial concerns occupational motivation teacher pension schemes formal professions South African salaries GEPF pension security ageing population Social Policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries teacher finance occupational motivation teacher pension schemes GEPF South Africa education teacher morale formal employment public organizations pension security ageing population social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries financial concerns teacher morale occupational motivation pension schemes teacher pensions formal employment GEPF South African education teacher compensation elderly population public sector pensions social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable salaries finance concerns teacher motivation occupational motivation low morale teacher pensions public organizations GEPF pension schemes teaching salary South Africa salaries pension importance aging population Social Policy teacher wages occupational motivation pension schemes teacher satisfaction formal professions comparison salary exploration South Africa education GEPF
test-international-ghbunhf-pro04a	Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. UN corruption Human Rights Council controversies UN Watch accusations US UN funding UNESCO funding issues Israel human rights Palestinian recognition UN bodies criticisms UN corruption Human Rights Council criticism NGO UN Watch Israel human rights UNESCO funding United Nations criticism palestine independent state voting controversies UN bodies accusations UN corruption Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch Israel human rights UN funding issues UNESCO controversy Palestine recognition UN body allegations UN corruption Human Rights Council controversies UN Watch accusations Israel UN criticism US UN funding UNESCO funding issues Palestine UN recognition UN corruption Human Rights Council UN Watch Israel human rights US UN funding UNESCO Palestine recognition UN bodies criticism UN corruption Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch Israel human rights UN funding issues UNESCO Palestine recognition UN corruption Human Rights Council UN Watch israel Palestine UNESCO funding disputes [1] [2] [3] UN corruption Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch Israel human rights UN body allegations US UN funding UNESCO funding controversy UN corruption Human Rights Council criticism NGO accusations UN Watch Israel human rights UN funding issues UNESCO controversy Palestine recognition UN bodies accountability UN corruption Human Rights Council NGO UN Watch israel Palestine UNESCO funding disputes criticism of UN bodies
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con04a	The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, feminism gender equality media representation extreme feminism societal support pornography bans feminist movement stereotypes public perception feminist_movement society_alienation popularity_of_feminism media_coverage_extreme_feminists pornography_ban feminism_and_gender_equality feminist_support fear_of_being_associated_with_hate_group feminist_myths feminist_movement society_support popularity_of_feminism media_coverage feminism_presentation gender_equality pornography_ban extreme_feminists social_rejection feminist_labeling feminist movement society media coverage gender equality pornography feminism popularity radicalization hate group support support for feminism extreme feminism social alienation myths about feminism media representation feminist ideologies gender equality advocacy power dynamics in feminism public perception of feminism feminist movement society media coverage gender equality pornography hate group extreme feminists support misrepresentation economic research council feminist movement society media coverage popularity gender equality extreme feminism pornography feminist ideologies radicalisation hate group feminist movement society media coverage popularity gender equality extreme feminism pornography public perception economic research council feminist movement society media coverage gender equality pornography feminism popularity extreme feminism radicalization hate group feminist movement society media coverage popularity gender equality pornography extreme feminism support hate group myths feminist movement society popularity media coverage gender equality pornography feminism radicalization isolation support extreme views hate groups
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro01a	The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. asylum system working-age males economic angle deportation issues missing asylum seekers global terrorism undocumented immigration asylum loophole state security refugee policies asylum seekers working-age males economic migration deportation issues asylum system flaws global terrorism undocumented immigration asylum statistics migration risks asylum system working-age males economic migration deportation challenges undocumented immigration global terrorism asylum seeker issues immigration loopholes state security risks refugee policies asylum system issues economic angle asylum deportation failures undocumented immigration risks global terrorism asylum asylum seeker disappearance asylum policy critique asylum system working-age males economic angle deportation undocumented immigration global terrorism asylum seekers risk loophole expenses asylum system working-age males economic angle deportation issues asylum seekers missing global terrorism undocumented immigration asylum policy migration risks asylum seekers working-age males economic migrants deportation issues global terrorism undocumented immigration asylum system criticism migration risks asylum statistics asylum system working-age males economic angle deportation issues asylum seekers missing global terrorism immigration risks undocumented individuals asylum system analysis migrant economics deportation issues terrorism risks unauthorized immigration country security refugee policies economic migration immigration loopholes global terrorism asylum seeker statistics illegal immigration costs asylum seeker statistics asylum system inefficiencies undocumented immigration risks global terrorism asylum asylum seeker deportations working-age male asylum seekers asylum system reform economic motivations for asylum asylum system loopholes immigration expenses asylum seeker tracking
test-economy-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? gender relations labor market informal economy Ghana job segregation occupational roles feminization de-masculinization workplace coping just work environment gender tensions occupational competition economic returns state interventions gender studies labor market dynamics gender relations labor market feminization informal economy occupational segregation workplace dynamics de-masculinization women in male jobs competitive environment economic impact gendered occupations work environment challenges state intervention gender studies labor market changes gender equality job displacement occupational tensions economic inequalities gender relations informal economy labor market masculinization feminization job roles workplace coping strategies gendered occupations economic informal sector gender inequality occupational segregation work environment challenges gender dynamics job competition state intervention gendered tensions occupational changes labor force expansion gendered job market gendered work environments gender studies labor economics gendered informal sector gendered retail trade gendered employment patterns gender relations labor market occupational segregation informal economy job competition return on investment state intervention workplace tensions economic informality gender roles reversal women empowerment masculinization feminization job satisfaction equal opportunities social justice gender dynamics economic gender gap occupational distribution gendered employment labor force participation gender inequality work-life balance gender studies economic sociology gendered professions gendered industries labor economics gender wage gap occupational segregation gender discrimination gender equity labor rights gender diversity workplace culture gendered labor market gendered employment patterns gendered search efficiency terms expand query feminisation labour de-masculinisation jobs women cope work environment methods just work environment maintained gender relations informal economy tensions retail trade Ghana overcrowded competition returns frustrations state women male jobs reactions gender relations informal economy feminisation of labour de-masculinisation work environment just work environment occupational segregation gendered jobs competitive pressures informal retail Ghana women in male jobs state response gender tensions occupational overlap economic returns job competition gendered occupations labour market dynamics gendered job entry gender inequality economic impact occupational segregation policies gender discrimination women's coping mechanisms gender studies labour force participation gender roles job displacement economic gender disparity search accuracy expansion terms enrich query gender roles labor market feminization de-masculinization job integration work environment gender relations informal economy Ghana retail trade occupational segregation competition returns state reactions women in male jobs job displacement gender tensions economic inequality occupational stress social coping mechanisms just work environment gender studies labor economics occupational sociology gender dynamics work-life balance employment trends gendered occupations labor force participation gendered job market gender equality workplace diversity gender pay gap gendered industries search efficacy expansion keywords query refinement gender relations labor market feminization de-masculinization job roles women in workforce coping mechanisms just work environment informal economy retail trade Ghana occupational tensions state interventions gender studies economic impacts job competition returns reduction social dynamics labor market analysis gendered occupations occupational segregation gender equity work environment challenges search optimization expansion terms enhance query labor feminization demasculinization jobs women cope work environment methods integration just work gender relations informal economy tensions occupations retail trade Ghana overcrowded competition returns frustrations state women male jobs reactions gender relations informal economy feminization of labor de-masculinization work environment just work environment gender tensions retail trade Ghana occupational segregation women in male jobs state reactions economic competition job overcrowding
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro03a	No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention educational environment drug testing accuracy secondary exposure student rights drug abuse prevention harm reduction educational institutions random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights student safety addiction prevention secondary exposure educational environment drug testing accuracy student well-being random drug tests student privacy drug abuse prevention secondary exposure addiction treatment educational environment legal drug use rights of non-users drug testing accuracy random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention secondary exposure student safety education policy random drug tests non-drug users privacy addiction education certification secondary exposure legal drugs student safety random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention education impact legal drug testing secondary exposure vindication student rights random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention educational environment secondary exposure testing accuracy random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention educational environment drug testing accuracy secondary exposure student safety legal drug use vindication character certification random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention secondary exposure educational environment random drug tests non-drug users privacy rights addiction prevention secondary exposure educational environment drug testing accuracy student safety legal drug use harm reduction adolescent health
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con04a	The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM privacy individual identification airport security visa issues no fly list human mobility surveillance cellphone towers meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM privacy concerns individual identification airport security visa issues no fly list human mobility surveillance privacy data analysis call records cell phone towers metadata intentional_harm data_mining NSA PRISM phone_calls cell_tower individual_identification airport_security visa nofly_list privacy security surveillance human_mobility 大数据 电话通话记录 移动基站 个人识别 机场安检 签证问题 黑名单 隐私权 数据挖掘 国家安全 监视系统 移动数据 信息安全 公民权利 数据泄露 技术监控 隐私边界 大规模数据分析 数据保护 电子监控 个人信息安全 信息追踪 数据采集 数据滥用 meta data privacy data mining NSA phone metadata analysis individual identification from call data PRISM program no fly list risk airport security screening privacy implications metadata unintended consequences data collection human mobility privacy large scale data analysis ethics metadata intentional_harm unintentional_harm data_mining NSA PRISM cell_phone_towers individual_identification airport_security visa privacy mobility_data no_fly_list meta data data mining NSA phone numbers data privacy surveillance PRISM no fly list airport security visa applications individual identification cell phone towers data analysis unintended consequences meta data unintended consequences data mining NSA PRISM privacy concerns surveillance cell phone towers data analysis individual identification travel restrictions civil liberties meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA Verizon PRISM individual identification cell phone towers privacy concerns airport security visa issues no fly lists meta data intentional harm data mining NSA verizon PRISM airport security visa no fly list human mobility privacy cell phone tower calls identification surveillance terrorism security study accuracy individuals intelligence gathering information technology legal concerns meta data data mining NSA PRISM privacy phone numbers data analysis individual identification airport security visa no fly list human mobility surveillance civil liberties unintended consequences big data
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con03a	"The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democracy internal desire legitimacy free elections citizen belief sustainable governance military dictatorship enforcement law obedience tax payment foreign imposition authoritarian regimes empirical study historical trends imposed democracy success rates democracy internal support foreign-imposed democracy democratic government sustainability free and fair elections citizen compliance authoritarian regimes empirical studies imposed democracy failure historical trends democracy promotion military dictatorships law enforcement electoral systems legitimacy of laws citizen obedience tax payment government order political stability democratic transition challenges sovereignty issues democracy internal desire sustainable government citizen belief free elections legitimacy foreign imposition authoritarian regimes historical trends empirical studies democratic failures democracy internal support democratic government sustainability free and fair elections citizen obedience foreign-imposed democracies authoritarian regimes historical trends imposed democracy democracy success factors democracy internal desire sustainable governance citizen belief law enforcement free elections legitimacy foreign-imposed authoritarian regimes empirical study democratic failure historical trends democracy internal desire sustainable government people's will legitimacy of laws free elections citizen obedience tax payment maintain order foreign-imposed democracies authoritarian regimes empirical study failed democracies historical trends promoting democracy imposing democracy democracy internal desire legitimacy elections citizen obedience law enforcement foreign imposition authoritarian regimes empirical studies historical trends successful democracy establishment democracy internal desire sustainable governance citizen compliance electoral systems foreign-imposed authoritarian regimes historical trends imposed democracy free and fair elections law enforcement legitimacy Enterline Greig Doyle democratic government democracy internal desire sustainable governance legitimacy elections citizen compliance foreign-imposed authoritarian regimes empirical evidence historical trends democratic failure promotion of democracy imposition of democracy Iraq Afghanistan democracy internal desire sustainable government free elections legitimacy citizen obedience law enforcement military dictatorships authoritarian regimes foreign intervention democratic failure historical trends imposed democracy"
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro02a	More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. gender quotas economic growth labor market gdp productivity labour force workforce diversity social justice qualitative women education executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices european union talent pool board representation economic returns gender equality prejudices public companies municipalities cooperative companies Norway education policy incentives economic support workforce expansion innovation economic injustice European Commission gender quotas economic growth labour productivity social justice workforce expansion qualitative women board representation higher education talent utilization cultural barriers societal practices european union norway gdp increase economic returns quota laws decision-making positions gender quotas economic growth labour productivity gender equality social injustice talent pool board representation higher education cultural beliefs productivity levels europe's gdp public companies municipal companies cooperative companies board diversity prejudices european union norway quotas workforce expansion innovation competitive advantage tax revenue qualitative women executive positions European Commission gender dynamics employment rates higher educational institutes workplace diversity economic returns social security payments decision-making roles quota laws economic development gender disparities market expansion university graduates entre gender quotas economic growth labour market gender equality productivity talent pool higher GDP qualifed women executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic returns European Union Sweden Norway public companies municipal companies cooperative companies board representation education social injustice tax revenue labour productivity European Parliament prejudices quota law tax revenue institutional support European Commission gender quotas economic growth labour productivity talent pool social injustice Labour Market executive positions education productivity public companies board representation European Union Norway GDP tax revenue social security prejudices decision-making women in politics women in economy gender quotas economic growth labour market women productivity board representation higher education social injustice economic returns workforce expansion innovation talent pool tax revenue social security GDP europe prejudices cultural beliefs executive positions european union norway labor market gender quotas economic growth labour market gender equality productivity talent pool executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic returns European Union Norway GDP public companies municipal companies cooperative companies board representation education prejudices incentives economic injustice gender quotas economic growth women labor market gender equality labor productivity talent pool executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic support productivity levels Europe's GDP board representation Norway quota law public companies educational institutes tax revenue quota laws decision-making positions gender quotas economic growth labor market social justice productivity education talent pool board representation europe women's rights gdp labour force innovation cultural beliefs quotas equality prejudices european union norway economic returns workforce expansion higher education institutional support executive positions workforce diversity gender quotas labour market GDP economic growth gender equality labour productivity talent pool executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic returns social injustice educational attainment board representation Norwayquota law public sector state-owned companies municipal companies cooperative companies European Union European Parliament decision-making political economy
test-politics-glghssi-con02a	The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, union history Scots identity British identity cultural cooperation historical conflict political unity Mitchell David Scotland independence Home Nations mutual advantage union history scots british identity cultural cooperation historical conflict peace benefits home nations Mitchell article Scotland independence union Scots British identity cooperation cultural traditions Home Nations Scottish history political unity identity politics historical conflicts mutual benefit nation-states cultural exchange union history Scots identity British identity cultural cooperation historical conflict mutual advantage Scottish traditions home nations political unity cultural interaction Scottish heritage British culture historical peace Union Scots British identity cooperation cultural traditions Home Nations Scottish independence mutual advantage historical conflict Mitchell David union history Scots British identity cultural cooperation centuries of unity Scottish traditions mutual advantage family ties home nations observer article Union Scots British identity cooperation cultural traditions home nations Scotland history mutual benefit peace Union Scots British identity cooperation cultural traditions Home Nations mutual advantage Scottish heritage identity politics historical conflict peace union history Scots British identity cultural cooperation Scottish heritage home nations Mitchell David Scotland secession observer article Union Scots British identity cooperation culture art Home Nations secession mutual benefit centuries tradition relatives peace
test-science-dssghsdmd-con02a	The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. missiledefense nato russia unitedstates internationalcommunity nucleardeterrence un antiballisticmissile poland harding2007 reuters1999 geopoliticalrisks militaryadvantage armsrace securitythreats deterrencefailure worldorder globalsecurity strategicallies missileshield conflictescalation nuclearwar technologicalarmsrace missile_defense_program national Missile_Defense_Program anti_ballistic_missile ABM Treaty nuclear_deterrence UNited_Nations Poland Russia U_S_military Harding_2007 Reuters_1999 international_conflict world_order security_threat defensive_technology political consequences national missile defense security threats United States Russia anti-ballistic missile strategic advantage international conflict nuclear deterrence United Nations political consequences national missile defense program United States security threat Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile technology strategic advantage international conflict war UN nuclear deterrence missile shield international community world order political consequences national missile defense security threat United States Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile strategic advantage international conflict United Nations nuclear deterrence world order political consequences national missile defense security threats Russian opposition anti-ballistic missile technology US strategic advantage international tensions nuclear deterrence UN stance global stability political consequences national missile defense United States Russian opposition anti-ballistic missile strategic advantage international conflict nuclear deterrence UN missile shield international community world order nuclear deterrence breakdown political consequences national missile defense security threat United States Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile technology strategic advantage international conflict missile shield United Nations nuclear deterrence political consequences national missile defense United States security threats Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic advantage international conflict United Nations nuclear deterrence global stability political consequences national missile defense global security United States foreign policy Russian response nuclear deterrence international relations missile defense program UN opposition strategic advantage arms race international conflict ballistic missile technology missile defense effectiveness nuclear weapons deterrence theory security threats global stability UN Security Council NATO missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile missile interception military advantage international law peacekeeping diplomatic tensions
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro01a	A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, national security Kenya terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings Somali pirates international shipping Mombasa port Kenyan government international trial Kenya terrorism Al-Shabab attacks Westgate massacre Somali pirates Mombasa port international shipping Kenyan government stability terrorism protection international community response political trials terrorist attacks Kenya grenade attacks Nairobi suicide bombings refugee camps national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings Somali pirates international shipping Mombasa Kenyan government international trial terrorism international community national security risks Kenya terrorist attacks Al-Shabab threats Al Qaeda links Westgate mall attack Somali pirates international shipping threats refugee camp attacks government stability international trials terrorist threats Mombasa port safety Kenya terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attack suicide bombing Somali pirates Mombasa international shipping Kenyan government international trial terrorism national security Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre pirate attacks Mombasa international shipping Kenyan government international trial Kenya terrorist attacks Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings Somali pirates Mombasa port international shipping Kenyan government terrorism international community change in government trials national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings Somali pirates international shipping Mombasa port credible action Kenyan government international trial terrorism threat refugee camps security measures Kenyan people protection government stability Kenya terrorist attacks Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre Somali pirates Mombasa port international shipping refugee camps government stability international trial terrorist threats security measures Kenya defense terrorism in Kenya Kenyan government action international community response national security threats terrorist organizations Kenyan safety anti-terrorism efforts terrorism Kenya Al-Shabab Al-Qaeda Westgate massacre pirate attacks Mombasa international security government stability refugee camp attacks grenade attacks suicide bombings
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro01a	As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. international relations sovereignty missile defense national security Mearsheimer deterrence strategic defense initiative military technology defense policy NATO security alliances ballistic missiles nuclear warfare international relations state sovereignty missile defense security studies national security defense policy strategic defense US foreign policy Mearsheimer international law military technology missile shield ballistic missiles nuclear defense military strategy arms control diplomatic relations geopolitical strategy international relations sovereignty defense policy missile defense national security military technology international law strategic defense initiative United States defense strategy Mearsheimer theory international system nation-state right to defend strategic national missile defense system National Missile Defense program military technology defense initiatives ballistic missile nuclear attack defense initiatives United States aegis missile shield defense utility technological ability economic ability Mearsheimer search efficiency expand query principle country United States defend technological economic nation-state international system Mearsheimer 1993 right to defend strategic national missile defense develop citizens interests military technology prodigiously financed National Missile Defense program arsenal ballistic missile nuclear missile shield defense initiatives defensive systems military technology international treaties national missile defense right to defend international system ballistic missile nuclear attack United States defense initiative Mearsheimer theory international relations state sovereignty missile defense national security strategic defense initiative Mearsheimer realpolitik military technology defense treaties ballistic missiles nuclear threats international system nation-state right to defend strategic national missile defense United States military technology National Missile Defense program ballistic missile defense nuclear attack defense initiatives search optimization expansion terms enhance query international relations national security missile defense strategic defense initiative United States sovereignty self-defense military technology international law treaty obligations security studies principle defense initiatives international system state sovereignty missile defense national security defense treaties Mearsheimer US military strategic defense initiative ballistic missile nuclear deterrence military technology
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro01a	"Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. interventions democracy imposition factors economic_conditions success failure colonial_relationships Germany Japan WWII Institutions endurance transition Historical_trends interventions democracy imposition factors economic_conditions colonial_relationships Germany Japan WWII institutions endurance democratic_transitions success failure Iraq Afghanistan historical_trends Przeworski Enterline Greig interventions democracy imposition colonialism economic_conditions institutions success factors endurance historical_trends Germany Japan WWII Afghanistan Iraq Andrew_J._Enterline J._Michael_Greig Przeworski interventions democracy imposition factors economic conditions colonial relationships historical trends Germany Japan WWII success conditions endurance democratic transitions success factors instability interventions democracy imposition colonial_relationships economic_conditions institutions democratic_transitions success factors Germany Japan WWII historical_trends endurance democracy past_successes search optimization keyword generation relevant expansion phrases interventions successful conditions democratic transitions economic conditions strong institutions historical trends imposed democracy Iraq Afghanistan Germany Japan post-WWII political science democracy endurance Przeworski Enterline Greig democracy interventions successful conditions economic conditions democratic transitions colonial relationships institutions historical trends imposed democracy Iraq Afghanistan Germany Japan post-WWII Przeworski Journal of Democracy Andrew J. Enterline J. Michael Greig interventions democracy factors economic_conditions imposition colonial_relationships Germany Japan WWII success failure historical_trends institutions endurance Democratic_Transitions Against_All_Odds Przeworski interventions democracy imposition factors economic_conditions colonial_relationships democratic_transitions success_rates Germany Japan WWII Institutions historical_trends past_successes Przeworski Egyptian_uprisings search enhance outcomes recommendations expansion terms query interventions success factors democracy imposition colonial.relationships economic.conditions institutions historical.trends endurance Germany Japan WWII successes AFghanistan Iraq"
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook dangerous_consequences internet_security privacy_issues misogyny cyberbullying online_predators victimization mental_health rape sexual_harassment adolescent_bullying social_media_risks identity_theft online_violence Facebook dangers cyberbullying online predators mental health risks social media threats digital intimacy risks rape culture internet safety privacy concerns adolescent safety technological abuse social network harm digital footprint risks online harassment virtual predation data security issues psychological impacts online exploitation tech-related crimes Facebook dangers online safety cybercrime social media risks digital harassment rape prevention cyberbullying statistics internet predators social networking dangers privacy concerns digital footprint psychological impact technology abuse social media monitoring online exploitation digital security virtual crimes social media safety online predators cyber threats digital vulnerability social media harm virtual abuse online grooming cyber safety internet risks Facebook dangers internet safety online predators cyberbullying statistics rape on social media mental health risks physical safety threats social network dangers teen safety online harassment Facebook rape cyberbullying mental safety physical safety social networks online threats adolescents teens social media privacy harassment victimization digital communication online predators mental health cyberstalking online interactions internet safety digital abuse Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety cyber threats rape cyberbullying adolescents teens social networks privacy online harassment social media digital security online predators virtual abuse cyber stalking internet safety digital safety victimization social engineering online manipulation online exploitation psychological harm technological threats digital privacy online reputation social media dangers internet crime online predators social media addiction digital footprint online behavior online communication digital divide online safety digital literacy online security online relationships social media impact digital citizenship online reputation management digital etiquette Facebook dangerous_consequences integrated_lives uncertainty mental_safety physical_safety rape victims troubled_men naive_women deception physical_integrity social_networks detrimental society cyber_bullying adolescents teens mean_messages rumors online_threats i-SAFE_foundation bullying_statistics Facebook cyberbullying rape online predators mental safety physical safety social networks adolescents teens cyber threats social media trust exploitation victimization online harassment digital threats privacy concerns internet safety technological abuse digital harm mental health impacts physical health impacts social engineering online manipulation cybercrimes social network security adolescent mental health social media risks online safety digital dangers Facebook dangers internet safety online predators cyberbullying privacy concerns mental health social media risks Internet crime sexual harassment teen cyberbullying social network dangers Facebook dangers cyberbullying online predators digital safety social media risks mental health impact internet crime virtual harassment digital footprint online exploitation social network threats privacy concerns adolescent safety technological abuse virtual victimization online grooming social media addiction information security digital surveillance online harassment virtual violence social engineering cyberstalking identity theft social media mental health virtual manipulation
test-health-dhpelhbass-con02a	"If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression ethics choice rationality [1] [2] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy moral duty suicide prevention ethical responsibility mental health depression coercion non-interference rational capacities life value no regrets approach terminal illness libertarian position suicide intervention irreversible death suicide attempts mental illnesses ethical obligations psychological distress ethical considerations ethical interventions ethical dilemmas ethical frameworks ethical reasoning ethical guidance ethical standards ethical guidelines ethical analysis ethical decision-making ethical principles ethical theories ethical implications ethical justification ethical implications of suicide ethical obligations regarding suicide ethical considerations regarding suicide ethical dilemmas regarding suicide ethical responsibilities regarding suicide ethical frameworks regarding suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression irreversible rational counseling libertarian choice values [1] [2] Stanford Encyclopedia Philosophy suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression choice libertarian non-coercive irreversible rational counseling moral duty intervene suicide mental illness depression irreversible intervention rationality libertarian position no regrets approach non-coercive actions Cosculluela Cholbi Martin Pabst Battin suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression ambivalence irreversibility rationality libertarian cholebi counseling life moral duty suicide prevention terminal illness mental illness depression ethical intervention no regrets approach rational capacities libertarian position euthanasia coercion ethical obligations suicide prevention strategies ethical interventions suicide prevention ethics suicide prevention laws suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression libertarian choice irreversible rational counseling suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression irreversibility rationality libertarian choice Cosculluela Cholbi Stanford Encyclopedia suicide intervention moral duty prevention mental illness depression ambivalence rationality libertarian choice counseling irreversibility life value ethics"
test-health-dhpelhbass-con03a	Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) suicide bible assisted sacred right to live life valuing death scripture commandment government capital punishment time appointed suicide assisted suicide bible hebrews ecclesiastes exodus murder right to die life sanctity commandment government authority medical ethics pastor art kohl suicide assisted suicide bible god right to life euthanasia hebrews ecclesiastes commandment exodus murder physicians judgment life appointment time suicide assisted suicide bible verses on life God's appointment of death Scripture against euthanasia time of death Exodus 20:13 Matt 19:18 pastor art kohl euthanasia ethics sacredness of life capital punishment God sacred life suicide assisted suicide Bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 commandment Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 physicians capital punishment death judgement time appointed Scripture life appointment eternal life suicide assisted suicide bible life death hebrews ecclesiastes commandment thou shalt not kill eternal life apostles exodus murder pastor art kohl suicide assisted suicide biblical passages God's appointment life sanctity euthanasia capital punishment Thou shalt not kill Thou shalt do no murder physician authority judgment day seasons of life life sacred God appoints death suicide wrong assisted suicide biblical verses Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 physician authority capital punishment Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Hebrews 9:27 biblical passages suicide assisted suicide God government commandment Exodus Ecclesiastes Hebrews pastor art kohl Scripture euthanasia time to die life sacred thou shalt not kill thou shalt do no murder suicide assisted suicide biblical perspective euthanasia God's authority commandment life sanctity hebrews ecclesiastes exodus murder physician role apostle matthew capital punishment
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro04a	The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. House of Lords reform democratic principles hereditary peers Church of England political party appointments undemocratic institutions hypocrisy in democracy political reform governance criticism House_of_Lords_reform democracy undemocratic_system hereditary_peers political_reform Church_of_England_appointments UK_politics democratic_principles civil_liberties parliamentary_reform war_on_terror global_democracy_standards democracy House of Lords reform undemocratic institutions political system critique hereditary peers church influence appointed members democratic principles political reform governance critique democratic reforms house of lords reform hereditary peers political parties church of england members democracy lecture society criticism power abuse House of Lords undemocratic reform hereditary peers Church of England political appointments democratic principles criticism governance democracy parliamentary reform democratic reform House of Lords reform undemocratic system political reform democratic principles abolition hereditary peers church of england influence political party appointments democracy lecture hypocrisy democracy House of Lords reform undemocratic institutions hereditary peers Church of England political party appointments democratic governance lecture on democracy internal democracy issues House of Lords reform democratic principles political party appointments hereditary peers Church of England members undemocratic institutions democracy criticism sovereignty of democracy political power abuse governance reform democratic deficit House of Lords reform democratic principles hereditary peers Church of England political appointments UK democracy lecture on democracy undemocratic institutions democratic governance political reform sovereignty civil liberties democracy House of Lords reform undemocratic institutions political reform hereditary peers Church of England appointed members democratic societies lecture on democracy political power abuse
test-society-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. gender lens women empowerment alternatives for empowerment sexual and reproductive health rights gender inequality Africa workforce participation violence against women resource access opportunities labor market gender lens women empowerment sexual reproductive health rights gender inequality Africa workforce participation violence against women equal access labor market resources opportunities women empowerment alternatives for women gender lens women's life course sexual reproductive health rights gender inequality Africa workforce participation violence against women equal access resources opportunities labor market gender lens sexual and reproductive health rights empowerment alternatives women's life course discriminatory causes gender inequality Africa workforce participation violence against women equal access resources opportunities Chissano Puri gender lens empowerment alternatives sexual and reproductive health discrimination gender inequality workforce participation education violence against women resources opportunities labour market empowerment alternatives women's rights Africa gender lens sexual and reproductive health social equality job choice violence against women equal access resources workforce participation reproductive rights gender inequality life course gender lens sexual and reproductive health empowerment alternatives discrimination gender inequality workforce participation education employment choices violence against women resource allocation opportunity access empowerment alternatives gender lens life course discriminatory causes sexual and reproductive health access rights body control education employment choice violence against women resource equality opportunity promotion labour market participation jobs preference workforce participation gender inequality Africa further readings Chissano Puri gender lens women empowerment sexual reproductive health rights workforce participation discrimination gender inequality access to education employment choices violence against women resource allocation opportunity labor market alternatives to employment Africa policy recommendations empowerment alternatives gender lens life course sexual and reproductive health discrimination gender inequality Africa workforce participation violence against women resources opportunities Chissano Puri
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con01a	Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, natural resources Africa oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber commodities economic changes resource endowments international commodity prices catalytic converters air pollution platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda resource exploration economic development job creation life improvement equitable management industrial revolution resource exploitation economic transformation natural resources africa oil reserves africa gold reserves africa chromium reserves africa platinum reserves africa arable land africa timber resources africa economic changes africa continental economical uprising resource endowments africa high international commodity prices mineral resources africa catalytic converters platinum and rhodium tantalum resources mozambique tantalum rwanda tantalum african resource exploration potential raw material growth africa resource management africa equitable resource management african economy development african resource utilization african industrial revolution cnn resource articles economic commission for africa reports natural resources Africa oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber economic changes commodity prices resource endowments industrial revolution exploration raw materials catalysts air pollution tantalum women children economic transformation natural resources Africa underutilized arable land oil reserves gold chromium platinum timber resources economic changes commodity prices catalytic converters air pollution platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda Africa exploration raw materials industrial revolution job creation economic transformation resource management equitable distribution life improvement Africa economy natural resource exploitation resource endowments international commodity prices resource utilization Africa's role in global economy natural resource importance resource wealth management Africa's future growth natural resource impact on economy natural resource distribution natural resources Africa unexploited resources resource exploitation oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber commodities economic changes resource endowments international commodity prices catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda resource management economic growth job creation industrial revolution exploration wealth distribution equitable development raw materials resource utilization Natural resources Africa resource exploitation underutilized arable land timber resources economic changes commodity prices catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda resource management industrial revolution efficient and equitable job creation economic transformation Africa's resource potential new explorations natural resources Africa resource exploitation commodity prices arable land timber chromium platinum oil reserves gold minerals catalytic converters tantalum Mozambique Rwanda economic development job creation resource management equitable distribution industrial revolution economic transformation raw materials exploration global demand industrial growth children's welfare antimony industrial minerals Natural resources Africa oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber commodity prices resource endowments economic changes industrial revolution raw materials platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda industrialization jobs equitable management economic transformation life improvement natural resources Africa minerals oil gold chromium platinum arable land timber commodities industrial revolution economic development resource management job creation inequality global market catalytic converters tantalum exploration development unexplored potential economic transformation industrialization equitable distribution natural resources Africa unexploited resources resource exploitation commodity prices resource endowments mineral resources arable land timber resources catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda resource management economic development industrial revolution raw materials equitable growth job creation economic transformation resource exploration
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con03a	China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese regime Taiwan pro-Western democracy military build-up anti-secession law EU interests US involvement 1995-1996 conflict China regional threat international peace European arms sales Territorial disputes South China Sea oil and gas reserves assertive nationalism Japan protests Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard boat Taiwan pro-Western democracy military build-up Taiwan independence Chinese parliament EU interests USA involvement 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait conflict escalation China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Taiwanese democracy military build-up Taiwan independence EU interests US involvement Japanese detention Taiwan War Games Anti-Secession Law China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales Territorial disputes South China Sea Oil and gas reserves Assertive nationalism Japan protests Chinese fisherman Taiwan democracy Repressive state Democratic backing Rapid military build-up Taiwan assault Three days Taiwan independence Chinese parliament law US involvement 1995-96 conflict Japanese coast guard China's Taiwan claim China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Taiwanese democracy military buildup Taiwan independence Anti-Secession Law EU interests US involvement 1995-1996 conflict China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Taiwan pro-Western democracy military buildup war with Taiwan Anti-Secession Law EU interests USA involvement Japan involvement 1995-1996 conflict China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Taiwanese democracy military buildup Taiwan independence Anti-Secession Law EU interests major trading partners US involvement Japan involvement 1995-1996 conflict China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Taiwan pro-Western democracy military buildup Taiwan independence Anti-Secession Law EU interests USA Japan war likelihood China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Taiwanese democracy military build-up Taiwan independence Anti-Secession Law EU interests US involvement 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait diplomatic tensions China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Taiwan democracy military buildup invasion timeline anti-secession law EU interests US involvement 1995-1996 conflict
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con01a	The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, Settlements Jews Arab lands 1967 expulsion Diaspora Middle East conflict West Bank pogroms 1948 ethnic cleansing pre-1948 jewish communities refugees compensation palestinians right property Israel Arab countries exile [1] Aharoni Ada Jewish settlements Middle East conflict 1967 Six-Day War Palestinian claims ethnic cleansing Diaspora West Bank pre-1948 Jewish communities Arab exile Israeli compensation property rights historical context Settlements Jews Arab lands 1967 expulsion context Middle East diaspora ethnic cleansing West Bank 1948 Israeli conquest pogroms refugees compensation right to property pre-1948 jewish communities forced migration peace settlements Middle East conflict 1967 War Jewish expulsion Arab lands West Bank pre-1948 Jewish communities ethnic cleansing diaspora 1948 war Israel Jordanian rule property rights compensation refugees settlements Middle East conflict 1967 War ethnic cleansing pre-1948 Jewish communities Palestinian property rights refugees diaspora Jordanian rule West Bank Israel Arab countries compensation settlements Middle East conflict Jewish history in West Bank pogroms Diaspora ethnic cleansing 1948 war 1967 War settlement justification palestinian property rights international law compensation for refugees Settlements Arab-Israeli conflict 1967 War Jewish communities West Bank ethnic cleansing diaspora Israel Palestinian property rights compensation refugees historical context Settlements justification expulsion Jews Arab lands 1967 Middle East conflict West Bank historical context pre-1948 Jewish communities ethnic cleansing 1948 war Diaspora pogroms 800 000 Jews exile Israel compensation refugees property rights Palestinians forced migration Arab countries peace Historical Society of Jews from Egypt settlements Jews Arab lands 1967 expulsion context Middle East diaspora ethnically cleansed West Bank 1948 Diaspora pogroms refugees compensation right to property Israel Aharoni forced migration expulsion Jews Arab lands 1967 settlements Middle East conflict Diaspora ethnic cleansing West Bank 1948 war pogroms refugees compensation palestinians right to property pre-1948 communities Israel forced migration Arab countries Ada Aharoni Historical Society of Jews from Egypt
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 social media impact teenagers psychology online socialization effects envy on social media self-esteem issues isolation from social networks negative social media influence psychological disorders from social media comparison on social platforms social media and mental health social media usage statistics Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation social networks anxiety depression psychological disorders social media peer comparison digital detox cyberbullying mental health internet addiction social media impact adolescent psychology Facebook social media life satisfaction young adults teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation social skills mental health anxiety depression polling psychological disorders online behavior peer comparison mental health impacts adolescent psychology social media addiction negative effects Facebook impact online socialization teenage mental health social media envy self-esteem issues psychological disorders social network effects adolescent well-being social media addiction digital isolation peer comparison emotional well-being social media statistics social networking trends Facebook enjoyment online socialization teenagers envious self-esteem isolation socialize psychological disorders anxiety depression negative impact social networks social media psychology poll study research health comparison privacy mental health adolescents Facebook impact on teens social media and mental health online socialization negative effects envy on social media self esteem and social networks teenagers and social media use anxiety from social media depression caused by Facebook psychological disorders and social networks daily social media use adolescents and social media impact Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialize mental health anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites behavior studies comparison photography messages comments negative impact mental health effects digital era Facebook enjoyment envious depression self-esteem teens socialization isolation anxiety comparison health polling evidence psychological disorders mobile internet online behavior platform usage negative impact mental health peer comparison mental well-being adolescent psychology media influence Internet addiction online social media emotional well-being search engine optimization keyword expansion Facebook negative effects social media impact teens mental health online socialization drawbacks envy on social networks self-esteem issues isolation from social media psychological disorders from social media teenage well-being social media usage statistics comparative negativity online Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation social networks anxiety depression psychological disorders social media comparisons self-image mental health adolescents peer influence digital detox cyberbullying internet addiction emotional well-being
test-international-gsciidffe-pro02a	It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements Voice of America Radio Free Europe undermining governments Cold War communism censorship freedom of expression international broadcasting legitimacy debates legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights undermining governments cold war radio broadcasts voice of america radio free europe censorship freedom of expression legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements Voice of America Radio Free Europe USSR communism Cold War censorship freedom of expression international broadcasting credibility human rights violations state obligations western intervention legitimacy undermine autocratic governments human rights international legitimacy universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights censorship freedom of expression Voice of America Radio Free Europe USSR communist governments Cold War international broadcasting credibility human rights violations legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements censorship freedom of expression Voice of America Radio Free Europe USSR communist governments Cold War international broadcasting human rights illegitimate governments legitimacy international agreements autocratic governments censorship freedom of expression Voice of America Radio Free Europe undermining governments Cold War western intervention human rights violations communist governments Soviet Union Eastern Europe international broadcasting legitimacy theory human rights enforcement human rights illegitimate governments international legitimacy censorship Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War undermining autocratic regimes Universal Declaration of Human Rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights West versus USSR legitimacy undermining governments human rights autocratic regimes international agreements Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War censorship freedom of expression universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements Voice of America Radio Free Europe USSR communism censorship freedom of expression Cold War humanitarian intervention legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights undermining governments western intervention cold war radio broadcasting Voice of America Radio Free Europe censorship freedom of expression
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro03a	"The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons/licenses artistic reach internet impact copyright licensing artistic freedom digital age content distribution artist control viral content economic benefits Nine Inch Nails open source art copyright restrictions intellectual property artistic markets digital sharing license regulations creative commons licensing artistic freedom internet impact mass media influence copyright limitations artistic reach economic benefits Nine Inch Nails arstechnica license types credit guarantees artistic control distribution flexibility digital age creativity intellectual property rights open access music cultural impact analysis public domain benefits artist earnings comparison digital distribution strategies creative commons adoption creative commons/licenses artist/markets internet/mass media artistic freedom flexibly go viral earn income Nine Inch Nails copyright licensing artistic control share art mandate creative commons creative commons licenses artist market expansion internet impact mass media influence artistic freedom copyright limitations go viral Nine Inch Nails artistic recognition distribution control state mandate artistic sharing creative commons copyright licensing artist reach market expansion internet impact artistic freedom go viral Nine Inch Nails copyright restrictions artistic control license distribution digital age cultural sharing content distribution open access intellectual property rights artistic recognition economic benefits search performance relevant expansion phrases creative commons effective means artist reach market expansion traditional copyright internet impact mass media artistic freedom flexibility ""go viral"" earning potential Nine Inch Nails 2008 release creative commons adoption wider recognition artistic control distribution state facilitation art sharing license mandates content credit copyright limitations significant reach artistic impact creative commons copyright licensing artist market expansion internet impact mass media artistic reach Nine Inch Nails creative commons licensing artist control distribution rights artistic recognition state policy art distribution creative commons artistic reach market expansion internet impact copyright licensing freedom flexibility artistic recognition economic benefits digital age cultural sharing license regulations artistic control digital distribution artistic impact mass media viral content creative commons licenses artist rights artistic licensing internet economy cultural impact artist earnings content distribution digital art intellectual property creative commons adoption artistic freedom licensing arrangements cultural sharing policies artist licensing internet art copyright limitations digital copyright artistic success internet art distribution copyright alternatives digital art distribution artist licensing benefits creative commons advantages artistic market expansion creative commons/licenses artistic reach market expansion internet impact copyright licensing artistic freedom digital age economic benefits viral content artist control name recognition revenue generation Creative Commons licenses internet influence traditional copyright artistic distribution Creative Commons adoption artistic success copyright limitations cultural impact artist rights Creative Commons vs copyright creative commons/licenses artist/markets traditional copyright internet/mass media artistic freedom viral content Nine Inch Nails art distribution state policy intellectual property"
test-international-gmehwasr-con02a	Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 popularity middle east iraq war syria voter opposition arms supply public opinion policy reasons conflict intervention popularity voter_opinion middle_east_interventions iraq_war syria_conflict arming_rebels public_support military_commitment opposition domestic_policy international_relations Arming rebels Middle East intervention voter opinion Syria conflict Iraq war public support military involvement Syrian civil war public opinion polling popularity Middle East Iraq war Syria intervention voter opinion arms supply public support international relations policy reasons Syrian rebels Arming rebels Middle East Iraq war Syria intervention voter popularity UK opinion US opinion military support domestic reasons Arming rebels Middle East interventions Iraq war Syria involvement voter opposition military support public opinion domestic policy Syria rebels Arming rebels Middle East interventions Iraq war Syria involvement voter opposition military support public opinion domestic policy Syrian rebels Arming rebels Iraq war Middle East intervention Syria conflict voter opposition military support public opinion domestic policy Syria rebels popularity voters syrian rebels interventions Middle East popularity surveys polling public opinion United States United Kingdom supply arms military support Iraq War popularity voters UK US Syria interventions Iraq middle east polling public opinion
test-international-gmehwasr-pro01a	Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis escalating violence refugees neighboring countries chemical weapons biological weapons regional stability intervention risks conflict escalation Syria intervention Assad legitimacy humanitarian crisis refugee influx chemical weapons regional stability international response Syrian conflict escalation rebel support United Nations involvement humanitarian crisis Syria intervention Assad legitimacy refugee crisis chemical weapons Turkey refugees Lebanon refugees Jordan refugees israel syria conflict UN Syria report humanitarian crisis Syria intervention Assad legitimacy refugee crisis chemical weapons Biological weapons regional instability Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis escalating violence refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional stability humanitarian crisis Syria intervention Assad legitimacy refugees in Jordan chemical weapons biological weapons intervention risk regional stability Syrian rebels Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional stability UN report violenceescalation roundtable Syria intervention legitimacy humanitarian crisis escalating violence refugees neighbors chemical biological weapons destabilization regional conflict UN estimates regime fell overthrow rebels arms ForeignPolicy BBCNews humanitarian crisis Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy refugee crisis chemical weapons biological weapons regional instability intervention risks Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis refugee influx chemical weapons regional stability arms supply international response
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro03a	A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. handgun ban crime reduction public safety policing tactics crime statistics gun control DC crime handgun legislation criminal behavior police efficiency crime prevention gun violence criminal arrests weapon regulations law enforcement homicide rates assault prevention crime trends gun policy crime deterrent firearm restrictions crime analysis gun ownership police effectiveness crime impact criminal activity crime correlation gun ban effects criminal justice crime data gun regulation crime solutions criminal apprehension gun crime crime reduction strategies handgun ban crime reduction dc gun ban effects stop and search effectiveness gun control studies handgun crime statistics public safety improvements gun violence prevention policing strategies impact crime rate decrease after ban gun crime statistics D.C. gun ban analysis criminal identification benefits gun control efficacy handgun ban crime reduction public safety gun control policing effectiveness criminal behavior crime statistics gun violence law enforcement strategies homicide rates robbery prevention assault incidents policy impact crime trends criminal justice system urban crime gun laws community safety criminal profiling police tactics criminal identification crime prevention firearm regulations gun ownership gun crime law enforcement public health criminal activity crime rates gun policy crime analysis criminal behavior patterns crime data gun control measures crime prevention strategies criminal justice gun control debate crime reduction policies crime deterrent criminal behavior modification handgun ban crime reduction handgun ban impact on crime handgun ban effectiveness handgun ban public safety handgun ban vs crime stop and search efficiency gun control crime prevention gun bans and crime statistics gun control debate crime rates after gun ban gun control studies gun control benefits gun control effectiveness in reducing crime gun control and public safety gun control and crime reduction stop and search and gun control gun control and arrests gun control and criminal behavior handgun ban and crime prevention gun control and community safety gun control and violent crime handgun ban crime reduction public safety police effectiveness stop and search criminal behavior statistical analysis gun control homicide prevention robbery decrease assault reduction community protection law enforcement strategy handgun ban crime reduction public safety police effectiveness criminal behavior crime statistics firearm control law enforcement violent crime homicide robbery assault gun violence policy impact crime rates gun control debate police tactics stop and search criminal identification legal analysis crime prevention gun ownership gun laws crime correlation gun ban effectiveness crime trends criminal justice system gun violence prevention public health law enforcement strategies crime causation criminal psychology gun control measures crime reporting crime statistics analysis gun ban implementation crime prevention strategies gun control research gun violence statistics handgun ban crime reduction police tactics stop and search public safety criminal behavior gun control statistical analysis urban crime law enforcement homicide robbery assault legal impact crime prevention policy effectiveness firearm regulations handgun ban crime reduction public safety policing tactics criminal behavior gun control homicide prevention robbery decrease assault reduction law enforcement effectiveness community protection criminal identification stop and search crime statistics gun violence policy impact criminal apprehension weapon restriction urban crime gun ownership criminal activity analysis handgun ban crime reduction gun control police effectiveness public safety crime statistics criminal behavior legal studies firearm regulations law enforcement tactics homicide rates robbery statistics assault incidents epidemiology of crime firearm violence crime prevention criminal justice system urban crime public policy analysis handgun ban crime reduction public safety police effectiveness criminal behavior stop and search crime statistics gun control legal studies crime prevention law enforcement strategies
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con03a	Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . wikileaks classified information news organization journalism anonymity free press source confidentiality accountability media ethics freedom of speech corrections investigative journalism propaganda prurience egocentricity 信息公开 媒体审查 言论自由 wikileaks classified information news organization investigative journalism freedom of speech media ethics anonymous sources press freedom accountability journalistic standards propaganda transparency censorship whistleblowing ethics misinformation surveillance privacy corrections libel defamation wikileaks classified information news organization journalism ethics anonymous sources free speech media bias 信息公开 隐私保护 新闻价值 道德准则 信息透明度 wikileaksagenda censoredmedia journalismethics classifiedinformation newsorganisations anonymousinformation freepress righttoreply securityconcerns enhance search efficiency valuable terms expand query wikileaks news organisation disseminate classified information investigative outlet prurience egocentricity about us section anonymous sources maintaining anonymity freedom of speech right to reply media organisation complains security forces chat page keystroke monitoring wikileaks news organization classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymous sources free speech media organization about us page security concerns complaint process right to reply wikileaks news organization classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymous sources free speech right to reply mass surveillance media ethics investigative journalism social responsibility wikileaks news organization classified information investigative journalism prurience egocentricity anonymous sources free speech corrections security concerns media ethics WikiLeaks About Us right to reply 纸牌屋 媒体组织 揭露机密信息 新闻自由 读者投诉 wikileaks news organization classified information journalism ethics media bias free speech accountability transparency source anonymity journalistic standards investigative journalism prurience egocentricity WikiLeaks About Us reader rights corrections press freedom classified documents media watchdog 信息公开 新闻伦理 言论自由 媒体监督 信息来源匿名 揭露丑闻 新闻真实性 读者投诉渠道 自由报道权 Wikileaks classified information investigative journalism media ethics anonymous sources free speech news organizations classified documents ethical journalism WikiLeaks prurience egocentricity media criticism transparency accountability news dissemination 信息公开 媒体伦理 无源之新闻 保密信息 调查记者 新闻自由
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con01a	Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. developed countries migrant responsibility historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities absorb migrants capacity legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities tolerance diversity historical责任 殖民主义遗产 工业革命影响 发展中国家能力限制 法律框架支持 平等权利保障 文化包容性 经济资源利用 投资增加 移民社区存在 日本例外 developed countries migrant responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities legal framework tolerance migrant communities financial resources economic capacity historical responsibility global inequalities developed countries migrant responsibility historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialization inequalities economic capacity job creation state investment legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity developed countries migrant responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities economic capacity legal framework tolerance migrant communities financial resources global justice relevance expansion phrases query developed countries migrant responsibility historical colonialism imperialism industrialization inequality absorption capacity jobs financial resources legal framework equality treatment religion ethnicity community culture tolerance diversity exceptions Japan developed countries migrant responsibility historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities economic capacity legal framework tolerance migrant communities developed countries migrant responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities economic capacity legal framework tolerance migrant communities global justice developed countries migrant responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation economic capacity legal framework migrant integration cultural tolerance inequalities global responsibility developed countries migrant responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities financial resources legal framework equality tolerance migrant communities
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro01a	It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 migrant_redistribution geographic_disadvantage asylum_application conflict_zones natural_disasters refugee_influx Lebanon_syria_refugees global_migration_policy developed_countries_refugee_policy international_migrant_distribution migrant_distribution burden_sharing population_refugees geographic_factors historical_reasons syria_refugees lebanon_capacity asylum_application_process country_capacity natural_disasters migration_policy risk_factors developed_countries_responsibility international_migrant_law economic_impact migrant_accommodation migrant_distribution refugee_policy asylum_application conflict_zones natural_disasters refugee_influx developed_countries migration_burden international_assistance refugee_statistics redistribute migrants geographical factors historical factors bad luck asylum seekers safe country conflict zones natural disasters refugee influx Syria Lebanon regional burden rich developed countries UNHCR data migrants redistribution geography history bad luck asylum countries refugees syria lebanon cost rich developed countries migrant routes conflict zones natural disasters refugee response UNHCR relocate migrants distribution geography history bad luck asylum countries conflict zones natural disasters refugees syria lebanon pay burden even out redistribute migrants geography history bad luck asylum seekers first safe country conflict zones natural disasters refugees Syria Lebanon burden developed countries UNHCR migrant redistribution geographical luck asylum seekers refugee influx conflict zones natural disasters burden sharing rich countries migration policy humanitarian aid Syrian refugees Lebanon migration refugee resettlement international cooperation migration inequality migrant redistribution refugee distribution geographic disparities asylum seekers conflict zones natural disasters refugee burden international aid migration policy humanitarian response migrant redistribution refugee distribution geographic disparities asylum seeker burden wealthier nations responsibility migration policy international aid refugee crisis global migration patterns uneven migration distribution developed country migrant intake conflict zone refugees natural disaster displacement
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con01a	A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, NSA surveillance democracy whistleblowers intelligence personal information leaks censorship government surveillance whistle blower protection civil liberties intelligence agency power privacy USA invasion of Iraq intelligence abuse political repression whistleblower prosecution surveillance state NSA surveillance intelligence abuse whistleblowing democratic integrity government leaks intelligence weaponization privacy violations surveillance state whistleblowers protection democratic erosion surveillance programs intelligence leaks NSA intelligence apparatus personal information whistleblowers surveillance democracy leaks Obama administration classified information government surveillance intelligence community whistleblower protection civil liberties privacy surveillance programs intelligence officials state surveillance classified leaks diplomatic relations national security information warfare whistleblowing political surveillance intelligence gathering intelligence agencies privacy invasion government whistleblowers surveillance impact NSA surveillance intelligence apparatus personal information whistle blower protection democratic erosion government surveillance civil liberties intelligence officials power information weapon dissent suppression leak prevention whistleblowing consequences government manipulation information access control privacy concerns intelligence community ethics democratic integrity surveillance impact freedom of speech state surveillance political repression surveillance laws data misuse whistleblower protection act NSA democracy surveillance whistleblowers intelligence personal information dissent government leaks invasion of Iraq uranium Niger Joseph C. Wilson Department of Defense Obama administration censorship career destruction information abuse weaponization of information NSA surveillance threat to democracy whistle blower protection intelligence abuse government whistleblowing surveillance weapons personal information access dissent suppression intelligence officials power democracy damage whistle blower prosecution intelligence manipulation US surveillance history government manipulation allegations threat to democracy NSA surveillance individual privacy intelligence apparatus whistleblowers government dissent 信息公开权 intelligence abuse democratic erosion leak prosecution diplomatic integrity intelligence leaks government whistleblowing surveillance consequences personal information access state surveillance whistleblowing suppression NSA surveillance threat to democracy intelligence abuse whistleblower protection government dissent personal information misuse intelligence weaponization surveillance programs leak prosecution democratic integrity intelligence official misconduct whistle blower retaliation democratic erosion intelligence oversight privacy concerns NSA surveillance democracy threats intelligence abuse personal information access whistleblower protection privacy concerns US intelligence leaks Obama administration uranium Niger Joseph Wilson CIA leak NSA surveillance democracy threats intelligence apparatus career destruction whistleblower protection government leaks uranium Niger Iraq invasion Joseph C. Wilson Walt Stephen M. intelligence manipulation Obama administration surveillance
test-education-egtuscpih-con01a	Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. financial models online courses MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit university funding revenue streams traditional education academic materials state funding credit courses student enrollment financial sustainability university reliance educational economics financial models online education MOOC platforms university funding state funding alternative revenue streams academic credibility tuition costs higher education economics digital learning models educational technology finance MOOC profitability university MOOC policy open online courses higher education disruption online course monetization higher education funding challenges financial models MOOC platforms university funding state funding online education traditional universities revenue streams academic materials MOOC sustainability higher education funding educational technology online course economics university business models MOOC business models MOOC credit tuition fees open online courses higher education funding trends university revenue MOOC impact academic collaboration educational funding university financial models online learning economics financial models MOOC platforms non-profit organizations for-profit enterprises university revenue academic materials traditional education financial sustainability online course enrollment university funding state support educational credits academic competition financial models transition educational technology impact higher education funding online learning economics financial models online courses MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit university funding traditional education state funding student enrollment revenue streams academic materials credit courses financial sustainability educational models university reliance educational funding MOOC challenges financial models MOOC platforms non-profit organizations for-profit businesses university funding state funding traditional universities online courses academic materials revenue streams educational credit financial sustainability university financial sources MOOC business models financial models online courses MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit university funding state funding credit courses financial sources traditional learning financial model online courses MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit university revenue traditional financial models state funding academic materials student enrollment credit courses university funding traditional universities financial sources alternative revenue streams financial model MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue sharing university funding traditional education online learning MOOC business model academic resources student enrollment educational funding MOOC impact university survival credit courses state funding higher education finance financial models MOOC platforms university funding online education revenue streams traditional education state funding academic resources student enrollment credit courses educational economics
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro04a	It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. international broadcaster veto power sectional interests content diversity viewer responsibility offensive programming broadcasting ethics audience expectations diverse programming international broadcasting veto power sectional interests content regulation viewer responsibility offensive content programming diversity BBC media ethics audience expectations impracticality international broadcaster powers of veto sectional interests BBC content creation offense viewer responsibility programming diversity interest assumption programming variety expectation offensive content impracticality international broadcaster content control sectional interests BBC content relevance viewer responsibility offensive content diverse programming viewer interest power sharing diversity in media programme selection offence avoidance broadcaster accountability viewer expectation search efficiency expand query major international broadcaster powers of veto small sectional interests content interest normative viewer responsibility diversity programming reasonable chance find interest offensive content viewer expectations impracticality international broadcaster powers of veto small sectional interests content relevance broadcasting ethics viewer responsibility diverse programming content diversity offensive content programme viewing interest alignment broadcaster accountability viewer expectations international broadcaster veto power sectional interests content diversity viewer responsibility offensive programming broadcasting ethics program diversity viewer interest offensive content impracticality international broadcaster content control sectional interests veto power BBC programming diversity viewer responsibility offence avoidance programming selection interesitivity diversity assumption search optimization content diversity viewer responsibility broadcasting ethics offensive content programming selection viewer engagement international broadcasting veto power media regulation impracticality international broadcaster powers of veto sectional interests content diversity broadcaster responsibility viewer responsibility offensive content diverse programming programming selection
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit economic impact currency strength deutschmark Germany economic competitiveness investment fear reduction Eurozone future Eurozone crisis Greece currency Greece Eurozone default debt currency devaluation competitiveness investment uncertainty fear deutschmark economic policy Greece Eurozone currency risk default economic impact investment fear uncertainty deutschmark competitiveness policy response currency stability Greece default impact Eurozone stability Greek exit effects currency unions economic uncertainty Germany currency history deutschmark value Eurozone future investment trends Eurozone crisis solutions Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit currency strength deutschmark value competitiveness Eurozone investment uncertainty fear policy response Greek departure Eurozone future Greek default Eurozone stability German economy currency union investment in Eurozone economic uncertainty Deutschmark currency valuation Greek exit euro survival eurozone future financial markets European Union economic recovery currency devaluation investor confidence Greek default Eurozone stability currency union economic impact deutsche mark investment confidence uncertainty reduction European Union currency valuation economic competitiveness policy response debt crisis Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit economic impact currency strength deutschmark competitiveness investment fear reduction Eurozone members uncertainty decrease policy response Greece Eurozone default currency strength deutschmark investment uncertainty fear population leaders crisis Parsons Nick Guardian Greece Eurozone currency strength default deutschmark investment uncertainty recession economic impact European Union currency union financial markets
test-international-ghbunhf-pro01a	: Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. UN effectiveness prevention of war global conflicts post-World-War-II Cold-War-era UN resolutions armed conflicts international disputes peacekeeping failures Iraq invasion criticism in UN Harrison-Mark Wolf-Nikolaus UN prevention of war failure of UN resolutions and war UN as war justification armed conflicts increase Cold War impact on peace UN prevent war global conflicts peacekeeping Cold War international disputes UN resolutions armed conflicts 2003 Iraq invasion war justification peace enforcement conflict prevention UN effectiveness UN history international relations UN purpose prevent war global peace armed conflicts Cold War UN failures war prevention international disputes UN resolution misuse UN effectiveness war justification peacekeeping conflict increase forum criticism UN prevent war global wars armed conflicts Cold War UN resolution Iraq invasion research peace resolution war justification conflict rise UN effectiveness prevention of war global conflicts war justification UN resolutions peace resolution Cold War armed conflicts international criticism conflict escalation UN purpose prevent war global wars armed conflicts Cold War UN resolution Iraq invasion peace resolution conflict increase international dispute resolution UN effectiveness war justification peacekeeping failure UN effectiveness global peacekeeping war prevention UN failures international conflict war justification Cold War结束 战争频率增加 联合国作用 冷战结束前后的冲突变化 UN prevent war global conflicts forum criticism peace resolution 2003 Iraq invasion Cold War armed conflicts UN failure prevention of global wars UN criticism UN abuse 2003 Iraq invasion UN resolutions armed conflicts Cold War peace resolution war justification UN effectiveness
test-international-siacphbnt-con04a	Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. technology benefits private companies business model profits losers global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainable technology monopolisation technology markets multinational companies Africa locality community partnerships small businesses technology entrepreneurship africa business models profit sharing youth employment sustainable technology small businesses monopolies local economic development global technology giants community partnerships technology expansion business model analysis global tech giants entrepreneurialism challenges sustainable technology use small business constraints technology market monopolization profit circulation issues youth job creation community partnerships African technology development technology benefits business models profit motives technology giants monopolization sustainable technology local economies community partnerships youth employment technological innovation technology business model profits global technology giants monopolisation small businesses sustainable technology entrepreneurialism youth jobs community partnerships Africa technology benefits business model profit motives global tech giants sustainable technology monopolization small businesses community partnerships youth employment technology hype technology business model profit sustainability monopolization entrepreneurship youth local economy global giants community partnership Africa technology benefits business model profit seeking technology giants sustainable technology monopolization small businesses community partnership youth entrepreneurship technology distribution local economy search optimization expansion terms enhance query technology private companies business model profits losers hype global giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainability monopolization technology markets multinational small businesses partnerships communities Africa jobs investment innovation local circulation technology benefits business model profit motives global technology giants monopolization small businesses local economic impact sustainable technology entrepreneurship youth employment community partnerships technological giants in Africa
test-science-dssghsdmd-con03a	The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan administration Sessler ineffective defense interceptor missiles government spending research inefficiency defense technology development scientific critique missile interception defense project failure missiledefense interceptormissiles rpadvancements reaganshield scientificcriticism antimissiletechnology defensebudget militaryresearch projectmanagement strategicdefensesystems sessler2000 intercontinentalballisticmissiles defenseineffectiveness missiledefensecosts missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan administration interceptor missiles defense spending scientific effectiveness missile interception Sessler et al. defense projects military technology defense budget missile defense systems missile defense research missile defense technology research and development costs strategic defense systems Reagan administration missile interception scientific efficacy defense spending project termination ineffective defense missile defense ineffectiveness missile defense research and development strategic defense systems Reagan administration Sessler ineffective technology missile interception government spending defense shield intercontinental ballistic missiles missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan administration missile interception defense spending missile defense technology missile defense effectiveness Sessler et al missile defense research missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan Sessler ineffective testing spending military technology interceptor missiles scientific skepticism defense systems development defense budget defense strategy missile interception intercontinental ballistic missiles defense research missile defense ineffective research development Reagan administration spending scientists ineffectiveness technology test runs interception intercontinental ballistic missiles missile defense ineffective defense systems research spending strategic defense initiative missile interception defense technology scientific evaluation military expenditure defense inefficiency Reagan era defense missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan Sessler ineffectiveness research funding interceptor missiles military spending scientific criticism defense projects missile interception defense technology development
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro02a	"Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy imposing democracy internal movements resource scarcity oppressive regime intervention NATO Arab spring libya democratization supporting rebels moral obligation evil winning outside intervention political suppression governing class individual rights fighting for democracy foreign policy imposing democracy supporting rebels Arab spring NATO intervention Libya conflict democratization efforts oppressive regimes external assistance moral obligations humanitarian interventions internal movements resource allocation weapon supply organizational support foreign policy ethics imposing democracy supporting individuals fight for democracy governing class moral requirement resource assistance weapon supply organizational support oppression external intervention NATO Arab spring democratization suppress rebellion foreign policy humanitarian intervention civil rights international morality state-sponsored violence regime change democratic transition civil liberties political suppression international relations sovereignty versus human rights imposing democracy support individuals fighting for democracy governing class moral requirement resources for democracy weapons for democracy organization for democracy defending rights oppressive regime outside intervention NATO intervention Arab spring democratization suppressing internal movement democracy impose governance resources weapons organization oppression intervention Arab Spring NATO Libya democratization rights external support relevance expansion phrases query optimization democratic intervention moral responsibility international support resource allocation regime change Arab spring NATO interventions foreign policy democracy promotion humanitarian intervention regime suppression global governance democracy imposition support individuals governing class moral requirement resources weapons organization oppression regime international intervention NATO Libya Arab spring democratization external assistance suppression intervention ethics imposing democracy internal movements democratization NATO intervention libya intervention ethics arab spring oppressive regime resource support weapon support organization support moral obligation imposing democracy intervention rights oppressive regime arab spring nato intervention libya democratization moral obligation internal movements resource support geopolitical ethics democracy promotion internal movements intervention NATO Libya Arab Spring oppressive regimes resource allocation weapon supply organizational support moral obligations external assistance international support"
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro02a	A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks missile defense shield United States allies anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack rogue states terrorists Aegis combat system naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense political problems technological advancement diplomatic efforts strategic missile defense ballistic missile shield anti-ballistic missiles Aegis combat system missile defense nuclear war rogue states technological advancements missile defense diplomacy strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks nuclear war anti-ballistic missiles Aegis combat system missile defense shield rogue states diplomacy technological advancements missile defense systems orbital deployment ground-based missile defense sea-based missile defense strategic missile defense effective defense against ballistic missiles missile defense shield United States allies anti-ballistic missiles impregnable nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists technological advancements Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense political problems national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks missile defense shield United States allies anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists technological advancements Aegis combat system naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense political problems national missile defense strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks nuclear war anti-ballistic missiles Aegis combat system sea-based defense array diplomacy strategic missile defense ballistics missile attacks United States missile defense Aegis combat system anti-ballistic missiles nuclear war prevention rogue state threats technological advancements missile defense diplomacy strategic missile defense effective defense mechanism ballistic missile attacks United States defense missile defense shield technological advancements Aegis combat system naval deployment anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack prevention rogue states terrorist threats diplomatic considerations ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense slow response time political problems national missile defense system strategic missile defense effective defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies missile defense shield anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists technological development Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense political problems national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks anti-ballistic missiles Aegis combat system missile defense shield nuclear attack rogue states terrorism The Economist technological advancements ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense political problems
test-international-siacphbnt-pro01a	Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). technology job growth youths unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth vulnerable employment youth unemployment underemployment informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities technology access job market dynamics geographical variation gender differences unemployment rate underutilisation job creation market access technology management safe employment employment opportunities creation technology sales labor market inclusion youth employment informal sector job scarcity economic inclusiveness technology job growth youths Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment vulnerable employment economic growth inclusive youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities markets underutilisation geographical variation gender ILO Work4Youth Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment technology youths job growth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa vulnerable employment economic growth youth unemployment underemployment informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities markets geographical variation gender difference inclusive growth job market dynamics informal sector workforce development safe employment technological access job creation market access job growth youths Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment vulnerable employment economic growth youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment technology dynamic jobs secure employment high quality jobs market creation employment opportunities microentrepreneurship technological access gender differences geographical variation informal sector integration technological skills job creation market dynamics employment rates job market challenges formal employment informal economy technological literacy entrepreneurship development youth empowerment workforce development job market trends youth economic inclusion Technology youths job growth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa vulnerable employment economic growth inclusive growth youth unemployment underemployment informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs new employment opportunities markets informal sector safe employment access to technology geographical variation gender variation job growth youths unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth vulnerable employment youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment technology dynamic secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities markets managing technology selling technology informal economy geographical variation gender differences informal employment definition unemployment definition underemployment definition informal employment definition Work4Youth ILO technology job growth youths Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment vulnerable employment economic growth inclusive growth youth unemployment underemployment informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities markets technological access digital divide gender differences labor market dynamics job creation entrepreneurship innovation education skill development workforce development ILO Work4Youth technology job growth youths Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment economic growth inclusive informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs new employment opportunities markets underemployment access to technology job creation geographic variation gender differences technology youth job growth Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment vulnerable employment inclusive economic growth youth unemployment underemployment informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs market creation access to technology job opportunities market access geographical variation gender differences formal employment job markets technology job growth youths Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment vulnerable employment economic growth inclusivity youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities markets technological access safe employment job creation gender differences geographic variations
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro04a	Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. bilingual education language segregation student interaction cultural stereotypes immigrant integration social capital education policy linguistic diversity peer interaction English language educational inequality minority languages social segregation educational disparities language barriers immigration issues school segregation language acquisition education system multicultural education language proficiency educational impact social dynamics language policies language fluency immigrant education bilingualism challenges language learning educational outcomes language discrimination educational equity language assimilation educational segregation language skills language education language acquisition challenges language proficiency testing educational inequality impacts bilingual education controversy language segregation impacts immigrant student integration bilingual education policies cultural stereotypes formation limited social interaction educational inequality language barriers social capital among language groups government policy on bilingual education impact of bilingual education on English proficiency language group polarization bilingual school social dynamics bilingual education disadvantages immigrant community engagement educational opportunity gaps language discrimination in education bilingual education effectiveness English language acquisition challenges social segregation in education bilingual education critique educational policy analysis language diversity in education social interaction in bilingual settings bilingualism educational segregation language barriers peer interaction English proficiency immigrant integration stereotyping political influence social capital language diversity cultural assimilation educational policy minority languages immigration school segregation linguistic discrimination education inequality language acquisition cultural barriers academic performance language proficiency immigrant education language minorities bilingual schools language dominance social dynamics language policy educational disparities immigrant children language fluency multicultural education language minority students language learning language skills educational segregation impacts language barrier education bilingual education effects language acquisition challenges language proficiency gaps language discrimination bilingual education benefits English immersion programs multicultural education language barriers educational segregation immigrant integration language proficiency social mobility diversity in schools English language learners bilingualism advantages language acquisition education policies immigrant communities language discrimination social interactions educational inequality language acquisition methods multilingual education language fluency educational equity language diversity second language learning cultural assimilation language proficiency tests language access educational attainment language policy linguistic discrimination language skills education reform language teaching methods language barriers in education language learning strategies educational disparities language diversity benefits language acquisition theory bilingual education student interaction language segregation educational policies peer communication cultural stereotypes social capital immigrant education language barriers governmental influence demographic impact bilingual school systems bilingual education impact language segregation effects peer interaction limitations immigrant integration challenges negative stereotypes formation government policy influence social capital reduction Spanish-speaking student advantages bilingual school dynamics educational policy debates bilingual education student interaction language segregation peer interaction English exposure negative stereotypes governmental policy social capital minority language groups social polarization education system limitations bilingual education student interaction language segregation educational policy peer communication English exposure immigrant stereotypes social capital language barriers educational inequality bilingual school segregation minority language groups bilingual education criticism language segregation peer interaction English exposure social polarization negative stereotypes minority language groups education policy cultural integration linguistic diversity opportunity gap immigrant students language barriers social capital diversity in schools English as second language language acquisition education inequality linguistic isolation ilingual education benefits language skills development educational segregation language discrimination student socialization language proficiency education impact linguistic diversity benefits language policy education reform language attitudes language fluency language acquisition theory language dominance linguistic minorities bilingual education impact language segregation limited interaction English-speaking students stereotypes polarization minority language groups social capital immigrants non-English speaking students country of origin Spanish-speaking students demographics student segregation interaction opportunities bilingual school policies governmental policy formation ballot box influence linguistic diversity education inequality linguistic segregation intercultural communication educational outcomes linguistic assimilation educational segregation linguistic discrimination language barriers academic performance linguistic stratification educational attainment linguistic exclusion ling
test-politics-glghssi-con03a	Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Barnett formula English subsidy Scotland economy fiscal arrangements devolved authorities English political support Scotland benefits Barnett formula English subsidy to Scotland fiscal imbalance Scottish independence UK finance distribution regional economic disparity devolution impacts English political influence on Scotland Scotland England relations Barnett formula English subsidy to Scotland fiscal arrangements Scotland Scottish government funding regional subsidies UK financial distribution Scottish benefits English political support Barnett formula English subsidy to Scotland fiscal arrangements for Scotland Scottish government funding English support for Scotland financial implications of fiscal arrangements Scotland's benefits from subsidies English diplomatic support for Scotland Barnett formula English subsidy Scotland economy fiscal arrangements devolved authorities English support diplomatic representation Barnett formula English subsidy Scotland economy fiscal arrangements devolved authorities Scottish government financial support diplomatic representation political muscle Barnett formula English subsidy Scotland funding fiscal arrangements regional funding UK finances English support diplomatic representation Scottish benefits fiscal policy devolved authorities Barnett formula English subsidy to Scotland fiscal arrangements Scottish government funding regional funding models Scottish economic dependence English economic influence UK financial distribution Scotland diplomatic support political muscle Scotland Barnett formula English subsidy to Scotland fiscal arrangements Scotland economic support for Scotland Scottish government funding English taxpayers diplomatic representation Scotland political influence Scotland Barnett formula English subsidy Scotland economy fiscal arrangements devolved authorities English political support diplomatic representation
test-health-dhpelhbass-con01a	It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) medical ethics Hippocratic Oath euthanasia assisted suicide doctor's role patient harm medical profession trust involuntary euthanasia moral responsibility doctor's_role medical_ethics Hippocratic_Oath assisted_suicide euthanasia medical_professionals ethical_principles professional_opinion patient_harm moral_responsibility medical ethics Hippocratic Oath assisted suicide euthanasia doctor's responsibilities medical profession patient harm moral responsibility legalisation debates doctor's role medical ethics do no harm patient harm medical trust euthanasia assisted suicide Hippocratic Oath medical professionals ethical dilemmas medical opinion moral responsibility patient rights end-of-life care professional ethics medical guidelines ethical principles patient autonomy doctors medical ethics Hippocratic Oath euthanasia assisted suicide medical profession trust daily decisions moral responsibility vast majority medical ethics Hippocratic Oath assisted suicide euthanasia doctor's role patient harm ethical dilemmas medical profession trust involuntary euthanasia moral responsibility medical ethics Hippocratic Oath doctor's role assisted suicide euthanasia medical profession patient harm moral responsibility legalisation religious beliefs do no harm medical ethics Hippocratic Oath physician responsibility euthanasia assisted suicide doctor's role medical trust involuntary euthanasia moral responsibility legalisation impact doctor's_role medical_ethics Hippocratic_Oath euthanasia assisted_suicide medical_profession_trust daily_medical_decisions vast_majority_opinion medical ethics Hippocratic Oath doctor's role euthanasia assisted suicide medical profession trust involuntary euthanasia ethical dilemma moral responsibility patient rights professional opposition
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro03a	Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. reform House of Lords legitimacy functions dynamic government Proportional Representation electoral technique composition monitoring fairness debates Reform House of Lords legitimacy dynamic government proportional representation longer mandates opposition role fair debate monitoring government electoral techniques legislative process political balance Reform House_of_Lords legitimacy functions Proportional_Representation electoral_technique dynamic_government Proportional_Representation_women long_term_members debate opposition fairness monitoring political_popularity chamber_election representation balance stability legislative_process democratic_principles Reform House of Lords strengthen legitimacy elect second chamber dynamic government Proportional Representation longer terms freak landslide result worthy opposition fair debate government monitoring Reform House of Lords legitimacy functions Proportional Representation electoral technique dynamic government opposition fair debate government monitoring Reform legitimacy House of Lords electoral system Proportional Representation dynamic government opposition balance fair debate monitored government election techniques legislative functions House of Lords reform legitimacy functions strengthening dynamic government Proportional Representation longer term members fair debate closer government monitoring electoral techniques opposition balance bill rejection dynamic governance proportional representation benefits legislative reform second chamber election political stability Reform House of Lords legitimacy functions Proportional Representation dynamic government electoral technique representation opposition debate monitoring political popularity legitimacy improvement dynamic governance electoral system reform chamber election legislative process improvement legitimacy electoral reform Proportional Representation dynamic government opposition debate monitoring political legitimacy house of lords reform representation proportional representation long-term elections legislative balance reform legitimacy House of Lords Proportional Representation dynamic government electoral technique representation opposition debate monitoring functions bills elections composition balance
test-society-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. intersectionality women labor market education feminization empowerment diversity race socioeconomic inequalities human capital Atieno intersectionality women's empowerment race age socioeconomic background education feminization of labor workforce participation human capital equality female labor market empowerment studies Atieno (2006) intersectionality feminization of labor women empowerment education labor market socioeconomic status race age human capital gender inequality female participation Atieno (2006) intersectionality women empowerment race socioeconomic background education feminization of labor gender inequalities workforce participation female labor market Atieno study human capital education and employment women diversity labor market intersectionality education empowerment human capital socioeconomic status racial background gender equality labor force participation Atieno 2006 study intersectionality women empowerment labor market education influence human capital gender equality socioeconomic background race age Atieno (2006) female participation women's empowerment intersectionality feminization of labor education impact gender equality labor market participation socioeconomic status human capital female workforce Atieno (2006) gender disparities intersectionality feminisation labour women empowerment education socioeconomic background race age Atieno 2006 study human capital labour market female participation inequality intersectionality women empowerment gender equality feminization of labor education impact workforce participation race socioeconomic background study Atieno (2006) human capital theory intersectionality feminization labor market education human capital empowerment gender equality socioeconomic status race age female labor force Atieno (2006) work opportunities
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con05a	A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. UN standing army peacekeeping missions Security Council Srebrenica Guatemalan civil war peacekeeping department UN reform UN peacekeeping success UN peacekeeping missions UN mission effectiveness UN mandate issues UN Srebrenica failure UN peacekeeping Guatemalan example UN standing army debate UN Security Council deliberations UN peacekeeping department UN reform efforts UN standing army peacekeeping missions Guatemala civil war Srebrenica peacekeeping department Security Council inadequate mandates UN reforms UN standing army UN peacekeeping missions Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica peacekeeping department UN reform Guatemalan civil war UN missions success UN standing army peacekeeping missions Security Council mandates Srebrenica Guatemala civil war peacekeeping department efficiency UN reform UN standing army UN missions success Guatemala peacekeeping Srebrenica conflict UN peacekeeping efficiency UN Security Council peacekeeping department UN reform inadequate mandates peacekeeping forces civil war resolution peacekeeping failures UN effectiveness UN standing army peacekeeping missions Guatemala civil war Srebrenica Security Council mandates peacekeeping department UN reform UN standing army UN missions success Guatemala peacekeeping Srebrenica massacre peacekeeping effectiveness UN reform peacekeeping department Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates UN standing army UN missions success Guatemala peacekeeping Srebrenica massacre Security Council deliberations peacekeeping department UN reform UN standing army UN missions success Guatemala peacekeeping Srebrenica tragedy UN peacekeeping limitations UN reform peacekeeping department Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates peacekeeping efficiency
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con04a	"There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. military strengthening arms embargo EU weaponry advanced technology communication systems guidance systems night-vision equipment military leverage EU arms sales China military research reverse engineering military technology China-Israel arms trade China-Russia arms trade arms embargo China military technology EU arms sales military leverage reverse engineering technology high-technology systems communications systems guidance systems night-vision equipment military research and development Chinese military effectiveness EU-Russia-China arms trade military procurement negotiations arms embargo EU arms sales China military technology reverse engineering military leverage advanced military systems communication systems guidance systems EU-China military cooperation Israeli military exports Russian military technology military R&D EU arms policy US-China military tensions strengthen China militarily lifting arms ban Chinese military effectiveness EU weaponry and armour advanced communications systems high-technology guidance systems night-vision equipment military research and development reverse engineering EU arms embargo Chinese leverage modern technology sales Israeli defense exports Russian military technology China military modernization diplomatic pressure on suppliers search efficiency enlarge query valuable terms military strengthening China arms ban Lifting embargo US fears EU weaponry military effectiveness communications systems control systems night-vision equipment high-technology guidance China's leverage supplier pressure military R&D reverse engineering clone fighter jets Russian jets military expansion EU weaponry advanced technology China's military arms embargo technological espionage reverse engineering military leverage technology sales military effectiveness search accuracy query expansion military strength China US fears EU weaponry advanced technology negotiations reverse engineering military research Russia Israel search efficacy expansion keywords military strengthening China arms ban US fears EU weaponry advanced technology military leverage reverse engineering military R&D China's military technological transfer diplomatic pressure military procurement military effectiveness technological advancement military negotiation arms embargo technological espionage military innovation strategic advantage military expansion China arms embargo EU weapons sales technological advancement military leverage reverse engineering military R&D geopolitical tensions arms control US-China relations search outcomes expansion terms military strength China EU weaponry advanced technology military research diplomatic pressure reverse engineering"
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro01a	Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. shock tactics public art artistic merit funding message conveyance public support attention-grabbing layers of meaning technique artist intentions limited resources artistic value public displays alternative art forms message complexity careful study creative expression shock tactics artistic merit public support attention-grabbing layers of meaning technique limited resources funding prioritization artistic expression close attention careful study alternative artistic approaches controversy in art ethical art meaningful art shock tactics artistic merit public support message delivery funding limitations artistic expression close attention layers of meaning technique appreciation shock tactics artistic merit public support attention-grabbing layers of meaning careful study limited resources funding art message conveyance artistic expression shock-tactics art cost public support attention merit layered meaning careful study shock tactics artistic merit public support message conveyance funding limitations attention-grabbing artistic value careful study layered meaning message clarity artist expression limited resources exhibition selection horror art public opinion artistic integrity funding priorities shock tactics art criticism public support artistic merit message communication public displays funding limitations layers of meaning technique appreciation shock tactics public support artistic merit close attention careful study layers of meaning technique message conveyance limited resources funding priorities artistic expression headline-grabbing moral considerations art criticism public display message clarity shock tactics artistic merit public support attention grabbing layers of meaning technique art criticism limited resources exhibition selection artist support message conveyance shock-tactics artistic merit public support attention-grabbing funding limitations careful study layered meaning alternative artistic approaches message conveyance public displays artistic value exhibition selection
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con03a	The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 government rights child performers talent exploitation child labor laws entertainment industry child actors business skills career opportunities child rights artistic expression government rights child performers child labor laws entertainment industry talent rights childhood opportunities business savvy famous child actors historical perspectives on child performers government rights child performers rights protection talent exploitation child labor laws child actors entertainment industry child performers success business acumen childhood experiences child performers rights government interference child actors testimonials business opportunities for children talent vs academics child labor laws child star success stories childhood experiences entertainment industry for minors government rights child performers right to perform child labor laws business savvy famous child actors career opportunities talent exploitation child rights entertainment industry government rights child performers performance opportunities child actors talent rights business savvy livelihood choices child labor laws artistic expression child activism government rights child performers entertainment industry child labor laws talent exploitation child actors career opportunities business skills childhood rights Roddy McDowall child performance history government rights child performers protest talent exploitation business savvy childhood opportunities quote analysis child performers rights government interview Roddy McDowall talented opportunity living business savvy government rights child performers entertainment industry child labor laws talent exploitation childhood experiences career opportunities academic performance comparison business acumen child actors history
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con02a	Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women economy Africa gender gap workforce participation cultural reasons Muslim women labor force political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching economic future inequality wage gap CEO roles potential waste international labour organisation data worldbank Women economy Africa gender gap Africa women leadership Africa workforce participation Africa economic equality Africa cultural barriers Africa women rights Africa Muslim women workforce North Africa women economy political rights women Women economy Africa gender gap Africa workforce cultural reasons North Africa workplace equality pay gap CEO gender ratio education rights legal rights political rights nursing teaching International Labour Organisation World Bank data women's workforce africa economic gender gap cultural reasons gender inequality pay disparity CEO representation north africa islam legal rights professions education potential women's roles short-term solutions medium-term prospects workplace equality Women Africa economy gender gap pay inequality CEO workplace education culture potential waste legal rights politics nursing teaching Muslim labour force international labour organisation World Bank search optimization relevant expansion phrases women's role economic future Africa gender gap workplace equality cultural reasons workforce participation political rights legal rights economic potential profession limitations international labour organization data analysis Women Africa economy gender gap workplace CEO pay equality culture education political rights legal rights nursing teaching labour force International Labour Organisation search efficacy expansion keywords gender equality African economy workforce participation cultural barriers wage gap leadership roles education rights political rights legal rights professional sectors economic potential workforce statistics labor force data International Labour Organisation gender inequality North Africa Egypt Muslim population women in workforce economic future gender disparities search optimization expansion terms women economy africa gender equality workforce cultural barriers CEO labor force education rights political professions nursing teaching ILO WorldBank search outcomes beneficial expansion terms query enhancement Africa's economy gender equality cultural reasons workplace CEO pay gap potential women's rights political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching international labour organisation worldbank workforce north africa egypt muslim population economic future potential waste short to medium term
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con02a	Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, large influx migrants unprepared countries difference conflict religion ethnicity history conflicts countries accepting migrants anti-immigrant hostility new community labeled other natives blame migrants jobs pressure services existing migrant communities India Delhi Mumbai conflict Hispnatic population Florida causes conflict large influx migrants unprepared countries conflict religious differences ethnicity conflicts difference blame migrant job impact migrant service pressure existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility India migrant population Mumbai migrant population US Hispanic population Florida Hispanic population community labeling other migrant conflict country unprepared difference religion ethnicity history tolerance influx aid newcomer blame services migration policy community native job pressure voice sentiment immigrants existing hostility region population university conflict causes large influx migrants unprepared countries conflict religion ethnicity difference conflict human history migrant traditions tolerant countries anti-immigrant hostility new community labeled other natives blame newcomers jobs pressure services existing migrant communities less anti-immigrant sentiment University of North Carolina large influxes migrants unprepared countries difference source of conflict religion ethnicity accepting migrants tolerant countries anti-immigrant hostility newcomers natives migrant communities blame taking jobs population immigrants anti-Hispanic sentiment existing migrant communities conflict causes migrant influx unprepared countries religious differences ethnicity job competition social services native resentment migrant communities conflict causes anti-immigrant sentiment region comparisons accepting migrants community labeling unequal influence migrants conflict unprepared countries religion ethnicity policy acceptance integration immigration blame services community native hostility demographics cultural differences migration patterns conflict resolution socio-economic impacts tolerance aid immigrant assimilation social cohesion historical context migration studies migration theory ethnic tensions religious conflicts migrant integration economic impacts political climate social dynamics migration policies immigrant communities anti-immigrant sentiment migration statistics migrant rights cultural clash social exclusion social inequality migration management refugee crises migration research migration challenges migrant resettlement migration statistics large influx migrants unprepared countries conflict difference source religion ethnicity conflicts human history migrant acceptance traditions countries aid tolerant countries newcomers blame anti-immigrant hostility existing migrant communities India Delhi Mumbai Hispanic population Florida Causes of Conflict University of North Carolina migrants conflict unprepared countries religion ethnicity immigration policies acceptance economic impacts social integration demographic factors regional comparisons ethnic tensions migration aid community labeling job competition service pressure political influence historical contexts migration statistics cultural differences large influx migrants unprepared countries difference conflict religion ethnicity accepting migrants tolerant countries migrant aid policy analysis blame newcomers migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility India conflict Mumbai Delhi Hispanic population Florida cultural integration social tension ethnic minorities migration policies community labeling job market pressure service strain easy targets minority representation voice influence conflict resolution UN report immigration statistics
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. default copyright Creative Commons licenses orphan works public domain democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press copyright infringement public-funded works creator protections reuse rights commercial viability knowledge dissemination creative commons orphan works public domain copyright infringement intellectual property open access knowledge sharing democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge print culture licensing schemes reuse rights attribution copyright law commercial viability stagnant creativity public-funded works copyright default settings for-profit deals default copyright protection Creative Commons licenses artistic freedom access to knowledge cultural stagnation authorship rights copyright exceptions cultural production cultural exchange digital commons copyright restrictions copyright exceptions copyright reform copyright policy cultural heritage copyright ownership cultural resources copyright enforcement copyright disputes copyright compliance copyright default copyright creative commons licenses orphan works copyright law public domain democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge intellectual property rights open access copyright infringement licensing schemes commercial viability knowledge sharing copyright restrictions public-funded works attribution licenses artistic freedom copyright ownership cultural heritage digital age innovation stifling author rights fair use copyright reform educational resources free culture movement copyright duration intellectual property management cultural preservation digital rights management open content copyleft copyright exceptions cultural commons copyright enforcement copyright notice copyright notice omission copyright assignment copyright transfer maximize search utility relevant expansion phrases copyright default harmful effects information spreading current copyright law restrictive rights creative commons licenses standard for publicly-funded works normalizing force creator protections attribution guarantee for-profit deals reuse consideration creation stagnation special permissions access to works enrichment orphan works copyright infringement fears knowledge and creative output commercial availability democratization globalization printing press comparison copyright Creative Commons public domain orphan works intellectual property democratization knowledge sharing licensing copyright law default settings reuse rights attribution commercial availability copyright law creative commons public domain orphan works intellectual property democratization of knowledge reuse rights open access copyright infringement commercial availability knowledge dissemination author attribution copyright creativecommons orphanworks intellectualproperty democratization globalization publicdomain licensing access reuse stagnation commercialavailability attribution defaults restrictions agreements knowledge output distribution normalization rights ownership enforcement defaultssettings permissions innovation printingpress restrictions commercialviability search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords copyright law creative commons licenses orphan works democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge public domain knowledge sharing intellectual property rights open access digital commons author attribution copyright infringement commercial viability public-funded works copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing democratization globalization knowledge sharing author attribution copyright infringement commercial availability printing press copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing democratization globalization knowledge sharing open access fair use attribution reuse rights contract agreements intellectual freedom cultural heritage digital commons copyright infringement commercial viability public funding authorship distribution rights
test-international-gmehwasr-con03a	Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 unforeseeable consequences arming rebels unintended outcomes cold war mujahideen soviet union afghanistan taliban osama bin laden syrian rebels weapons proliferation turkey kurdish militants anti-aircraft missiles libyan rebels malian conflict iran hezbollah western assets blowback regional instability military aid arms race international security geopolitical risks unforeseeable consequences arming rebels syrian civil war afghanistan 1980s us foreign policy mujahideen soviet union taliban osama bin laden al qaeda weapons proliferation turkey kurdish militants anti-aircraft missiles libya mali conflict iran hezbollah western assets blowback military intervention risks unintended consequences regional stability international security arms race cold war conflict escalation humanitarian concerns unforeseeable consequences arming rebels unintended outcomes Afghanistan 1980s mujahideen US-Soviet conflict September 11 jihadi elements weapon proliferation Turkey concerns militant Kurds Libya conflict Mali Iran threat Hezbollah Western assets Sunni retaliation Cold War arms race Syria rebels foreign policy implications unforeseeable consequences arming rebels parallel afghanistan us soviet union mujahideen ussr damage cold war arms race unintended consequences albatross soviet union civil conflict taliban osama bin laden jihadi elements anti aircraft missiles turkey militant kurds syrian rebels western assets iran hezbollah retaliation mali conflict short term consequences blowback unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s mujahideen USSR Vietnam Taliban Osama bin Laden albatross civil conflict peace weapons proliferation Turkey anti-aircraft missiles Kurdish militants Libyan rebels Mali conflict Sunni Iran Hezbollah western assets Syria roundtable Foreign Policy blowback unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan parallel mujahideen USA USSR Vietnam Taliban Osama bin Laden albatross civil conflict weapons proliferation Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya Mali Sunni Iran Hezbollah western assets blowback roundtable Syria unforeseeable consequences arming rebels afghanistan 1980s ussr us victory tali unforeseeable consequences, arming rebels, afghanistan 1980s, us soviet union, tali unforeseeable consequences arming rebels afghanistan 1980s us soviet union mujahideen ukraine albatross civil conflict taliban osama bin laden weapons proliferation turkey anti aircraft missiles militant kurds syria sunnis iran hezbollah western assets mali blowback roundtable foreign policy cold war arms race david e. hoffman emile hokayem owen jones mona yacoubian unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan mujahideen Soviet Union US arms civil conflict Taliban September 11 jihadi elements anti aircraft missiles Turkey militant Kurds Libyan rebels Mali Iran Hezbollah western assets Sunni Cold War arms race
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con02a	"It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, journalism sources verification wikileaks whistleblowing transparency anonymity independent security criticism government impact reputation truth editors reporting credibility identity motives accuracy editorial attacks terrorism diplomacy accountability principles news confidentiality leaks journalism verification wikileaks sources accuracy editor-in-chief transparency anonymity government terrorist media confidentiality independent verification editorial staff whistleblowing diplomatic activities information reliability source identity axe to grind physical attack enemy combatant journalism sources verification wikileaks anonymity editors journalism principles transparency editorial staff source credibility government reactions press freedom confidentiality journalistic ethics intelligence leaks political impact whistleblowing editorial independence information accuracy investigative journalism media accountability source protection editorial responsibility journalism principles source verification wikileaks controversy independent sources government criticism editor in chief journalist ethics information accuracy source anonymity media transparency terrorist allegations journalism sourceVerification wikileaks transparency anonymity editorialStaff britishForeignSecretary congressmanPeterKing vicePresidentJoeBiden julianAssange informationAccuracy mediaOrganization sourceIdentity diplomaticActivities physicalAttack highTechTerrorist editorInChief starReporters newsCredibility radicalTransparency journalism verification sources wikileaks credibility editor-in-chief anonymity transparency investigative confidentiality accountability independent sourcing security ethical revelations accuracy editorial transparency criticism diplomatic attacks leaks trust verification whistleblowing editorial accountability journalism principles journalism verification independent sources wikileaks government criticism editorial staff source anonymity information accuracy media organization editor-in-chief reporter transparency anonymity hostile power disaffected employee journalism verification sources wikileaks government transparency anonymity editor reporter foreign secretary congressman vice-president security confidentiality media ethical journalism accountability intelligence espionage propaganda credibility accuracy democracy freedom of press journalism verification sources wikileaks transparency anonymity journalism ethics editor-in-chief reporter foreign secretary congressman vice-president information accuracy source identity news organization editorial staff government criticism diplomatic impact terrorist confidential source media accountability journalism verification sources wikileaks criticism anonymity accuracy transparency editors confidentiality journalism principles government terrorism 信息公开 媒体组织 编辑部 新闻伦理"
test-international-gsciidffe-pro01a	Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 national interests foreign policy state military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democratic peace autocracies trade agreements political systems stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations international relations national interest forging alliances economic self-interest trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democratic peace theory realism liberalism constructivism military power promoting state interests subnational groups economic benefits trade agreements avoidance of conflict stability global influence political systems geopolitics soft power diffusion of values democratic governance autocratic regimes democratic peace hypothesis geopolitical strategy globalization economic interdependence power projection foreign policy objectives geostrategic considerations national_interest foreign_policy military_power trade_deals circumventing_censorship democracies_autocracies economic_benefits trade_agreements political_systems realism_liberalism_constructivism alliances value_spread conflict_avoidance stability national interest foreign policy advancing national interests military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democracies autocracies trade agreements political systems stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations alliances economic self-interest spreading values Walt Stephen M Mansfield Edward D Rousseau David L national interests foreign policy subnational groups military power alliances military bases trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democracies autocracies democracy promotion political systems trade agreements economic benefits stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations Walt Mansfield Rousseau national interest foreign policy subnational groups military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democracy autocracy trade agreements political systems stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations democratic peace national interests foreign policy state's military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democracy autocracy trade agreements political systems stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations alliances economic self-interest values spread democratic peace theory national interests foreign policy advancing national interest subnational groups military power alliances military bases economic trade friendly governments circumventing censorship democracy autocracy trade agreements economic benefits stability realism liberalism constructivism Walt Stephen M international relations trade deals democratic peace national interests foreign policy subnational groups military power alliances military bases economic trade friendly governments circumventing censorship democracies autocracies democracy promotion free trade trade agreements political systems stability realism liberalism constructivism Walt Stephen M international relations Realism Liberalism constructivists spreading values Mansfield Edward D Rousseau David L national interest foreign policy military power trade deals friendly governments censorship democracy autocracy political systems economic benefits stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations alliances trade agreements democratic peace
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con02a	Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. privacy concerns digital privacy data protection personal information trust issues surveillance transparency privacy invasion data privacy privacy rights personal security information control trust in technology trust in institutions privacy breach privacy violation privacy ethics trustworthiness privacy laws consent in privacy privacy policies online privacy data sharing trust in companies trust in government privacy infringement privacy breaches privacy regulations privacy standards privacy violations privacy policy privacy law privacy infringement trust in relationships trust management privacy trust trust in digital age privacy trustworthiness trust in online platforms privacy concerns personal data protection trust issues information sharing privacy rights digital privacy surveillance data breaches consent transparency privacy policies online security cyber security personal information trust in institutions digital privacy challenges privacy regulations data collection user control privacy ethics digital rights privacy vs security online privacy privacy laws data privacy trust in technology privacy invasion privacy violations privacy impact privacy controls data misuse privacy threats privacy concerns digital privacy personal data information sharing surveillance trust issues data control privacy rights transparency consent information security trust in technology trust in institutions data protection privacy ethics data ownership privacy invasion privacy breaches privacy violations privacy legislation digital trust online privacy cybersecurity privacy policies trust in relationships privacy and security privacy and trust data misuse privacy infringement privacy laws trustworthiness privacy challenges privacy concerns personal security right to privacy control over information information sharing trust issues friend trust company trust government trust lack of consent information disclosure relationship terms digital privacy surveillance data collection transparency informed consent privacy invasion trust erosion data protection privacy rights privacy breach personal information digital security online privacy privacy laws data privacy privacy policy privacy settings trustworthiness trust management privacy expectations privacy violation trust in technology trust privacy personal security right to privacy control over information friends companies governments trustworthiness information sharing consent relationship terms digital age surveillance data collection transparency privacy concerns privacy concerns digital privacy personal data protection trust issues data privacy information security surveillance capitalism privacy rights data sharing consent in data collection privacy policies data transparency ethical data use government surveillance corporate data practices privacy breaches data misuse privacy laws data protection regulations online privacy social media privacy privacy settings personal information management privacy in the digital age privacy personal security right to privacy control over information information sharing trust issues trustworthiness faceless entities company trust government trust earned trust privacy concerns digital privacy information security data privacy trust erosion privacy breach consent in privacy transparency in privacy trust in technology surveillance trust privacy invasion privacy personal security right to privacy control over information trust issues friend trust company trust government trust trust not earned information exchange privacy rights relationship terms privacy personal security right to privacy control over information digital trust faceless entities company trust government trust informed consent data privacy trust issues privacy concerns transparency trustworthiness information sharing privacy policies trust in technology trust in institutions data ownership privacy rights privacy breaches trust mechanisms privacy protection privacy legislation trust in relationships privacy ethics trust management trust-building trust frameworks trust indicators privacy regulations privacy standards privacy best practices trust in data trust in systems trust in organizations trust in digital era trust in artificial intelligence trust privacy concerns digital privacy personal data information sharing trust issues surveillance consent data protection transparency cyber security social media trust government surveillance corporate data practices
test-education-egtuscpih-con02a	Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. online education academic integrity remote exams virtual learning degree authenticity cheating prevention university credibility digital supervision online supervision educational supervision remote testing online assessment academic honesty online examination cheating detection e-learning security distance education challenges online course cheating academic integrity online university degree validity remote exam supervision dishonesty in e-learning online education vs traditional virtual exam security distance learning ethics ensuring academic honesty online course supervision online education academic integrity remote exams virtual learning dishonesty degree authenticity online supervision cheating prevention university accreditation digital assessments online proctoring remote testing academic rigor online course credibility educational supervision online learning ethics online learning integrity academic honesty online virtual exam supervision online education cheating prevention degree authenticity online remote testing reliability online course ethics distance learning honesty academic integrity online online exam security online education academic integrity remote learning cheating prevention university degrees course supervision essay authenticity examination security digital dishonesty virtual testing distance education challenges online course cheating academic dishonesty virtual exams remote learning fraud online test supervision university integrity distance education honesty digital examination monitoring online essay authenticity academic supervision online academic honesty online education cheating prevention university degrees supervision online learning test integrity essay authenticity remote testing digital exams academic dishonesty virtual learning educational supervision online course challenges academic rigor online proctoring distance learning risks academic honesty online education cheating prevention test supervision degree authenticity university credibility e-learning challenges remote exams academic integrity online learning supervision degree verification exam integrity online course risks academic dishonesty prevention online course integrity academic dishonesty remote exam supervision university degree authenticity virtual learning security online education ethics cheating prevention distance learning supervision educational technology challenges digital examination monitoring online proctoring academic integrity remote exams cheating prevention online supervision essay authenticity test security digital assessment online learning honesty academic dishonesty prevention virtual exam monitoring online course trust online student verification academic certification online
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con05a	"Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, impose democracy escalate conflict intervene country different government backlash destabilize destroy infrastructure disrupt services violent conflict civil war iraq intervention gulf war sanctions bombing infrastructure destruction societal devastation disband army debaathification democracy failure Middle East conflict intervention consequences imposing democracy escalating conflict country intervention government destabilization backlash infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation army disbandment debaathification resource competition rights protection Iraq lessons Libya intervention foreign military involvement regime change risks democracy failure examples geopolitical consequences international conflict theory democracy imposition conflict escalation backlash destabilization infrastructure services civil war Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation military intervention Iraq Libya General Odierno administration de-Baathification competing factions resource scarcity rights protection success failures precedent foreign policy democracy imposition escalation conflict backlash destabilization infrastructure destruction resource competition civil war societal devastation sanctions bombing de-baathification democratic failure intervention consequences Iraq lessons Libya intervention military occupation impact democracy conflict escalation backlash destabilization infrastructure services violence civil war Iraq Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation army debaathification resources rival factions foreign intervention Libyan intervention Sean Kane Karen Parrish democracy imposition escalates conflict intervention consequences infrastructure destruction civil war societal devastation competing factions resource scarcity rights protection Gulf War sanctions bombing Iraq lessons Libya intervention democratic failure democracy imposition conflict escalation backlash destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation army disbanding debaathification resource competition rights protection intervention failures foreign policy mistakes imposing democracy escalate conflict intervention backlash destabilization societal devastation civil war infrastructure destruction resource competition democratic failure Iraq Libya intervention mistakes political instability democracy imposition conflict escalation civil war infrastructure destruction resource competition political instability intervention risks Iraq example Gulf War sanctions impact societal devastation military intervention outcomes democracy imposition country intervention backlash destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption civil war Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation army disbanding debaathification experienced administrators resource competition rights protection foreign policy mistakes Libya intervention"
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro03a	There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. broadcaster controversial art funding BBC licence trust global audience censorship protest creative development broadcaster controversial funding licence fee global audience protest trust artistic freedom creative development media broadcasting public service ethical responsibility cultural impact censorship public trust artistic expression media criticism broadcaster funding controversial art BBC licence fee creative development global audience protest trust censorship broadcasting trust opinion artistic freedom media regulation controversy ethical responsibility cultural diversity impact broadcaster controversy licence fee independence challenging art promotion BBC trust global audience impact censorship criticism artistic freedom public broadcaster responsibilities media trust issues creative development opportunities broadcaster funding structure controversial works of art licence fee commercial funding state funding new works of art creative development global audience trust betrayal protest opinion capitulation broadcaster funding structure controversial works licence fee commercial pressures political masters global audience creative development trust prudish group broadcasting ethics broadcasting controversy funding art BBC licence fee global audience trust creative development prudish protest controversial works of art broadcaster funding structure licence fee new works of art creative development global audience trust protest betrayal broadcaster funding controversial art licence fee pressure commercial political trust audience global broadcasting creative development protest organization approach output opinion prudish betrayal broadcaster controversial art licence fee funding structure creative development global audience public trust censorship artistic freedom BBC broadcasting ethics media responsibility
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro04a	"Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 quota gender equality executive boards business performance female leadership education level Norway McKinsey organizational health index work-life balance strategic decision-making conflict resolution business ethics competitive advantage EU economies gender equality executive boards women in leadership company performance quota systems education level communal leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making conflict resolution business ethics female managers Norway model boardroom quotas European Union economies gender equality executive boards quota systems female leadership company performance gender sensitivity work-life balance collaborative leadership business ethics female managers boardroom diversity financial performance women in leadership organizational health index gendered business models female executives quota legislation women's education decision-making processes conflict resolution Norway business environment successful women leaders competitive advantage quota-led gender equality executive board diversity gender sensitive business women in high positions companies' performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index female leadership communal leadership style work-life assistance strategic decision-making Norway board quota Sheryl Sandberg business ethics EU economies female manager impact female board members business success models quota gender equality executive boards correlation companies performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index human capital profits communal leadership work culture decision-making conflict Sheryl Sandberg competitive advantages EU economies gender equality executive boards quota system business performance female leadership education level collaborative leadership work-life balance decision-making business ethics economic growth gender equality executive boards quota system company performance female leadership collaborative leadership work-life balance decision-making conflict resolution business ethics boardroom diversity economic impact gender sensitivity educational level financial performance communal leadership Norway model business model transformation gender equality executive boards performance correlation women leadership financial performance OHI measures human capital quotas communal leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making conflict reduction business ethics Sheryl Sandberg EU economies quota gender equality executive boards correlation company performance McKinsey OHI women leadership communal leadership work-life assistance decision-making conflict reduction EU economies business ethics norwegian model boardroom quotas female managers successful business women competitive advantages high education level gender equality executive boards female leadership company performance quotas work-life balance decision-making business ethics competitive advantage EU economies female managers collaborative leadership boardroom diversity educational level organizational health index successful women in business Sheryl Sandberg Norway model"
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, economic recovery greek economy defaulting currency devaluation monetary policy recession Argentina austerity measures uncertainty fear foreign investment export growth tourism eurozone debt default Lapavitsas Pettifor Greece European Union default Greece economy recovery Argentina monetary policy devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures Eurozonexit risk fear local businesses foreign investors default economic recovery status quo Greek economy recession Argentina monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures corporate tax regulations foreign investors local businesses Eurozone defaulting countries BBC News The Guardian default on debts greek economy recession monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures uncertainty risk fear Greek Government defaulting countries Eurozone Argentina foreign investors local businesses economic recovery costs of default Eurozone crisis exit strategy Greece leaving Euro Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas Economic recovery Defaulting Monetary policy Currency devaluation Export growth Tourism Investment attraction Uncertainty reduction Austerity measures Foreign investment Local business startup Eurozone exit Greece debt crisis economic recovery default greek economy debt default monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures uncertainty risk fear Eurozone Argentina defaults Greek government defaults bank safety foreign investment local businesses Lapavitsas Pettifor defaulting Greek economy recovery currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures Eurozone Argentina crisis economic growth Monetary policy foreign investment economic recovery default greek economy debt default monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures Eurozone Argentina foreign investors local businesses financial crisis government policy monetary flexibility debt restructuring economic growth European Union costs of default Greek financial crisis economic recovery default Greek economy debt default currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures Eurozone Affordable holidays foreign investors local businesses monetary policy government austerity Argentina defaults financial uncertainty economic growth monetary freedom Ann Pettifor Costa Lapavitsas defaulting greek economy recovery monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures uncertainty fear Eurozone Argentina economic growth Egyptian pound Sovereign debt financial crisis
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro05a	You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. patents idea ownership public domain vital drugs intellectual property property rights monopolies health improvement patents idea ownership vital drugs public domain property rights monopoly production methods public good idea dissemination intellectual property safeguards patents idea ownership vital drugs public domain property rights monopoly efficient use equitable use physical property intellectual property idea dissemination firm secrecy public good health improvement intellectual property rights idea protection tangible safeguards patents vital drugs idea ownership public domain monopoly efficient use property rights drug formulas public good health improvement intellectual property tangible assets idea protection dissemination safeguards patents idea ownership public domain vital drugs intellectual property property rights drug formulas monopolies tangible assets idea dissemination patents idea ownership vital drugs public domain monopoly production method intellectual property rights protection public good patents idea ownership vital drugs public domain monopoly safeguards intellectual property rights property rights asset protection health improvement patents idea ownership vital drugs public domain monopoly property rights efficient use equitable use intellectual property idea dissemination tangible assets safeguards health improvement patents idea ownership vital drugs public domain intellectual property monopoly efficient use equitable use physical property tangible asset property rights drug formulas public good health improvement idea protection idea dissemination patents ideas public domain intellectual property ownership vital drugs monopolies dissemination public good
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro03a	Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. juror bias media coverage impartiality sensationalist media internet research jury information previous convictions reliable facts court transparency juror_biased_verdict juror_media_influence juror_internet_research jury_impartiality juror_information_sources juror_sensationalism court_transparency juror_background_search juror_opinion_poll juror_court_information juror_media_effectiveness juror_information_requirements juror_legal_guidelines juror_idealized_impartiality juror_case_background juror_legal_advice juror_public_opinion juror_legal_obligations juror_informed_decision juror_court_procedures juror_case_details juror juror bias media coverage impartiality jury research internet use court information sensationalist media previous convictions juror education bias juror media impartiality courtroom internet background conviction sensationalism information verdict impartiality court juror research facts biasing trial transparency juror internet conviction juror biasing juror media juror impartiality juror information juror conviction juror biasing juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror juror jurors bias media coverage jury impartiality internet research courtroom information sensationalist media previous convictions reliable facts juror awareness legal ethics search performance relevant expansion phrases jurors biased verdict media coverage impartiality internet research court information previous convictions reliable facts sensationalist media bias jurors media coverage internet research jury impartiality court information sensationalist media previous convictions fact presentation legal guidelines juror education juror bias media influence legal impartiality jury research internet use in jury previous convictions evidence presentation sensationalist media juror education legal information provision jury instructions juror_bias jury_impartiality media_influence jury_research internet_searches due_process jury_information legal_opinion sensationalist_media court_procedures juror bias media influence jury impartiality internet research courtroom information previous convictions sensationalist media juror knowledge legal ethics jury instructions
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro02a	Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, election costs financial costs of elections uncertainty in elections costs of sham elections benefits of avoiding elections financial expenditure on elections electoral violence cost of campaigning election financing election expenses election-related violence political uncertainty election benefits electoral expenditure election costs financial costs of elections electoral uncertainty consequences of sham elections violence in elections election funding election expenses democratic elections uncertainty election violence examples election costs international impact election finance issues election spending election expenses case studies election fraud impacts election costs financial expenses electoral financing election uncertainty political violence sham elections election fraud Green Movement Iran election protests Zimbabwe election expenses electoral uncertainty election violence election benefits election benefits analysis election cost analysis election costs financial costs of elections uncertainty in elections benefits of avoiding elections sham elections costs of Zimbabwe's 2013 elections violence in elections Green Movement Iranian election protests election expenses election financing election uncertainty election benefits election violence election spending electoral costs costs uncertainty elections democracy financial political violence Zimbabwe United States Iran Voice of America Human Rights Watch Green Movement costs uncertainty elections democratic elections financing violence Zimbabwe United States Elections Green Movement iran election costs financial costs of elections Zimbabwe election costs electoral uncertainty sham elections election violence green movement iran election protests zimbabwe 2008 election violence zimbabwe 2009 election violence costs uncertainty elections democratic sham violence financing financial Green Movement Zimbabwe Iran Green Movement 2009 2008 2013 Voice of America Human Rights Watch AFP election expenses election violence election fraud election financing election costs election uncertainty election benefits electoral uncertainty election expenses financing election costs financial costs of elections electoral uncertainty benefits of elections sham elections election violence election expenses Zimbabwe election costs Iran election violence election financing electoral uncertainty benefits election costs financial costs of elections electoral uncertainty benefits of avoiding elections costs of sham elections violence in elections election financing green movement iranian elections zimbabwean elections electoral expenditure election violence electoral fraud consequences
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro04a	Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). foreign aid pre-requisites donor nations development aid allocation colonial history democracy business standards labor standards aid recipients developmental goals donor nations foreign aid recipients pre-requisites colonial history aid allocation democracy business standards labor standards developmental aid aid distribution historical aid patterns aid recipients analysis aid conditionality foreign aid pre-requisites donor nations development aid allocation colonial history aid distribution democracy business standards labor standards developmental goals aid recipients aid effectiveness historical aid aid allocation criteria aid prioritization aid conditions historical foreign aid patterns pre-requisites for aid allocation colonial history and aid distribution democracy as aid condition business and labor standards in aid developmental aid objectives aid distribution trends aid recipient selection criteria foreign aid pre-requisites donor nations development aid colonial history aid allocation democracy business standards labor standards aid distribution historical aid recipients UK aid aid effectiveness economic growth aid conditions Foreign Aid Pre-requisites Developmental Aid Donor Nation Recipient Selection Colonial History Aid Allocation Democracy Business Standards Labour Standards Aid Distribution Aid Recipients Development Goals foreign aid pre-requisites donor nations recipient selection colonial history aid allocation development aid democracy business standards labor standards aid distribution historical aid patterns aid effectiveness aid recipients aid conditions global aid analysis foreign aid pre-requisites colonial history aid allocation democratic prerequisites development aid donor preference aid distribution historical aid recipients business standards labor standards historical foreign aid pre-requisites for aid donor preferences colonial history aid allocation democratic prerequisites development aid aid distribution foreign aid recipients aid history aid conditions aid objectives economic development aid colonial relationships aid effectiveness aid prioritization aid history trends aid conditionality historical foreign aid donor pre-requisites colonial history aid allocation democratic requirements business standards labour standards development goals aid distribution patterns aid recipients aid history aid effectiveness
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro01a	Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, checks balances opposition scrutiny single-party oversight authoritarian government divided policy legislation democracy Franklin legislative executive compromise Benjamin checks and balances power distribution government oversight single-party rule authoritarian government divided government policy scrutiny legislative branch executive branch compromise bipartisan decision-making benjamin franklin quotations checks balances opposition scrutiny presidency oversight single-party authoritarian government divided compromise legislation Benjamin Franklin legislative branch checks and balances divided government legislative oversight opposition party presidential accountability single-party rule authoritarian governments policy scrutiny government abuse political compromise Benjamin Franklin quotes Checks and balances power distribution single-party rule authoritarianism divided government legislative oversight compromise policy scrutiny power abuse legislature division Benjamin Franklin checks and balances power abuse single-party rule legislative oversight divided government executive check policy scrutiny authoritarianism bipartisan compromise political balance government accountability power distribution electoral politics political science framing arguments political theory policy evaluation political systems political dynamics political influence power structure political power legislative effectiveness political reform political stability political philosophy political analysis political history political critique political discussion political debate political context political strategy p checks and balances power distribution single-party rule opposition party legislative oversight authoritarian governments divided government policy scrutiny compromise best policy executive branch political parties legislative branch power abuse authoritative governance representative democracy political stability public interest benjamin franklin quotations political science american government checks and balances political parties oversight authoritarian government single-party rule divided government legislative branch policy enforcement benjamin franklin compromise effective governance power abuse scrutiny legislature division checks and balances political parties government oversight power abuse authoritarianism divided government legislative branch compromise policy justification electoral politics franklin quotes checks and balances power distribution legislative oversight opposition party single-party rule authoritarian government divided government executive check compromise policy scrutiny authoritative governance power abuse political balance legislative branch effective governance political stability political equilibrium bipartisan approach policy implementation political oversight presidential accountability framing legislation legislative independence political checks political systems political reform representation electoral process political science public interest international comparison benjamin franklin quotes american politics government efficiency
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro03a	Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. pornography ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal impact patriarchy promiscuity anorexia low self-esteem male dominance female subjugation pornography industry gender stereotypes sexual norms pornography effects women's rights media influence cultural norms pornography addiction sexual health gender roles gender roles pornography effects social impact patriarchy promiscuity sexual stereotypes distorted perceptions female agency sexual health male dominance body image unrealistic expectations pornography societal impacts patriarchy feminism sexual stereotypes media influence distorted norms promiscuity dominance low self-esteem anorexia pornography industry male ownership gender roles pornography effects societal impact pornography stereotypes women's rights patriarchy pornography health male dominance promiscuity female sexuality reality vs pornography sexual expectations pornography culture pornography influence male sexual behavior gender roles pornography ethics sexual satisfaction sexual health gender inequality pornography addiction sexual dysfunctions pornography feminism sexual norms pornography psychology pornography gender stereotypes sexual health body image mental health societal norms patriarchy sexual expectations media influence sexual violence consent feminism sexual education objectification sexuality relationships gender roles body standards sexual dissatisfaction sexual performance sexual addiction sexual dysfunction sexual satisfaction sexual empowerment sexual liberation sexual autonomy pornography sexual ideals gender roles body image sexual health societal impact gender inequality patriarchal structures sexual satisfaction consent sexual education media influence female objectification male dominance anorexia self-esteem promiscuity sexual norms porn industry cultural stereotypes sexual behavior sexual autonomy pornography society ideals sexuality relationships patriarchy feminism media gender roles dominance anorexia self-esteem promiscuity industry ownership sexual stereotypes pornography unrealistic ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal impact gender stereotypes mental health anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchal structures pornography industry male dominance sexual stereotypes female objectification sexual health sexual satisfaction consent sexual expectations body image sexual norms gender roles sexual inequality search optimization pornography social impact patriarchy sexual stereotypes female agency gender roles distorted perceptions media influence unreachable beauty standards sexual health mental health promiscuity dominance anorexia low self-esteem gender inequality pornography industry sexuality education relationship dynamics sexual satisfaction power dynamics sexual health issues gender bias sexual consent sexual autonomy media literacy sexual norms promoting equality sexual rights sexual violence sexual objectification sexual freedom sexual ethics pornography societal impact patriarchy gender stereotypes sexual health media influence anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity dominance sexuality unreachable ideals pornography industry sexual expectations
test-international-siacphbnt-pro02a	Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. technology youths new markets mobile phones Africa citizens networking social problems Sub-Saharan Africa Sambira 2015 1 billion subscriptions access to technology innovative solutions health care e-commerce SlimTrader airplane tickets bus tickets medicine advertising skills products opportunities consumer demands goods Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors mobile phones African youth high-technology SlimTrader e-commerce healthcare mobile subscriptions West Africa East Africa Social problems entrepreneurship innovative solutions Helvetic Solar Contractors market expansion mobile phones Africa youths new markets technology e-commerce social problems healthcare mobile subscriptions innovative solutions business opportunities financial inclusion SlimTrader Helvetic Solar Contractors mobile phones youths African markets e-commerce healthcare solutions Sub-Saharan Africa SlimTrader Helvetic Solar Contractors mobile subscriptions innovative solutions networking consumer demands social problems high-technology small business opportunities search efficiency expand query technology youths identify new markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa Sub-Saharan Africa mobile cellular subscriptions high-technology business opportunities money flows health care innovative solutions SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology market access Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors mobile phones Africa youths new markets e-commerce health care social problems Sub-Saharan Africa innovative solutions mobile technology market access consumer demands e-commerce platforms SlimTrader Helvetic Solar Contractors Technology youths new markets mobile phones Sub-Saharan Africa social problems business opportunities e-commerce healthcare treatment innovative solutions SlimTrader Helvetic Solar Contractors mobile technology market access consumer demands entrepreneurs West Africa East Africa high-technology citizen networking technological access challenges innovations youths mobile phones Africa new markets e-commerce health care social problems innovative solutions subscriptions technological access business opportunities money flows SlimTrader Helvetic Solar Contractors mobile phones Africa youths new markets technology Sub-Saharan Africa health care e-commerce innovative solutions mobile subscriptions SlimTrader Helvectic Solar Contractors search outcomes beneficial expansion terms technology youths new markets mobile phones West Africa East Africa citizens networking social problems Sub-Saharan Africa Sambira 2015 1 billion subscriptions e-commerce healthcare treatment business opportunities money flows SlimTrader airplane tickets bus tickets medicine innovative solutions consumer demands exchange goods Nsehe Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors challenges
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro03a	Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. linguistic diversity self-segregation social balkanization Hispanic population immigrant groups racial segregation legal discrimination Spanish language assimilation cultural isolation communication barriers urban areas immigration trends language learning minority-majority relations self-segregation linguistic diversity social balkanization immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language cultural assimilation communication barriers television industry urban services immigration trends language acquisition societal integration ethnic enclaves linguistic_diversity racial_segregation social_balkanization assimilation hispanic_population Spanish_language communication_barriers immigrant_groups cultural_isolation bilingualism ethnic_enclaves linguistic diversity self-segregation social balkanization Hispanic population immigration assimilation communication barriers cultural unity language learning media influence urban development minority-majority relations self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity immigrant groups Hispanic population social balkanization assimilation Spanish language television catering services linguistic diversity self-segregation social balkanization Hispanic population immigrant groups cultural assimilation Spanish language television industry communication barriers self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity immigrant groups Hispanic population social balkanization assimilation divergence self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity immigrant groups Hispanic population social balkanization assimilation divergence Spanish language television self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination Linguistic diversity immigrant groups Hispanic population social balkanization assimilation Spanish language television industry self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity hispanic population social balkanization assimilation divergence
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con03a	Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 court privacy televising trials victim rights defendant family media impact Milly Dowler case confidentiality emotional stress public exposure testimony fears support groups criminal justice privacy rights court privacy televising trials media influence victim rights defendant family stress Milly Dowler case public disclosure emotional trauma testimony fear support groups legal ethics privacy laws courtroom procedures media law criminal justice system confidentiality in court psychological impact testimonial obstacles court proceedings privacy victim defense family stress media exposure testimony evidence confidentiality public opinion justice system victimization privacy rights media ethics judicial process legal proceedings personal information justice transparency televising court cases right to privacy victim's privacy defendant's family stressful court proceedings Milly Dowler case pornographic magazines evidence family members testify in court vilifying tactics crimes reported emotional impact criminal conviction media influence on justice process public exposure defence tactics victim support rape victims testimony assistance privacy victim defendant's family stress milly dowler pornographic magazines father disclosure evidence journalism court proceedings media exposure vilifying tactics testimony rape victims support groups public disclosure intimate details emotional trauma media sensationalism courtroom televising digital age justice family rights privacy rights legal ethics courtroom transparency privacy invasion media influence legal proceedings televised trials media law legal advocacy criminal justice public interest legal strategy victim support court cases privacy televising trials stress Milly Dowler case media influence family trauma defense tactics victim protection reporting crimes public testimony support groups rape victims evidence disclosure privacy televising court cases victim's right defendant's family stress Milly Dowler case media intrusion personal details public humiliation transformation of lives crime reporting victim testimony emotional trauma support groups rape victims televising court cases right to privacy victim's privacy defendant's family public stress Milly Dowler case media exploitation court evidence family transformation defense tactics victim protection testimony obstacles crime reporting victim support rape testimony privacy victim's rights defendant's family court televising mass media evidence disclosure family trauma vilification victim testimony public exposure media ethics legal proceedings criminal justice system rape support groups privacy invasion privacy victim family defendant milly dowler pornographic magazines court proceedings media evidence public disclosure vilifying tactics testimony criminal justice public life emotional impact rape support
test-international-segiahbarr-pro01a	Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa economies growth natural resources China African countries middle-class GDP trade development predictions future African economies growth natural resources trade China-Africa relations middle class expansion GDP growth Africa African development investment in Africa economic growth in Africa African economy trends Africa trade increase African economies growth GDP natural resources trade China African development middle class prediction economic expansion investments African economies growth natural resources export China-Africa trade middle-class expansion GDP growth African economic development investment in Africa Africa's future outlook Africa economies growth natural resources trade China Africa's economy middle class GDP investment developing countries economic development export resources future population trade relations government policy economic trends globalization African economies growth natural resources export China-Africa trade middle-class expansion GDP growth rates economic development in Africa African countries investments Africa growth economies natural resources China trade GDP middle class future population investment African economies growth significant economic growth natural resources GDP Nigeria investment China African middle-class prediction trade future African economies growth natural resources China African development middle class trade GDP Maps of World Africa rising The Economist Africa Economies growth natural resources China African countries GDP trade middle-class future
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro03a	"Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] alternative therapies established remedies conventional medicine anecdotal accounts trial results mistakes food supplements industry value fatalities diagnosis delay walmart tesco journal article alternative therapies established remedies conventional medicine complementary medicine success rates harm statistics food supplements medical impact anecdotal evidence trial results fatalities diagnosis delay popularity statistics research examination publishing mistakes animal treatments alternative therapies established remedies conventional medicine anecdotal accounts success rates mistakes publishing errors food supplements medical impact delayed diagnosis fatalities industry statistics research gaps popularity percentages credit allocation evidence-based medicine pharmaceutical industry safety concerns public health complementary medicine statistical analysis clinical trials patient outcomes alternative therapies established remedies miracle cure credit anecdotal accounts conventional medicine trials success rates harm fatalities food supplements medical impact WalMart Tesco alternative therapies established remedies credit for cures miracle cures reliance statistics conventional medicine trial success rates harm demonstrations correction efforts fatalities food supplements medical impact WalMart Tesco alternative therapies established remedies credit miracle cure reliance conventional medicine trials success rates harm fatalities food supplements medical impact alternative therapies established remedies miracle cure credit anecdotal accounts success rates conventional medicine trials harm fatalities food supplements medical impact WalMart Tesco alternative therapies established remedies conventional medicine complementary medicine anecdotal accounts miracle cure statistic success rate harm food supplements medical impact fatalities diagnosis animals industry value national survey journal alternative therapies established remedies conventional medicine anecdotal accounts miracle cure statistic popularity credibility harm success rates food supplements medical impact trials research studies criticism evaluation evidence bias public health complementary medicine patient outcomes safety industry regulation publishing""errors"" alternative therapies established remedies miracle cure anecdotal accounts conventional medicine trial success rates food supplements medical impact WalMart Tesco"
test-international-gmehwasr-pro03a	The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Free Syrian Army Syrian army equipment disparity Libyan army western intervention Russian tanks light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War man portable air defense systems Syrian air force arms supply conflict analysis Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libya western backed rebels Russian tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War man portable air defense systems Syrian air force arms provision conflict weaponry comparison military balance regional conflicts warfare tactics arms efficacy rebel support strategies Free Syrian Army Syrian army weaponry comparison Libyan army western backed rebels 2011 conflict aircraft helicopters Russian tanks small arms anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War 2006 conflict man portable air defence systems Syrian air force arming rebels international intervention military balance conflict analysis Free Syrian Army Syrian army equipment Libyan army western backed rebels Russian built tanks light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce arms provision military balance rebel support conflict analysis Middle East warfare arms effectiveness Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army Western backed rebels 2011 aircraft helicopters Russian tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah 2006 Israeli-armoured vehicles man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce 2013 Free Syrian Army Syrian army equipment disparity Libyan army western backed rebels aircraft helicopters Russian tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War man portable air defence systems Syrian air force arms supply strategic recommendations Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels aircraft helicopters light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce Hezbollah employment Cordesman Antony H Doran Michael Shaikh Salman Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels 2011 aircraft helicopters Russian built tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons Hezbollah 2006 Israeli armoured vehicles man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce 2006 2013 Cordesman Anthony H. Doran Michael Shaikh Salman Free Syrian Army Syrian army equipment disparity Libyan rebels Western intervention 2011 Libyan uprising aircraft helicopters Russian tanks small arms anti-tank weapons Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War 2006 Lebanon war man portable air defence systems MANPADS Syrian air force arms supply Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War Russian tanks light anti-tank weapons man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce Syrian controlled areas army equipment warfare tactics conflict analysis
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con04a	A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 U.N. standing army de facto state world government democratic veto power China totalitarian moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs united nations standing army world government democratic veto power china totalitarian moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs United Nations standing army de facto state world government democratic process veto power international affairs peacekeeping neutrality moral authority China totalitarian state UN reforms global governance honest broker Miller 1992-3 p.787 U.N. standing army de facto state world government democratic UN veto power moral authority peacekeeping international affairs honest broker Miller 1992-3 p.787 U.N. standing army de facto state world government democratic veto power peace agreements moral authority international affairs honest broker U.N. standing army de facto state world government democratic veto power moral authority peace agreements international affairs honest broker Chinese politics totalitarian state neutral perception Miller 1992-3 UN standing army de facto state world government democratic veto power moral authority peace agreements international affairs honest broker China totalitarian state United Nations standing army de facto state world government democratic totalitarian state moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs UN standing army de facto state world government democratic totalitarian state veto power international affairs honest broker peace agreements Miller 1992-3 p.787 U.N. standing army de facto state world government democratic UN Chinese veto power moral authority peace agreements UN role honest broker international affairs
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con01a	The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ arms ban European Union China human rights Tiananmen Square weapons sales international principles democratic demonstrations Amnesty International Human Rights Watch arms ban European Union China human rights Tiananmen Square EU arms embargo political prisoners international covenant Amnesty International Human Rights Watch diplomatic relations arms ban European Union China human rights Tiananmen Square democracy arms sales international principles diplomatic relations military equipment Amnesty International Human Rights Watch civil and political rights political prisoners arms ban European Union principles massacre students democracy openness Tiananmen Square human rights China EU objections political activists International Covenant Amnesty International Human Rights Watch ratification imprisonment European weapons favours arms ban European Union principles massacre democracy Tiananmen Square China human rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch prisoners arms ban European Union principles students demonstration Tiananmen Square Chinese human rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square human rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists religious activists weapons sales EU-China relations arms ban European Union Tiananmen Square principles human rights China massacre democracy international relations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activism arms ban European Union human rights China Tiananmen Square Amnesty International Human Rights Watch diplomatic relations military exports political prisoners arms ban European Union Chinese human rights Tiananmen Square EU arms embargo diplomatic relations international principles political activism humanitarian concerns
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con03a	The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem massacres Jewish settlers Israeli settlements UN partition plan Dershowitz Alan Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem massacres Israeli settlements UN partition plan Violence compensation tragedy innocent victims Dershowitz Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem massacres Israeli law compensation settlements UN partition plan Dershowitz Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian participation 1948 War partition plan rejection Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish settlement compensation claims right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan legal claims Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem massacres Jewish settlers right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan Dershowitz Alan Palestinian leadership 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish settlement right of return Israeli law 1948 War compensation UN partition plan Palestinian action legal claim Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem jewish settlers Israeli settlements Dershowitz UN partition plan victimization Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem jewish population massacres Israeli settlements Dershowitz Arab-Israeli conflict UN partition plan legal claims Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem jewish settlers compensation Israeli settlements Dershowitz UN partition plan Victimization Arab-Israeli Conflict Palestinians 1948 War partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem massacres jewish settlers compensation Israeli settlements UN partition plan Dershowitz Alan
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con01a	The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 terrorism security risks government control civil liberties overexaggeration historical bombings state power anti-terrorist measures Frontline terrorism exaggeration government control civil liberties anti-terrorist measures historical terrorism attacks modern terrorism government power citizen rights 9/11 pan am 103 pbs frontline terrorism security risks government control civil liberties evidence for terrorism motives of governments selling fear anti-terrorist measures draconian measures 9/11 attacks Pan Am 103 Beirut bombing PBS Frontline terrorism overexaggeration government control motives security measures efficacy civil liberties infringement historical terrorism incidents anti-terrorist exaggeration government power increase false security threats terrorist attacks 1980s balanced security measures terrorism security risks overexaggeration government control civil liberties Frontline anti-terrorist Pan Am 103 Beirut bombing 9/11 isolated events terrorism overexaggeration security measures justification government control civil liberties infringement historical terrorist attacks modern terrorism response government anti-terror tactics isolated terrorist events terrorism threat perception terrorism security risks overexaggeration government control civil liberties 9/11 bombings terrorist attacks Frontline civil rights state control evidence modern government anti-terrorist infringing isolated events terrorism overexaggeration government control evidence不足 security measures civil liberties 9/11 anti-terrorist mania powers of control Isolated events terrorism security risks government control civil liberties anti-terrorism exaggeration 9/11 bombings Pan Am 103 Beirut embassy Frontline government power terrorism security risks government control civil liberties anti-terrorist measures 9/11 isolated events government power Frontline bombings 1988 1983 Beirut Pan Am 103
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro01a	The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, sexual relations marriage contraception presmarital sex family planning philippines catholic church teaching values family life unwanted pregnancies young people social change sexual revolution cultural values bishop sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex family life children Filipino culture Catholic Church social change young people RH bill values sex education population growth religious influence cultural heritage sexual revolution sexual relations marriage contraception premarital sex unwanted pregnancies Filipino culture Catholic Church social change family life values young people RH bill sexual relations marriage contraception premarital sex family life unwanted pregnancies Catholic Church Philippines culture Mass Social Change sexual revolution values young people RH bill sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex family life children unwanted pregnancies Filipino culture Catholic Church social change Mass values young people RH bill sexual relations marriage contraception premarital sex family life unwanted pregnancies Filipino culture Catholic Church values teaching young people RH bill Mass Sexual Revolution philippines culture religion consequences sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex unwanted pregnancies Filipino culture Catholic Church family life values Mass social change religious influence consequences young people archipelago RH bill sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex Catholicism Philippines population family life children unwanted pregnancies cultural values Church teaching social change sexual revolution Bill RH young people sexual relations mariage contraception pre-marital sex population Philippines Catholicism family life children unwanted pregnancies Filipino culture Church teaching social change Mass celebrated values archipelago RH bill sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex family life unwanted pregnancies Filipino culture Catholic Church values teaching Mass social change cornerstones consequences young people RH bill
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con02a	If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” child performers illegal performance protection laws government monitoring Inland Revenue health and safety banned professions professional sports athlete age fraud Latin American baseball U.S. Major League age deception drug problems player overdoses international sports DNA testing athlete pressure child labor sports ethics child performers illegal performance government protection Inland Revenue health and safety banning child performers professional sports athlete age fraud Latin American baseball U.S. Major League player age deception drug problems baseball doping underage athletes sports regulations child labor laws youth sports ethics child performers illegal performance legal protection government monitoring Inland Revenue health and safety sports age fraud Latin American baseball U.S. Major League athlete age deception drug problems player success immigration challenges international sports child labor banning child performers risk exposure child performers banned illegal performance working conditions government protection professional sports age fraud Latin American baseball United States Major League drug problems overdose death child labor laws DNA testing baseball scandals child performers illegal performance working circumstances Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age lying Latin American baseball U.S. Major League DNA testing athlete age drug problems overdose child labor banning child performers risk exposure child performers illegal performance protection laws government monitoring professional sports athlete age fraud Latin American baseball U. S. Major League DNA testing drug problems player success underage athletes sports doping international sports health risks labor protection childhood rights sports ethics child performers banned illegal performance working circumstances Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports athlete age fraud Latin American baseball US Major League miguel tejada young players drug problems overdose sports doping child labor laws age verification performance enhancement athletic performance child exploitation unprotected work conditions child performers illegal performance government protection Inland Revenue health and safety professional sports athlete age Latin American baseball U.S. Major League drug problems underage athletes DNA testing baseball scandals player success international sports performance risks child performers banned illegal performance working conditions Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports athlete age Latino baseball players U.S. Major League miguel tejada young athletes drug problems overdose death age fraud DNA testing child performers illegal performance working conditions government protection Inland Revenue health and safety banning child performers sports doping underage athletes drug abuse migration international sports DNA testing player success rates
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, default Greece economic recovery Greek economy currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures uncertainty risk fear Eurozone Australia Argentina defaulting greek economy economic recovery Argentina nations monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures uncertainty fear foreign investors local businesses Eurozone monetary policy freedom costs of default Greece leaving Eurozone restarting economy economic stability financial risks Greek government debt Argentina default experience Lapavitsas Costas Pettifor Ann economic recovery default greek economy status quo recession austerity measures monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses Eurozone default Argentina monetary freedom bank safety government debt Lapavitsas Pettifor default economic recovery monetary policy freedom currency devaluation international competitiveness exports investment attraction tourism Argentina default example uncertainty reduction foreign investment local business startup Eurozone exit austerity measures corporate tax increase regulatory changes economic growth Greek government debt BBC News The Guardian economic recovery default Greece economic growth monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures foreign investment local businesses Eurozone Argentina default consequences default benefits currency stability economic prediction debt management recession economic recovery default Greek economy monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures uncertainty risk fear Eurozone Argentina nations Egypt Spain Britain Germany default economic recovery Greece debt monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures Eurozone Argentina foreign investment local businesses risk fear austerity corporate tax regulations financial stability defaulting greek economy economic recovery Argentina nations currency devaluation exports investment tourism austerity measures Lapavitsas Pettifor economic recovery default monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures Greek economy Anti-default arguments Argentina default foreign investment local businesses Eurozone exit Greek debt Ellen Brown defaulting greek economy recovery currency devaluation monetary policy Argentina austerity measures investment tourism uncertainty foreign investment Lapavitsas Pettifor Eurozone
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership Creative Commons monopoly power investment encouragement profit motives social good artistic experience commercial use non-commercial licenses intellectual property copyright protection public domain idea ownership creative commons monopoly power physical property innovation incentives profit motive social good artistic experience commercial use fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection idea ownership public domain creative commons monopoly power tangible assets innovation incentives profit motives social good artistic experience non-commercial use commercial rights societal benefit intellectual property rights idea ownership public domain creative commons monopoly power artistic expression social good profit motive fair use copyright protection innovation incentives non-commercial use societal benefit property fiction dissemination of ideas tangible assets legal convenience intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection idea ownership public domain creative commons non-commercial use artistic freedom social good economic incentives monopoly power innovation profit motives societal benefit legal doctrine artistic expression property rights tangibility idea dissemination ownership rights creative commons licenses commercial exploitation artistic value public access fair compensation intellectual property law idea monopolies public domain release cultural sharing creative commons non-commercial economic efficiency intellectual property rights artistic monopolies idea protection public domain works artistic experience creative commons licensing economic incentives for creation idea intellectual property copyright idea ownership public domain creative commons property right monopoly power innovation encouragement profit motives social good artistic experience commercial use intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership creative commons non-commercial use monopoly power tangible assets innovation incentives artistic experience social good commercial rights intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership creative commons monopoly power physical property investment encouragement profit motives social good artistic experience non-commercial use commercial rights fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership Creative Commons non-commercial licenses monopoly power artistic experience societal benefit intellectual property copyright idea ownership public domain creative commons property rights monopoly innovation investment fair use artistic expression social good profit motive non-commercial use Creative Commons licenses
test-international-atiahblit-pro01a	Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy teacher shortage incentivize teaching UNESCO report teacher recruitment education workforce teacher student ratio Central African Republic World Bank teacher grants teaching careers education funding teacher training career pathways education incentives Africa education primary education teacher shortages educational policy teacher education teacher motivation teacher shortages Africa teacher incentives Tanzania teacher recruitment education policy primary education teacher student ratio UNESCO report World Bank Social Policy teacher shortage education policy teacher recruitment teaching incentives teacher retention education workforce teacher training education funding career pathways educational reform teacher education global education teacher distribution educational equity teacher salaries educational attainment teacher motivation educational technology teacher supply teacher quality educational planning human resources in education teacher evaluation professional development teacher certification teacher satisfaction educational access teacher/student ratio educational infrastructure teacher workload educational standards teacher unions educational measurement educational statistics teacher demographics teacher effectiveness teacher preparation educational impact teacher performance educational innovation teacher leadership social policy teaching careers UNESCO report teacher shortage primary education teacher-student ratio Africa incentivize teaching grant programs university grants teaching profession Social Policy teaching careers UNESCO teacher shortage 2015 goal right to education teacher-student ratio Africa incentives career encouragement grant programs university education Ministry of Education teacher shortage reinforce teaching profession Africa education crisis teacher incentive programs improve teacher-student ratio UNESCO education report Tanzania teaching grants encourage teaching careers world bank education data primary education access education policy solutions teacher shortage teacher recruitment teacher retention teacher incentives education policy teacher training student-teacher ratio educational grants teaching career paths teacher education teacher demand educational funding teacher motivation teacher supply education reform teacher placement teacher distribution education inequality teacher quality teaching profession educational attainment teacher certification education financing teacher development teacher satisfaction teacher salaries teaching workload teacher workload teacher evaluation teaching qualifications teacher employment teacher allocation educational opportunity teacher training programs teacher career advancement teaching skills teacher workload management teacher education programs teaching job market teacher training institutions Social Policy teacher shortage UNESCO report primary education teacher recruitment teacher incentives low teacher-student ratio Africa Central African Republic World Bank teaching careers grant programs education ministry teaching as a profession Social Policy teaching careers UNESCO teacher shortage right to education teacher recruitment teacher incentives student-teacher ratio Africa Central African Republic World Bank teacher training grant programs career encouragement education policy teacher demand education workforce teacher education educational inequality teacher shortages Africa teacher incentives primary education teacher student ratio Tanzania university grants UNESCO report teacher recruitment social policy
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro02a	Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, bilingual teachers cost efficiency balkanization English language learning parental influence school resources tutoring programs economic allocation educational effectiveness language acquisition workplace readiness public policy language barriers [1] bilingual teachers cost efficiency balkanization language acquisition English proficiency tutoring programs economic evaluation workplace readiness education spending policy analysis bilingual teachers bilingual classes bilingual curriculum language acquisition workforce preparation education spending efficiency tutoring programs English learning parent language educational costs government obligations workforce disadvantages bilingual education effectiveness language barriers education policy language skills dual language education language proficiency immigrant students language instruction educational outcomes language support language immersion language development educational resources language maintenance language transfer language exposure language environment language proficiency testing language learning methods language teaching strategies language education language diversity language impact language barriers in education language policy language education effectiveness language acquisition theories bilingual education cost bilingual teacher hiring bilingual class organization bilingual curriculum materials expenses of bilingual education effectiveness of bilingual education language learning barriers parent language influence English language acquisition workforce preparedness educational funding efficiency tutoring for English learners alternative education spending bilingual education outcomes bilingual education criticism bilingual education success rates bilingual education cost efficiency english learning balkanization educational expenses tutoring workforce readiness language barriers government spending bilingual education cost efficiency of bilingual education bilingual teacher shortage bilingual curriculum effectiveness balkanization effect English learning barriers tutoring for English learners workplace preparedness bilingual education funding bilingual class organization bilingual education costs language acquisition English proficiency workforce readiness education spending efficient education balkanization bilingual teacher curriculum materials tutoring programs language barriers parent influence workforce disadvantage bilingual education costs effectiveness of bilingual education language learning barriers dual language programs English language acquisition educational spending efficiency tutoring programs workforce readiness bilingual teacher shortage curriculum materials cost language immersion disadvantages bilingual education costs bilingual education effectiveness bilingual education versus English tutoring language learning barriers bilingualism and workplace readiness government spending on education bilingual education outcomes language acquisition challenges educational resource allocation bilingual teacher hiring curriculum material expenses English language proficiency parental language influence workforce preparedness education cost efficiency bilingual education criticisms bilingual teachers cost efficiency balkanization English language learning workplace readiness tutoring programs school funding policy analysis language barriers [1] education expenditure
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con01a	Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. self-promotion journalism seriousness acquiring information dissemination knowledge writing skills contacts training hacking cryptography physicist computer programming geek spying printers responsibility trial Occasions_not_to_release_info self-promotion journalism training hacking cryptography whistleblowing espionage publications interviews trial wikileaks physicist computer programmer self-promotion journalism training espionage hacking cryptographer Wikileaks trial printers technical convenience ethics self-promotion journalism serious journalist writing skills contacts training espionage hacker cryptographer computer programmer Wikileaks trial irresponsible geek internet social media publications articles defence lawsuit publisher media ethics confidentiality information security legal issues public interest media criticism ethical journalism privacy rights media freedom censorship whistleblowing press freedom journalistic standards news reporting media watchdog 信息公开 新闻道德 记者资格 黑客文化 加密技术 计算机编程 新闻 self-promotion serious journalist quality writing acquiring information journalist training espionage formal education computer programmer hacker technological side responsible journalism printing defense irresponsible cryptographer hacking ethical considerations information release trial self-promotion serious journalist journalist standards acquiring information disseminating knowledge writing quality skills development training hacking encryption cryptographer Wikileaks trial ethical journalism spying printers geek internet security information security computer programming hacking ethics professionalism occasions for withholding information self-promotion journalism training hacking cryptography privileged information espionage responsibility information dissemination writer's skills printers trial defense formal education computer programming physical sciences wikileaks ethical considerations self-promotion journalism critical thinking training hacking privilege espionage public interest defence responsibility education print media cryptography trial self-promotion journalism training hacking cryptography whistleblowing media ethics Wikileaks privilege espionage printing social media information dissemination writer's skills ethical journalism trial preparation self-promotion journalism criteria qualifications writing skills training espionage hacking physicist computer programming cryptographer trial information dissemination ethical considerations printers geek irresponsible journalistic ethics
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro05a	Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost child performers maturity responsibility burnout acting modeling dancing addiction childhood loss adolescence rehabilitation Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore child exploitation child performers responsibility maturity exposure risks coping mechanisms burnout addiction child actors Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore childhood child exploitation childhood maturity responsibility coping burnout child actors child actresses addiction influence development maturity gap child labor childhood trauma entertainment industry mental health child performers child stars Drew Barrymore Michael Jackson childhood maturity responsibility coping mechanisms burnout child actors child performers Drew Barrymore Michael Jackson addiction childhood trauma child labor entertainment industry early exposure psychological impact development adolescence rehabilitation child rights professional child performers emotional maturity childhood experiences acting careers modeling dancing peer comparison childhood loss fame stress early success long-term effects child performers maturity responsibility exposure coping mechanisms burn out addiction childhood adolescence influence Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore child performers responsibility maturity exposure consequences burnout childhood maturity issues adult roles coping mechanisms rehabilitation Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore child exploitation child performers responsibility maturity coping mechanisms burn out addiction childhood Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore rehab child performers responsibility maturity coping mechanisms burnout addiction childhood entertainment industry Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore child performers maturity responsibility exposure coping mechanisms burnout Drew Barrymore Michael Jackson childhood addiction rehab child labor entertainment industry development adolescence psychological impact early adulthood fame stress child welfare child rights professional careers 健康成长 童年失去 过早成熟 心理问题 child performers responsibility maturity coping mechanisms burnout addiction childhood loss Michael Jackson Drew Barrymore peer comparison early adulthood challenges
test-society-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? gender relations labor market feminization masculinization informal economy job roles occupational segregation workplace dynamics gendered jobs economic inequality competitive pressure state policies women empowerment gendered occupations work environment gendered tensions informal sector retail trade Ghana economic impacts gender roles job market gendered competition labor force gendered employment gender studies economic sociology gender economics feminisation labor mascuinisation jobs work environment gender relations informal economy Ghana retail trade tensions occupations competition returns frustrations state reactions gender relations informal economy labor market masculinization feminization job roles occupational segregation workplace coping strategies just environment gender tensions economic informal sector retail trade Ghana job competition state intervention gendered occupations women in male jobs job market dynamics gender inequality occupational gender gaps gendered labor markets gender relations labor market dynamics occupational segregation informal economy gender roles job market changes coping strategies workplace equality gendered job markets economic informality labor force participation gendered job transitions state interventions women's employment men's employment job market tensions gendered occupational shifts labor market segmentation women in male jobs men in female jobs labor market competition gendered economic roles informal sector growth gendered work environments gender inequality in work occupational mobility gendered job satisfaction labor market flexibility gendered economic participation labor market transformation gendered job satisfaction gender gender relations labor market informal economy feminization de-masculinization job roles work environment gender equality coping mechanisms just society occupational segregation retail trade Ghana state intervention gender tensions economic competition search performance relevant expansion phrases query expansion gender relations informal economy feminisation of labour de-masculinisation women coping work environment just work environment gender relations within informal economy tensions emerging occupational segregation retail trade Ghana men entering female jobs competition returns reduction state frustration women entering male jobs reactions search accuracy expansion terms enrich query feminization labor de-masculinization jobs women cope just work environment Overa study gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana job overlap competition returns state frustration women entering male jobs reactions gender relations labor market feminization masculinization job roles workplace coping informal economy Ghana occupational segregation economic competition gender equality just workplace Overa's study informal retail trade gender tensions occupational shifts women in male jobs men in female jobs job market dynamics economic returns state intervention gendered occupations workforce diversity gendered job markets labor force participation gendered work environments search optimization expansion terms enhance query labor feminization demasculinization coping work environment integration justice gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana overcrowding competition returns frustrations state reactions Overa 2007 study tensions occupations female male jobs reactions women men informal sector economic gendered roles employment discrimination equality policy social dynamics analysis impact gendered labor force market wage inequality occupational gender relations informal economy labour market job roles coping mechanisms workplace environment masculinisation feminisation gender equality occupational segregation economic impact state intervention job competition return on investment work tensions gender studies employment trends social dynamics labor force participation occupational shifts
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro01a	Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 governments duty protect citizens harmful social networking sites cyber bullying victims extreme cases physical damage psychological damage racism censorship religious principles cultural majority medium express prejudice duty of care safety removal measures existence allow principles groups individuals media sources online harassment violent extremism public safety legal obligations cyberbullying social networking sites censorship government duty public safety racism psychological damage physical damage victimization duty of care extreme cases online harassment social media impact cyberbullying victims socialnetworkingsites censorship governmentduty moralobligation populationsafety racism digitalharms psychologicaldamage physicaldamage suicide internetsecurity publicpolicy legalresponsibilities publicsafety onlineprejudice censorship social networking sites cyber bullying victim protection government duty duty of care racism extreme cases psychological damage physical damage safety measures cyberbullying victim social networking sites censorship duty of care government safety racism psychological damage physical damage victims extreme cases public safety cyberbullying victims social networking sites racism censorship government duty population safety digital harm psychological damage physical damage extreme cases cyberbullying victimization socialnetworking censorship governmentresponsibility publicsafety racism dutyofcare publiсdamage psychologicaltrauma physicalharm cyberbullying victimization socialnetworking censorship governmentresponsibility publicsafety dutycare racism extremecases harmfulcontent psychologicaldamage physicaldamage onlineprejudice legalobligations cyberbullying victimization socialnetworkingsites censorship policy moralobligations digitalsecurity populationsafety onlineprejudice mentalhealth harmfulcontent governmentresponsibility publicsafety extremecases racism physicalinjuries psychologicaltrauma informationage dutyofcare publicpolicy Internetregulation cyberbullying victimization socialnetworking censorship dutyofcare publicsafety racism extremecases harmfulcontent psychologicaldamage physicaldamage victimsafety onlineprejudice governmentresponsibility protectedcitizens extremecircumstances
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con04a	Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption restricting gun use widely owned guns illegitimate purposes acquiring guns illegally UK firearms gun prevalence civil liberties gun control opposition gun control debates democratic states gun ownership traditions prohibition era failure to enforce illegitimate gun use civil liberties gun control effectiveness UK gun laws gun prevalence societal impact of gun control law enforcement challenges gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption gun restriction widely owned guns illegitimate purposes gun acquisition UK gun laws gun prevalence civil liberties gun control opposition gun control effectiveness gun control history effective gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption restriction impossibility illegitimate gun use UK gun laws gun prevalence societal impact gun control arguments civil liberties gun acquisition illegality effective gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption gun restriction widely owned society intent to use guns illegitimate purposes acquire guns UK firearms police battle firearms availability effective gun control failure of prohibition era civilian gun ownership democratic states gun restriction illegitimate gun use UK gun laws guns prevalence illegal gun acquisition gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption restricting gun use widespread gun ownership illegal gun acquisition UK gun laws firearms prevalence civil liberties gun control opposition gun control effectiveness gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption wide gun ownership societal prevalence illegitimate gun use gun acquisition legality UK gun statistics gun control effectiveness civil liberties gun control opponents firearm availability gun control debates effective gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption restricting gun use widespread gun ownership societal context gun control effectiveness illegal gun acquisition UK gun laws gun prevalence law enforcement challenges gun control opponents civil liberties gun control efficacy historical precedents gun control debates gun control effectiveness historical analogies prohibition era civilian gun ownership democratic states law enforcement challenges illegal gun acquisition UK firearm statistics widespread gun availability societal implications
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro04a	"When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", patent system pharmaceutical industry resource allocation generic drugs corporate espionage intellectual property market failure AIDS treatment drug prices patent piracy innovation incentives patent system pharmaceutical industry resource allocation generic drugs market failure intellectual property corporate espionage patent piracy antiretroviral drugs drug prices competition law innovation incentives monopoly power economic efficiency regulatory reform public health policy drug development costs generic drugs patent system resource allocation corporate espionage pharmaceutical industry market efficiency antiretroviral drugs AIDS price competition intellectual property infringement deterrent effect drug development firms behavior resource duplication cure development monopoly drug pricing policy reform economic inefficiency innovation incentives market failure generic drugs patent regimes resource allocation pharmaceutical industry corporate espionage market efficiency antiretroviral drugs drug pricing intellectual property patent protection generic drugs legalization economic inefficiency drug development patent races market failure drug competition pharmaceutical innovation cost reduction public health intellectual property rights drug affordability pharmaceutical patents patent infringement drug monopolies pharmaceutical market drug regulation economic incentives drug industry public sector drugs pharmaceutical policy patent system drug prices resource wastage drug market patent law pharmaceutical economics drug production drug pricing strategies drug distribution patent system resource allocation misallocation firms incentives corporate espionage drug development market efficiency generic drugs population health economic impact pharmaceutical industry political economy intellectual property innovation regulatory environment health economics drug pricing public health policy antiretroviral drugs cost reduction market failure deterrence piracy monitoring production efficiency monopolies trade practices efficiency gains consumer welfare competition policy generic drugs patent regime resource allocation pharmaceutical industry market efficiency corporate espionage antiretroviral drugs drug prices patent protection generic drugs legalizing resource wastage innovation incentives patent enforcement intellectual property drug duplication pharmaceutical market failure patent system resource allocation generic drugs pharmaceutical industry corporate espionage market efficiency drug development intellectual property AIDS treatment drug prices generic drugs patent system resource allocation pharmaceutical industry corporate espionage market efficiency antiretroviral drugs price competition intellectual property drug duplication patent races pharmaceutical innovation patent enforcement economic inefficiency drug pricing generic market entry intellectual property rights market failure drug development regulatory environment patent regime resource allocation generic drugs pharmaceutical industry market failure intellectual property corporate espionage resource duplication antiretroviral drugs drug pricing economic inefficiency patent protection market competition generics pharmaceutical innovation search outcomes beneficial expansion terms legalizing generic drugs resource allocation patent regime pharmaceutical industry resource wastage corporate espionage market efficiency generic drug prices AIDS treatment"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro02a	Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. juries evidence verdict relevance criminal justice system public trust previous convictions withholding UK Government White Paper trial process violent offenders reoffending evaluating evidence jury decision-making innate bias accurate conclusions conviction acquittal courtroom procedures public policy legal principles trust in juries jury evidence verdict criminal justice system UK Government White Paper relevance previous convictions reoffending trial bias evaluation trust accuracy juries evidence relevance verdicts criminal justice trial bias reoffending information White Paper UK Government CBC News Direct Gov CPS jury information withhold evidence fair verdict criminal justice relevant evidence jury decision legal system previous convictions UK Government White Paper evidence admissibility jury trust reoffending verdict accuracy trial bias juries evidence verdict relevance criminal justice system trust previous convictions trial efficiency reconviction public safety White Paper UK Government CBC News Direct Gov CPS evidence withholding jury decision-making criminal justice relevant information juror trust legal proceedings courtroom dynamics judicial transparency jury deliberation evidence admissibility legal principles reoffending rates judicial discretion trial fairness jury information evidence withholding criminal justice system trial fairness verdict accuracy violent offenders re-offending jury's role evidence admissibility UK Government White Paper public trust information jury evidence verdict relevance criminal justice system UK Government White Paper previous convictions trusting juries reevaluation juries evidence relevant information fair verdict reveal truth violent offenders reoffending criminal justice system trusting juries evaluating evidence UK Government's White Paper juries evidence relevance conviction acquittal violent offenders previous convictions criminal justice system trust UK Government White Paper CBC News Direct Gov CPS evaluating evidence withholding evidence innate bias trial legitimacy reconsidering juries
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, austerity measures greece economic recession debt crisis ECB IMF European Commission GDP ratio minimum wage unemployment depression suicide rates healthcare misery economic policies eurozone defaults local media international media economic hardships basic government duties austerity measures greece economic crisis ECB IMF European Commission GDP debt suicide rates healthcare money supply recession minimum wage budget deficit economic depression depression investment Greek people government spending population welfare media impact local media international media debt ratio competitiveness despair cycles of recession day-to-day projects record unemployment credit shortage investment priorities local priorities EU policies European Union austerity measures greek economy eurozone crisis ECB policy IMF intervention European Commission GDP ratio minimum wage cyclical recession unemployment suicide rates Greek depression economic hardship healthcare access default government failure Greece financial crisis austerity measures effectiveness Greek economic crisis debt to GDP ratio minimum wage impact recession consequences unemployment rates credit availability government spending cuts budget deficit reduction suicide rates in Greece healthcare access decline government responsibilities economic hardship solutions default option eurozone issues austerity measures Greece ECB IMF European Commission economic recession unemployment debt ratio minimum wage currency crisis media influence suicide rates healthcare access economic depression government failure default eurozone crisis depression GDP growth budget deficit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek people debt ratio economic recession minimum wage unemployment credit shortage company financing local media international media economic despair investment priorities GDP decline government spending budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access government duties citizen wellbeing default eurozone exit austerity measures greece economic recession debt crisis unemployment suicide rates GDP healthcare european central bank international monetary fund european commission economic depression depression minimum wage recession budget deficit citizen well-being default eurozone crisis austerity measures Greece economic recession debt crisis minimum wage cuts in government spending budget deficit suicide rates healthcare accessibility media influence economic competitiveness depression unemployment GDP decline eurozone crisis ECB IMF economic hardship wellbeing protection austerity measures Greece economic recession debt GDP ratio unemployment suicide rates healthcare citizen well-being euro zone ECB IMF European Commission economic hardship economic policies Greek economy recession depression debt sustainability media influence economic reform financial crisis debt relief Greek democracy European Union austerity measures Greece Eurozone crisis debt ratio minimum wage unemployment depression economic recession default healthcare suicide rates European Central Bank International Monetary Fund Government spending budget deficit wellbeing citizens' rights economic policy media influence
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro03a	Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 ruler mature democracies elections popularity long term planning government decisions unpopular decisions Saudi Arabia oil market stoking economy electoral chances political leverage short term planning price stability economic stability Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom [1] ruleripopularity unpopulardecisionsdemocracy electionyearstrategiesscotland thatcherlawsonboom gouvemmentlongtermpolicysaudiarabia oilmarketstability unpopulardecisionsshortsightedis noeleciongovtplanning keynesianpoliciesmonetarism ruler popularity mature democracies elections government decisions unpopular decisions electoral chances long term planning stoking economy Lawson boom Saudi Arabia oil market excess capacity price spikes governments without elections Margaret Thatcher keynesian economic stability monetarism popularity vs correctness unpopular decisions government levers election cycles economic boosts Lawson boom Thatcher government mature democracies long-term planning oil market stability Saudi Arabia oil policy excess capacity price spikes governmental decision-making political economy economic sacrifices democratic governance economic cycles fiscal policy political risks public opinion economic planning decision trade-offs political stability economic incentives government priorities economic forecasting strategic decision-making political leverage economic stability political economy concepts unpopular decisions mature democracies elections government planning Saudi Arabia oil market short-term consequences long-term planning popularity electoral chances Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom keynesian economics ruler unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity mature democracies government leverage Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom long-term planning Saudi Arabia oil market excess capacity price spikes economic stability decision-making political consequences government actions economic planning policy implementation unpopular policies democratic governments electoral chances economic incentives policy trade-offs political risk economic stability measures oil production government strategy economic forecasts political influence on economics economic decision-making government role in economy policy effectiveness economic planning and execution decision-making processes government authority economic stability and decision-making policy analysis ruler popular decisions unpopular decisions mature democracies elections electoral chances Leviathan margaret thatcher lawson boom long term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stoking economy price spikes excess capacity short term consequences government's actions kkeynesian economic stability political science election year popularity decision making policy implementation ruler unpopular decisions democracy elections popular decisions mature democracies Margaret Thatcher government leverage electoral chances Lawson boom long-term planning Saudi Arabia oil market excess capacity price spikes economic stability government decisions political consequences economic policy political efficacy economic planning leadership decisions search optimization query expansion unpopular decisions democratic governance elections political strategy economic policies long-term planning government leverage historical examples political economy decision-making public opinion policy trade-offs economic stabilization oil market government actions political cycles economic boom political influence policy implementation decision-making processes governance strategies political systems economic impact policy effectiveness political leadership economic management policy outcomes political decision-making government behavior economic policy policy formulation political economy analysis decision-making frameworks policy analysis economic decision-making political science public policy economic governance policy evaluation unpopular decisions mature democracies government planning elections Saudi Arabia oil market short-term planning long-term planning popularity margaret thatcher economic boost stoking economy unpopular decisions in democracy electoral chances [1]
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro03a	Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 search effectiveness expansion terms increasing standard donor present situation required business labour aid implementation changes expected level improvement Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals challenges employment opportunities success social protection working conditions rights workers sectors areas ILO Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals labor standards business standards social protection working conditions female workers male workers children workers International Labour Organization employment opportunities search query expansion terms improving effectiveness increase standard donor country programme Bangladesh decent work Country Programme millennium development goals employment opportunities labour rights workers gender sector areas International Labour Organization success challenges implementation policy economic development monitoring evaluation impact benefits comparison case_study impact_assessment policy_analysis development_policy aid finance government_policy international_agreements labour_laws standards Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals labor standards business standards employment opportunities working conditions social protection female workers male workers children workers international labour organization DWCPR2012-2015 search efficiency expand query increasing standards donor expectations current standards business standards labour standards aid implementation Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions labour rights female workers male workers child workers search performance recommendation system query expansion relevance ranking labor standards business standards development goals social protection working conditions female workers male workers child workers international labor organization aid implementation developing countries standard improvement program evaluation millennium development goals search accuracy query expansion business standards labor standards aid implementation millennium development goals social protection working conditions female workers male workers child workers Bangladesh Decent Work Country Programme International Labour Organization program success facilitating improvement setting standards achieving goals employment opportunities challenges program evaluation program impact standard setting aid conditions sectoral improvements search efficacy expansion keywords standard increase donor expectations business standards labour standards aid implementation millennium development goals Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh social protection working conditions child labour female workers male workers ILO search optimization query expansion terms business standards labor standards aid implementation millennium development goals decent work country program social protection working conditions female workers male workers child workers international labor organization bangladesh employment opportunities search outcomes beneficial expansion terms query enhancement millennium development goals Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh employment opportunities labour standards business standards social protection working conditions female workers male workers children workers International Labour Organization programme success sector improvements
test-international-siacphbnt-pro03a	Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness revolutionary personal expression news local Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards web content creation knowledge innovative solutions problems app petrol Mafuta Go Christine Ampaire further readings technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness news personal expression local content Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards web connection knowledge transfer innovative solutions Mafuta Go app development problem solving routine problems mobile applications innovation digital platforms community engagement content creation technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness news local content creation Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards knowledge innovative solutions problems Mafuta Go petrol app price Christine Ampaire Technology platform sharing entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas routine problems Mafuta Go app petrol prices innovative solutions routine problem solving Christine Ampaire Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness news personal expression local ideas Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative solutions Mafuta Go app petrol price Christine Ampaire search performance recommendation system expansion phrases technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness news delivery local content Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards knowledge transfer innovative solutions Mafuta Go app development routine problem solving digital innovation Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness local content Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards web connection knowledge transfer innovative solutions Mafuta Go app development routine problem solving community engagement technology platform sharing entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas Nigeria Co-Creation Hub entrepreneurial spirit Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas routine problems Mafuta Go app petrol prices Christine Ampaire technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness news personal expression local ideas Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards knowledge transfer innovative solutions Mafuta Go app petrol price innovative ideas routine problems Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness news personal expression Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards local content knowledge transfer innovative solutions routine problems Mafuta Go app petrol prices
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con02a	Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 public reaction court cases televising trials sympathy justice victims emotive cases controversial cases sexual assault public condemnation innocent individuals pornographic evidence media influence rights employment impact privacy infringement millery dower case public reaction televising court cases emotional impact justice system victim's rights media influence court proceedings public condemnation acquitted defendants private life impacts sexual assault Milly Dowler case media portrayal legal ethics courtroom privacy public sympathy criminal justice evidence misuse media scrutiny defamation risks public reaction court cases televising trials sympathy justice emotive cases controversial cases sexual assault victim perception defendant bias public condemnation innocent accused media influence legal rights private life injustice employment impact pornography evidence millery dowler case media portrayal civil liberties public reaction court case televising sympathy justice emotive court cases sexual assault victim perception defendant hatred pornographic magazines evidence infringement rights future employment anonymity millery dowler father suspect public reaction court case televising trials sympathy justice victims emotive cases controversial cases sexual assault public perception vulnerability untruthfulness hatred outrage defendant innocent acquitted pornographic magazines perversion dangerous character private rights employment anonymity Milly Dowler father suspect public portrayal VIP public reaction court case televising sympathy justice sexual assault cases public condemnation acquitted defendants Milly Dowler case infringement rights private life impact employment opportunities public reaction televising court cases sympathy justice victims emotional cases sexual assault public condemnation acquitted Milly Dowler privacy rights future employment public portrayal private life acquitted defendant media influence court proceedings victim's perspective defendant's rights media ethics public opinion legal proceedings media coverage justice system public reaction risks media impact on justice sympathetic bias public condemnation risk acquitted individuals private life impact media and justice legal transparency media and victims media and defendants public sympathy justice and public opinion public exposure legal ethics media influence public reaction televising court cases sympathy justice double-edged argument sexual assault public condemnation acquitted Milly Dowler public portrayal rights infringement future employment anonymity public reaction televising court cases emotional impact justice perception victim sympathy defendant condemnation Milly Dowler case public condemnation innocent portrayal privacy rights future employment court evidence public portrayal private life impact public reaction televising court cases emotional impact justice system victim sympathy media influence legal rights private life employment anonymity criminal cases sexual assault public condemnation acquitted media portrayal public opinion justice legal ethics media responsibility human rights criminal proceedings legal transparency courtroom drama victim-blaming legal reforms media coverage legal journalism ethical reporting privacy rights
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro02a	Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. dehumanizing pornography objectification rationalsubjects sexualdesire viewersimpact corruptednotions mensbehavior genderimpact socialnorms dehumanization pornography rationality objectification viewers male gaze consent sexualized violence feminism sexual ethics capitalism entertainment exploitation gender roles cultural impact sexual norms sex work ethics dehumanization pornography objectification rationalsubjects viewers participants genderroles sexualdesire corruption moralimplications pornography ethics sexual objectification dehumanization in media exploitation in porn viewer impact gender dynamics in pornography moral implications of pornography psychological effects of porn consumption commodification of sexuality consent in adult entertainment feminist perspectives on porn power relations in sexual imagery search efficiency expand query porn dehumanizing objectification sexual desire urge satisfaction treating others as means rational subjects corrupted notions women interaction gender impact moral implications sexual ethics query expansion dehumanizing effects objectification in media pornography impact sexual objectification ethical considerations viewer influence gender dynamics rational subjects sexualized interactions consent issues media representation sexual exploitation female perspectives moral implications psychological effects sexual health ethical pornography sexual education human dignity feminist perspectives media literacy consent culture sexual ethics dehumanizing pornography objectionification rationalSubjects willOfTheirOwn participantsViewers moralImplications genderRelations sexualDesire demeaningActs corruptedNotions menWomenInteractions pornography dehumanization objectification sexual desire rational subjects viewer influence consent exploitation gender dynamics sexualized violence search optimization pornography dehumanization objectification sexual desire urges rational subjects viewers participants gender studies consent sexuality ethical considerations media impact moral philosophy dehumanization objectification sexualization rationality consent exploitation gender power dynamics sexuality viewership morality ethics feminism commodification identity autonomy
test-international-segiahbarr-pro02a	Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 human development indicators human development index life expectancy education indices income indices african states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy improvement infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education and growth literacy rates poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe human development report United Nations human development indicators Africa HDI life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development life expectancy increase infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services poverty literacy Ghana Zimbabwe HDR Human Development Report Economist Africa Rising Education and Development United Nations Human Development statistical annex human development indicators human development index (HDI) life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy improvement infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education for growth skills for industries literacy increase poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe human development report The Economist education and development United Nations Human Development statistical annex human development indicators human development index (HDI) life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy improvement infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education and growth skills attainment knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy increase poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe human development report United Nations Human development indicators Human Development Index (HDI) life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development category life expectancy improvement infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education for growth literacy increase poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Human Development Report The Economist education and development United Nations Human Development statistical annex human development indicators human development index (HDI) life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy improvement infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education as cornerstone knowledge-intensive industries literacy increase poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe human development report Africa rising education and development United Nations Human Development statistical annex human development indicators human development index (HDI) life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education for growth knowledge-intensive industries literacy increase poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Human Development Report The Economist education and development United Nations Human Development statistical annex human development indicators African states HDI life expectancy education indices income indices Africa Rising Human Development Report infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth skills knowledge-intensive industries poverty Ghana Zimbabwe literacy Fukuda-Parr Haddad United Nations human development indicators human development index life expectancy education indices income indices african states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development HDI improvement 2001 data life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth skills development knowledge-intensive industries literacy increase poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe human development report The Economist education and development UN human development report statistical annex human development indicators human development index (HDI) life expectancy education indices income indices African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy improvement infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education for development literacy rates poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe human development report education and development
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con01a	Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ child performers necessary roles filmmaking television shows sports survival advertising industry younger audience Harry Potter dance training ice skating [1] Sagolla child actors necessity film roles advertising industry Harry Potter early childhood training sports for children ice skating dancing child performer rights age restrictions in sports child actors necessity in films child performers advertising industry youth audience sports training early age training ice skating dance competitions child labor in entertainment role portrayal accuracy children in media sports survival child athlete development child actors necessity film casting sports for children advertising child actors Harry Potter actors early childhood training dance competition for kids ice skating youth child performer importance marketing to youth child performers film roles television shows sports survival realistic portrayal Harry Potter advertising industry younger audience ice skating dance training early age training child performers necessary roles advertising industry sports training younger audience hollywood dance competition Harry Potter films realistic portrayal influential actors elevate search performance expansion phrases child performers necessary roles films television shows sports survival human rights advertising industry younger audience Harry Potter dance training ice skating dancers Sagolla child performers necessary roles film industry television shows sports survival realistic portrayal Harry Potter advertising industry younger audience dance training ice skating child performers necessary roles survival sports Harry Potter convincing portrayal advertising industry younger audience endangered sports dance training ice skating child performers necessary roles film industry television shows sports advertising industry younger audience early training dance competition ice skating
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con02a	Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. arms ban Chinese military high tech technologies EU code of conduct individual member states political interpretation export dollars security concerns arms sales Sri Lanka conflict UK exports military sales to China EU security technology transfer military procurement international arms control technological espionage defense industry geopolitical tensions export controls military expenditure strategic partnerships diplomatic relations arms trade technological competition arms ban EU arms embargo Chinese military technology code of conduct export controls political interpretation individual state interests union security arms sales Sri Lanka conflict EU military policy Tamils political influence on exports job losses election year politics technology transfer security vs economy EU internal conflicts arms trade regulation international arms control military technology access EU military cooperation arms ban military technology code of conduct EU defense policy Chinese military tech exports political interference international security arms trade election impact military sales EU member states tech transfer political economy defense cooperation military expenditure arms embargo technological advancement diplomatic relations strategic alliance arms ban effectiveness code of conduct EU military sales political interpretation export dollars military technology access Chinese military Sri Lanka conflict Tamils security threats EU unionism arms ban Chinese military high tech technologies code of conduct EU member states political interpretation job losses Tamils in Sri Lanka military sales Union security export dollars arms ban effective code of conduct military technology exports job losses political interpretation EU member states international security arms sales code flexibility arms ban Chinese military technology transfer EU code of conduct political interpretation job losses Tamils Sri Lanka export control union security military sales individual member states technological competitiveness international relations defense policy economic interests geopolitical tensions export dollars military expenditure technological advancement security breaches trade restrictions diplomatic implications technological espionage strategic partnerships defense industries export regulations non-proliferation political influence military conflicts arms trade export controls technological dominance international law human rights economic sanctions defense mechanisms technological surveillance diplomatic negotiations arms embargo military cooperation arms ban effective military arms control EU arms trade code of conduct Chinese military high tech weapons exports job losses political interpretation military sales Sri Lanka Tamils Gaza Union security individual member states arms ban effective measures Chinese military high tech technologies code of conduct EU member states political interpretation exports job losses security concerns individual decision making Union export dollars conflict resolution arm sales restrictions weapon exports geopolitical tensions arms ban code of conduct EU military sales Chinese military technology political interpretation export dollars security concerns individual state interests Union-wide decision-making high tech weapons job losses election years military conflicts arms exports
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con02a	Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, economic investment settlements occupied territories West Bank Gaza unemployment Palestinians labor force economic viability capital inflow israel workforce restrictions job creation travel restrictions economic development Settlements economicinvestment OccupiedTerritories WestBank Gaza IsraeliLaborMarket PalestinianUnemployment LaborForce EconomicViability CapitalInflux LowWageWorkforce TravelRestrictions JobCreation UnemploymentRates economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza capital influx Israel low-wage work-force settlement construction economic development unemployment Palestinian workers Jordan Valley restrictions labor market economic viability economic opportunities economic investment occupied territories West Bank Gaza capital influx Israeli workforce settlement construction job creation unemployment Palestinian workers Jordan Valley economic viability labor restrictions economic investment settlements West Bank Gaza unemployment Israel Palestinians capital economic viability labor force travel restrictions job creation search performance recommendation system economic investment occupied territories West Bank Gaza capital influx low-wage workforce settlement construction economic development unemployment Palestinians labor market Israel restrictions economic viability settlements economicinvestment occupiedterritories westbank gaza unemployment capitalinflow israel lowwageworkforce travelrestrictions jobopportunities labormarket restrictionsloosening economicdevelopment palestinians settlements economicinvestment occupiedterritories westbank gazaeconomy influxofcapital israeliworkforce palestinianunemployment lowwagejobs laborrestrictions jordanvalleytravel economicdevelopment WestBankeconomics Gazaeconomics Palestinianeconomy israelioccupation tradeopportunities palestiniantourism IsraeliPalestinianrelations economic investment settlements Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza unemployment low-wage labor Capital inflow job creation Palestinians Israel economic viability labor restrictions London School of Economics economic investment settlements Economic viability West Bank Gaza Unemployment Low-wage workforce Israel Palestinians capital flow economic development job creation Labor restrictions travel restrictions
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro02a	Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, poor families education investment healthcare investment urban obsession political corruption moral life nation's welfare contraceptive controversy Filipino people presidential priorities government corruption health policies educational access political energy moral values national attention international attention pressing concerns poor families investment in education healthcare urban obsession political corruption condoms food and shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life nation's priorities presidential focus congressional priorities Filipino people national attention international attention social welfare moral issues political energy social concerns poor families education investment healthcare investment urban obsession political corruption moral issues contraception controversy Filipino politics national priorities government inefficiency investment education healthcare poor families urban obsession political corruption contraception moral life national attention pressing concerns Filipino people priority welfare condoms hunger homelessness government corruption political energy social issues public health policy priorities public opinion moral judgment resource allocation social justice development assistance education healthcare poverty government corruption moral issues national priorities contraception hunger homelessness political focus urban issues education healthcare investment poor families urban obsession political priorities moral corruption contraception condoms government corruption accessible education better hospitals presidential focus congressional focus national priorities international attention Filipino people political energy moral life nation's welfare education healthcare poverty government corruption contraception moral issues national priorities Filipino people political focus social welfare education healthcare poverty government corruption political obsession moral life national priorities urban issues presidential focus congressional attention Filipino people urgent needs public health social welfare moral concerns international attention accessible education better hospitals education healthcare poverty corruption morality national priorities political focus social welfare resource allocation public health government interference education healthcare poverty government corruption priorities national attention political obsession social welfare moral life contraceptives public spending resource allocation
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con03a	Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. bandwidth costs mobile device manufacturers revenue models net neutrality content providers phone companies shareholder value economic realities socialist utopia network expenses bandwidth costs mobile device manufacturing revenue models net neutrality content provider fees network infrastructure economic realities socialism in economics telecommunications economics phone company complaints content delivery networks internet economics fair share payments financial expectations technological advancements shareholder interests pricing strategies usage-based billing internet service providers mobile device profitability bandwidth usage analysis economic impact on internet cost recovery mechanisms digital economy challenges realistic costs bandwidth expenses phone manufacturers mobile device pricing additional revenue product lifecycle network providers content providers net neutrality economic realities financial sustainability shareholder value socialism utopian economics utility companies telecommunications industry internet service providers revenue sharing digital economy realistic costs bandwidth phone providers mobile devices revenue calculation content providers net neutrality economics socialist utopia Verizon Google financial realities price expectations lifetime revenue mobile device manufacturers payback period network providers shareholder interests cost allocation VP of Verizon free lunch The Economist Washington Post realistic costs bandwidth phone manufacturers mobile devices revenue calculation phone companies content providers net neutrality economic realities socialists utopia bandwidth costs revenue models mobile devices socialist utopia net neutrality economic realities phone companies content providers cost recovery financial expectations shareholder interests lifetime value customer profitability utility networks free lunch Verizon Google economic rules business ethics bandwidth costs phone company profits mobile device manufacturing content provider payments net neutrality economic realities financial sustainability network infrastructure user costs shareholder interests revenue models social utopias internet economics telecom expenses mobile data pricing content distribution fees network investment回报 电信成本优化 移动设备盈利模式 bandwidth costs user expenses provider profits mobile device manufacturing additional revenue phone company complaints content provider payments net neutrality controversy economic realities socialist utopia Proposition Amsterdam politicians Santiago politicians bandwidth costs phone manufacturers mobile device economics net neutrality controversy content provider fees network infrastructure investment socialism in economics internet economics user cost analysis telecom industry finance content distribution costs bandwidth costs mobile device manufacturers phone company profits net neutrality debate content provider fees economic realities in tech socialism in technology industry financial models for tech products telecommunications economics mobile device pricing strategies network infrastructure costs
test-health-dhpelhbass-con04a	It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) voluntary_euthanasia societal_impact moral_values legalisation_risks physician_assisted Suicide ethical_dilemmas locked_in_syndrome terminal_illness end_of_life_care consent_issues elderly_rights voluntary_euthanasia moral_issues social_impact legalisation_risks locked_in_syndrome patient_consent religious_views terminal_illness elderly_care ethical_dilemmas voluntary_euthanasia moral_basis social_foundation man_not_kill respect_human_life involuntary_euthanasia locked_in_syndrome happiness terminal_illness euthanasia_consent religious_views quality_of_life_judgment voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social impact consent issues locked-in syndrome terminal illness religious perspectives euthanasia ethics case studies patient autonomy voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social impact legalisation consent respect for life locked-in syndrome end-of-life care religious views voluntary_euthanasia moral_basis society consent right_to_life elderly_care terminal_illness locked_in_syndrome euthanasia_legality religious_views human_rights voluntary_euthanasia moral_consequences social_foundation legalisation_risks consent_issues locked-in_syndrome quality_of_life ethical_debates involuntary_euthanasia human_rights voluntary_euthanasia societal_impact moral_issues respect_for_life involuntary_euthanasia locked-in_syndrome end_of_life_care religious_views euthanasia_concerns human_rights moral_foundation voluntary_euthanasia moral_basis society foundation traditional_principles respect_for_life involuntary_euthanasia locked-in_syndrome sufferers happiness end_of_life_considerations religious_views medical_ethics voluntary_euthanasia moral_implications social_foundation locked_in_syndrome involuntary_euthanasia end_of_life_care consent ethical_debates terminal_illness elderly_welfare quality_of_life
test-international-gmehwasr-pro02a	It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 democracies support dictators moderate state reliability engagement resolve region problems arms influence Syria jihadis wider implications west moderate groups extremists gratitude terrorism UAVs assistance Hokayem Emile democracy promotion moderate groups ousting dictators Syria western influence arms supply jihadis regional stability UAVs terrorism Foreign Policy Emile Hokayem national interest democracies oust dictators moderate groups jihadis Syria arms supply western influence middle east terrorism UAVs Hokayem Foreign Policy national interest supporting democracies ousting dictators moderate groups jihadis Syria arms provision region's stability influence wider implications terrorism moderate state grateful friends UAVs [1] search efficiency expand query national interest democracies support ousting dictators moderate groups reliable partner future engagement resolve conflicts regional problems promote democracy Middle East arms provision future influence Syria jihadis wider implications west build up moderate groups deny extremism grateful friends UAVs root out terrorists national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups jihadis Syria influence arms engagement resolve conflicts region western interests terrorism UAVs armed conflict Middle East democracy promotion [1]Emile Hokayem Foreign Policy search accuracy expansion terms enrich query democracies support dictators moderate groups reliable partner regional problems arms provision influence Syria jihadis wider implications west opposition groups promote democracy build up extremists grateful friends UAVs terrorist rooting foreign policy national interest democracies supporting dictators moderate groups ousting jihadis Syria arms provision influence regional stability terrorism UAVs Foreign Policy search optimization keyword expansion democratic support ousting dictators moderate groups regional stability arms provision Syria conflict western influence counter-terrorism UAVs diplomatic engagement Middle East politics humanitarian intervention democracies supporting dictators moderate.groups Syria arms.supply jihadis western.influence middle.east democracy.promotion terrorism.resistance air.assault UAVs foreign.policy
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, austerity measures Greece economic recession debt crisis ECB IMF European Commission taxation minimum wage unemployment depression suicide rates healthcare economic hardship eurozone government spending budget deficit economic policies recession effects media influence government failure citizen well-being default option austerity measures failure greek economic crisis government spending cuts debt to gdp ratio economic recession Greece unemployment credit shortage depression GDP decline default option suicide rates healthcare access austerity policies critique european economic governance international financial institutions impact Greece political economy austerity measures Greek economy debt ratio minimum wage recession unemployment GDP media impact suicide rates healthcare depression economic policies debt crisis default eurozone European Union economic hardship wellbeing government failure austerity measures failure greek economy debt crisis GDP ratio minimum wage unemployment credit shortage economic recession suicide rates Greek government default eurozone crisis healthcare accessibility economic depression Greek people's suffering basic government duties euro crisis media influence on public opinion European Union policies austerity measures Greece Eurozone crisis ECB IMF European Commission debt GDP ratio unemployment recession minimum wage cuts in government spending budget deficit media impact suicide rates healthcare access economic hardship government failure default exit euro austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek people debt ratio competitiveness tax raising minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage company financing depression media despair investment GDP government spending budget deficit suicide rates healthcare citizen wellbeing default eurozone exit austerity measures Greece economic crisis Eurozone ECB IMF European Commission debt ratio minimum wage recession unemployment suicide rates healthcare GDP budget deficit default economic policies wellbeing social impact depression economic downturn media influence popular resistance economic reforms austerity measures economic recession Greek economy debt crisis GDP ratio unemployment suicide rates healthcare access default eurozone crisis media impact economic policies depression competitiveness taxation minimum wage budget deficit austerity measures greek economy GDP ratio unemployment suicide rates healthcare debt minimum wage economic recession media impact default eurozone crisis Greek government basic citizen rights economic policies economic hardship depression credit availability depression cycles EU interventions austerity measures greece economy euro crisis debt ratio recession unemployment minimum wage cuts in government spending budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access economic hardships Greek people Greek government GDP media influence depression wellbeing safeguarding citizens' rights eurozone crisis ECB policies IMF policies European Commission
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro01a	"The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, English language United States history Theodore Roosevelt assimilation official language immigrant integration Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity national identity political views cultural diversity English language United States history assimilation Theodore Roosevelt official language immigrant integration Thomas Jefferson linguistic diversity political unity English language history United States founding Theodore Roosevelt assimilation official language immigrant integration Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity diverse society political views cultural identity national unity pragmatics civic tradition English language United States history national identity assimilation Theodore Roosevelt official language political unity immigrant integration Thomas Jefferson linguistic diversity English language national identity assimilation Theodore Roosevelt official language immigration Thomas Jefferson political unity historical tradition English language national identity assimilation Thomas Jefferson Theodore Roosevelt official language political views immigrant integration linguistic unity historical tradition national life diverse society pragmatics Thomas Jefferson quote linguistic diversity English proficiency cultural heritage American history language preservation immigrant rights civic engagement English language national identity historical context assimilation official language Theodore Roosevelt Thomas Jefferson political unity linguistic diversity immigration policy United States history English language United States history national identity assimilation Theodore Roosevelt official language Thomas Jefferson immigration political unity linguistic diversity English language United States history cultural assimilation official language Theodore Roosevelt immigrant integration Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity political views diverse society English language United States history cultural assimilation official language Theodore Roosevelt Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity immigrant integration national identity political tradition English education diversity impact"
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro06a	Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. child protection performance laws government regulation labor rights public performance enforcement challenges legal protection child employment fines public safety child labor laws enforcement of child protection public performance regulations legal protection for minors government regulations on child performers banning child performers legal implications of child labor child performer age restrictions public safety concerns child welfare legislation legal enforcement challenges child labor laws enforcement challenges public performances legal protections employment regulations minors in entertainment regulatory effectiveness child exploitation performance restrictions legal enforcement child welfare laws child protection performance laws enforcement difficulties public performances legal restrictions performer rights education standards working hours government regulations child labor laws child performers laws protection enforcement difficulties blanket ban public performance government charges employment fines child performers laws protect child performers enforce child labor laws public performances minors banning child performers enforcement of child protection legal protection child performers child labor regulations publicly performing children child performer rights child protection labor laws public performance enforcement legal regulations entertainment industry underage workers public safety child exploitation legal enforcement child labor performance restrictions legal compliance age restrictions child rights public performance regulations government intervention child welfare legal protections public spectacle child employment laws legal penalties child performer protection enforcement difficulties blanket ban public performanceidentification government regulation legal protections child labor laws public visibility employment restrictions legal enforcement simplicity child labor laws legal protection for minors public performance regulations enforcement of child rights government intervention in child employment banning child performers child welfare legislation public performance restrictions legal implications of child labor government regulation of entertainment industry child labor laws public performance regulations underage employment enforcement challenges legal protections entertainment industry regulations fines for violations child welfare performance hours restrictions education requirements
test-international-gmehwasr-con01a	"Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty international law non-intervention domestic affairs UN Charter government authority legitimacy Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov Ukraine Syrian conflict arms supply United Nations UN General Assembly Philpott Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy illegal intervention Sovereignty international law UN Charter intervention domestic affairs government authority Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov arms supply Syrian rebels international rule non-intervention philosophy of sovereignty Sovereignty international law non-intervention domestic affairs UN Charter United Nations Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov arms supply UK Syrian rebels international relations military intervention government authority legitimacy bigger powers rich countries conflict prevention legality of actions Supreme Authority philosophy of sovereignty Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy UN General Assembly Article 2 philpott philosopher's perspective on sovereignty Middle East conflict international law sovereignty non-intervention domestic affairs UN Charter Russian Foreign Minister arms supply Syrian conflict governmental authority international relations Sovereignty international law UN Charter intervention domestic affairs government authority Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov Arms supply Syrian rebels international rule international rule sovereignty non-intervention domestic affairs UN Charter state sovereignty government authority international law arms supply Syrian conflict Sovereignty international law UN Charter intervention domestic affairs government authority military intervention non-governmental actors Russian foreign policy Syrian conflict Sovereignty international law intervention domestic affairs UN Charter Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov UK arm Syrian rebels non-governmental actors international rule legitimate government Supreme Authority philosophy of sovereignty UN General Assembly philosopher Dan Philpott violation of international law geostrategy global politics Sovereignty international law intervention UN Charter national sovereignty domestic affairs military intervention legitimacy of government non-intervention principle Russian foreign policy UK foreign policy Syrian conflict UN General Assembly arms supply to rebels Sovereignty international law non-intervention UN Charter domestic affairs arms supply non-governmental actors Russian foreign policy Syria UK"
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con03a	There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. UN reform Rapid Reaction Force elite military units intelligence analysis logistical planning Security Council reform veto power standing army alternatives crisis management international security conflict resolution Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability UN reform security council veto intelligence analysis logistical planning crisis prevention international security peacekeeping alternatives military diplomacy UN mandate strength strategic forecasting global governance contemporary warfare UN reaction time Rapid Reaction Force elite military units security council reform veto power intelligence analysis logistical planning crisis prevention UN operations military alternatives conflict resolution global security international cooperation peacekeeping efficiency Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability Security Council reform remove veto powers intelligence analysis central logistical planning Security Council rules troop pledges improved mission mandates UN Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability Security Council reform veto powers intelligence analysis logistical planning crisis prediction troop pledges Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability UN reforms Security Council reform intelligence analysis logistical planning preemptive deployment alternative military strategies crisis prevention enhanced UN response UN Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability Security Council reform veto powers intelligence analysis logistical planning crisis prevention military alternatives peacekeeping efficiency international cooperation conflict resolution preemptive measures Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability UN reform Security Council veto powers intelligence analysis logistical planning crisis prevention military alternatives UN operations contemporary warfare UN reaction time rapid reaction force elite military units Security Council reform veto power removal intelligence analysis logistical planning Security Council rules troop pledges Rapid Reaction Force elite military capability UN reforms intelligence analysis logistical planning Security Council reform veto powers crisis management force deployment troop pledges early intervention
test-international-siacphbnt-pro04a	Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. education systems democracy technology e-books resources teaching efficiency intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency good governance Ushahidi mySociety Crowdmapping Kenya post-election violence South Africa parliamentary proceedings youths education systems democracy technology e-books resources teaching efficiency intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency crowdmapping mySociety Ushahidi good governance youths further readings Turcano Treisman Usahidi education systems democracy e-books resources teaching efficiency intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency crowdsourcing Ushahidi mySociety youths electoral violence parliamentary proceedings good governance technology impact online book buying turcano treisman usahidi education systems democracy technology e-books resources teaching efficiency intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency crowdmapping mySociety Ushahidi good governance youths further readings Turcano 2013 Treisman 2013 Usahidi 2013 education systems democracy technology e-books resources teaching ease of access intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency good governance Ushahidi mySociety Crowdmapping post-election violence youths turcano treisman usahidi search performance relevant expansion phrases education systems democracy technology e-books resource access teaching efficiency up-to-date resources intellectual curiosity online book buying student engagement democratic tools government accountability transparency good governance technology in education digital libraries e-learning student empowerment digital literacy technology for democracy crowdmapping Ushahidi mySociety post-election violence citizen engagement parliamentary proceedings technology and education educational technology digital democracy technology and governance education systems democracy e-books resources teaching efficiency intellectual curiosity online bookstores government accountability transparency crowdmapping good governance Ushahidi mySociety CrowdMapping post-election violence youths Turcano Treisman education systems democracy e-books resources teaching efficiency up-to-date resources intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency good governance Ushahidi mySociety youths crowdmapping political transparency parliamentary proceedings easy access online book buying education systems democracy e-books resources teaching efficiency internet access intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency crowdsourcing Ushahidi mySociety youths good governance electoral violence further readings Turcano Treisman Usahidi education systems democracy e-books resources teaching efficiency intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency good governance Ushahidi mySociety Crowdmapping youths Turcano Treisman Usahidi
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro03a	The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, African Union Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS Mali Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response peacekeeping conflict resolution military intervention African Union peacekeeping Economic Community of West African States Peace and Security Council Somalia peace intervention Sudan peacekeeping Burundi AU involvement Central African Republic AU mission ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali peacekeeping African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment African peace crises African Union Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS Mali Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades conflict prevention peacekeeping crisis response African Union peacekeeping Peace and Security Council Somalia conflict Sudan peace intervention Burundi conflict Central African Republic crisis Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali conflict Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis prevention full scale wars African Union Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS Mali Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment conflict prevention African Union expansion phrases Peace and Security Council Somalia conflict resolution Sudan peacekeeping Burundi AU intervention Central African Republic crisis management Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS Mali deployment Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid response capability African Union Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS Mali Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response peacekeeping operations African Union Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS Mali Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis response African Union Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS Mali Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis response peacekeeping operations African Union expansion Peace and Security Council Somalia intervention Sudan conflict Burundi peacekeeping Central African Republic ECOWAS Mali peacekeeping Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis response conflict prevention
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro04a	Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, forces ruler placate people elections powerless advisory parliament democratic safety valve absolute monarchies wealthy petro states communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth legitimacy meritocracy leaders corruption long term governance infrastructure motivation legitimacy [1] Feldman Noah Harvard Law School forces ruler placate people elections advisory.parliament democratic.safety.valve absolute.monarchies wealthy.petro.states communist.regimes China Vietnam meritocracy legitimacy economic.growth governance corruption infrastructure motivation legitimacy selection.leaders long.term powerless.parliament forces ruler placate people elections powerless advisory parliament responsibility absolute monarchies wealthy petro states communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth legitimacy meritocracy leaders long term governance corruption reduce infrastructure incentive democratic safety valve legitimacy legislative body political system [1] Feldman Noah Harvard Law School forces ruler placate people elections powerless advisory parliament democratic safety valve comparative well-governed successful countries remaining absolute monarchies wealthy petro states communist regimes rapid economic growth meritocracy leaders selection incentives good governance corruption reduction long-term growth infrastructure leaders motivated future benefit political legitimacy China Vietnam Feldman Noah Harvard Law School forces ruler placate people elections advisory parliament absolute monarchy petro states communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth meritocracy leadership legitimacy corruption political legitimacy long-term governance incentive economic growth infrastructureinvestment forces ruler placate people elections powerless advisory parliament democratic safety valve comparatively well governed successful countries absolute monarchies wealthy petro states remaining communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth meritocracy legitimacy corruption political legitimacy long term governance incentive good governance reduction corruption infrastructure investment benefit future leaders not elected office motivation future benefits forces ruler find placate people elections powerless advisory parliament responsibility absolute monarchies wealthy petro states communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth meritocracy legitimacy corruption political legitimacy good governance long term incentive infrastructure benefit future Feldman Noah Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states communist regimes meritocracy economic growth political legitimacy corruption governance infrastructure leadership selection long-term governance democratic safety valve forces ruler placate powerless advisory monarchies petrostates communist regimes China Vietnam economic growth legitimacy meritocracy corruption good governance longterm infrastructure safety valve political legitimacy absolute monarchy legislative power public opinion transparency election failure authoritarianism leadership motivation corruption reduction government effectiveness economic stability regime stability political systems sovereignty rule of law dictatorship d forces ruler placate people elections absolute monarchy powerless advisory parliament democratic safety valve wealthy petro states communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth meritocracy leadership legitimacy corruption good governance long-term investment incentive infrastructure
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro03a	How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, Congressional processes bicameralism House of Representatives Senate policy making reconciliation Bipartisan legislation centrist policies political parties capitalism legislative procedures bill passage political ideology Congressional bicameralism House of Representatives Senate operations bill passing legislative process reconciliation procedure bipartisan policy democratic function centrist legislation ideological compromise policy making Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills Reconciliation policy major parties centrist ideological range political science policy making bipartisan democracy legislative process political party system policy reform Congressional processes bicameral system House of Representatives Senate legislation bipartisan lawmaking reconciliation policy-making centrism political parties bill passage Voting rights public opinion ideological balance Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills political parties reconciliation legislation policy centrism ideology power dynamics Congress bicameral body House of Representatives Senate bills reconciliation parties policy ideological range centrist Congressional processes bicameral system House of Representatives Senate bill passing Reconciliation policy-making centrist policies ideological range partisan politics policy reform Congressional processes bicameral system House of Representatives Senate bill passage reconciliation policy-making partisan divide ideological range centrist policies United States government Brief Goldman Congressional processes bicameral system House of Representatives Senate bill passing reconciliation policy making partisan division ideological range political science bipartisan lawmaking Congress bicameral body House of Representatives Senate bills policy making law reconciliation compromise parties ideological range centrist politics policy work United States Senate Goldman
test-international-siacphbnt-con01a	Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure training youth Uwezo Fund government grants loans payment planning debt inclusivity technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure training youth Kenya Uwezo Fund grants loans government collaboration debt payment planning technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure training youth Uwezo Fund Kenya grants loans government debt payment planning technology expansion phrases entrepreneurialism foundational basis finance access credit availability basic infrastructure computer access technical skills training start-up credit youths involvement entrepreneurial ideas technology training inclusive capability dangers of easy credit debt risks credit protection payment planning Uwezo Fund Kenya government collaboration youth grants application process interest-free loans technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure training youth Uwezo Fund grants loans government risk protection payment planning search performance relevant expansion phrases query technology entrepreneurialism foundational basis key constraint access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility obstacle inclusive capability youths entrepreneurial ideas technology training equal start-up credit dangers easy credit individual risk debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration grants loans interest-free technology entrepreneurship foundational basis finance credit infrastructure technical skills accessibility youth start-up inclusivity training government collaboration Uwezo Fund grants loans interest-free debt protection payment planning technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure training youth Uwezo Fund grants loans government collaboration payment planning debt protection search optimization keyword expansion entrepreneurialism technology impact finance access credit availability infrastructure constraints youth entrepreneurship training programs start-up support government initiatives Uwezo Fund inclusive economy risk management loan accessibility grant application search outcomes beneficial expansion terms technology entrepreneurialism foundational basis key constraint access to finance credit infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility obstacles youth involvement technology training equal start-up credit inclusive capability dangers credit accessibility debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration grants loans interest-free
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro03a	"Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. patents generic drugs market efficiency cost reduction production methods monopolies licensing drug pricing public health market equilibrium rent-seeking pharmaceutical industry compulsory licenses innovation drug shortage generic drugs economic efficiency monopoly rights patent laws market equilibration drug pricing public health research and development licensing agreements social welfare pharmaceutical industry innovation competition marginal cost pricing consumer protection healthcare affordability drug shortages pharmaceutical innovation pharmaceutical patents generic drugs medical costs market efficiency patent monopoly production methods market equilibration rent-seeking monopoly power compulsory licenses Paget's Disease Miacalcic production of generic drugs reduce medical costs increased production superior production methods market efficiency sale of generic drugs consumer costs patent monopoly inefficiency dissemination of production methods monopolist rent-seeking drug shortages free market value compulsory licenses patent law pharmaceutical industry drug pricing innovation competition public health generic drug market drug production methods patent abuse drug shortages examples drug patents drug pricing strategies generic drugs reduce medical costs increased production superior production methods market efficiency consumer costs patent monopoly disseminate production methods monopolist rent-seeking drug production market equilibration compulsory licenses Genzyme Miacalcic strategic shortages generic drugs medical costs production methods market efficiency patent monopoly consumer costs patent laws market equilibration rent-seeking drug production public needs generic drug sales monopolist behavior compulsory licenses patent abuse drug shortages generic drugs medical costs market efficiency patent monopoly production methods consumer costs market equilibration monopolist rent-seeking compulsory licenses drug production patent laws drug shortages pharmaceutical industry public health intellectual property licensing decisions generic drugs reduce medical costs increased production superior production methods market efficiency patent monopoly dissemination of production methods monopolist rent-seeking market equilibration generic drug sale drug production patent laws free market value compulsory licenses patent abuse strategic shortages generic drugs medical costs production methods market efficiency patents monopoly rights dissemination licensing social impact market price demand rent-seeking broken monopoly drug shortages Paget's Disease Miacalcic compulsory licenses cost reduction free market value production methods market efficiency consumer costs patent monopoly generics benefits pharmaceutical pricing monopolist behavior market equilibration licensing drug production patent laws"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro05a	Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. disclosure convictions justice system Britain previous convictions judicial interpretation transparency court procedures legal standards legal accessibility Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice Britain previous convictions striking resemblance false claims character attack judges interpretation court procedures transparency accessibility legal standards criminal justice judicial discretion criminal records sentencing guidelines judicial inconsistency legal reform search effectiveness legal术语 conviction disclosure judicial inconsistency justice system 英国法律 判例标准 透明度 法院程序 信息公开 刑法应用 法律解释 司法公正 Occasional disclosure convictions consistency justice system British legal practice previous convictions striking resemblance false good character claim prosecution witness attack judicial interpretation variability court procedure transparency legal motion efficiency search efficiency expand query occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions striking resemblance defendant good character prosecution witness judges interpretation court procedures transparency accessibility convictions judicial interpretation court procedures transparency character evidence disclosure rules justice consistency legal standards convictions justice system britain court procedures legal transparency disclosure past convictions legal standards judge interpretation motion for disclosure equality in justice legal reform Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions striking resemblance defendant good character prosecution witness judges interpret criteria court procedures transparency motion accessibility search optimization legal terms expansion justice system convictions disclosure criteria interpretation transparency accessibility court procedures consistency judges precedent sentencing criminal law reform analysis standards criminal justice legal reform judicial discretion criminal procedure conviction disclosure legal interpretation criminal justice system judicial consistency legal accessibility criminal law reform Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions striking resemblance defendant character prosecution witness judges interpretation court procedures transparency efficiency
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” natural habitats animal protection local destruction agricultural expansion endangered animals West African lion population decrease fencing human activity conservation success wildlife preservation tougher animal protection endangered species conservation habitat destruction prevention wildlife preservation strategies large scale agriculture impacts environmental degradation in Africa West African lion population decline fencing as conservation method human-wildlife conflict solutions natural habitats animal protection local destruction agricultural expansion endangered species West African lions human activity fencing conservation success wildlife preservation natural habitats destruction animal protection approach endangered animals environments large scale agriculture West African lion population fencing off areas human activity impact wildlife conservation methods environmental protection strategies biodiversity loss prevention ecological balance disruption Natural habitats destruction animal protection local activities agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease fencing human activity conservation success South Africa natural habitats destruction animal protection approach agricultural expansion impact endangered species conservation wildlife habitat loss human activity in Africa West African lion population fencing for animal protection conservation success stories wildlife corridors biodiversity preservation environmental degradation solutions natural habitats endangered animals human expansion agricultural activity West African lion population decrease fencing protection methods conservation efforts environmental destruction wildlife preservation biodiversity loss ecosystem impact Natural habitats endangered animals agricultural expansion West African lions human activity fencing conservation efforts wildlife protection environmental destruction biodiversity loss ecosystem disruption natural habitats animal protection agricultural expansion endangered species environmental destruction wildlife conservation biodiversity loss conservation strategies human-animal conflict ecological balance wildlife management habitat preservation sustainable agriculture ecological footprint conservation success stories wildlife corridors protected areas ecosystem services deforestation rewilding biodiversity hotspots wildlife corridors habitat fragmentation ecosystem restoration ecological niches conservation biology wildlife tracking eco-friendly farming natural habitats destruction agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals protection West African lion population fencing for wildlife conservation human activity impact on lions conservation success South Africa
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro02a	International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, international labour standards business standards development standards Conventions Against Forced Labour Discrimination Convention Child Labour labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth aid distribution child labour ILO conventions donor nation compatibility international level standards international labour standards business standards development standards forced labour convention discrimination convention child labour labour dispute resolution employment services social policy poverty reduction standard of living economic growth aid distribution hypocritical scenario international labour office international labour organisation international labour standards business standards development standards forced labour discrimination child labour global acceptable methods labour dispute resolution employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending aid distribution grassroots efficiency donor nation principles ILO conventions international labour organisation international labour standards business standards development standards forced labour conventions discrimination conventions child labour conventions labour dispute resolution employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending aid distribution grassroots efficiency pre-requisite for development aid hypocritical scenario International labour standards business standards development standards Conventions Against Forced Labour Discrimination Convention Child Labour Convention labour dispute resolution employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending distribution of aid grassroots efficiency developing countries donor nation International Labour Organisation search performance relevant expansion phrases international labour standards business standards development standards forced labour convention discrimination convention child labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending aid distribution hypocritical scenario ILO conventions international labour standards business standards development standards Conventions Against Forced Labour discrimination child labour labour dispute resolution bodies employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending distribution of aid grassroots efficiency hypocritical scenario ILO conventions child labour practices International labour standards business standards development standards forced labour discrimination child labour labour dispute resolution employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth aid distribution hypocritical scenario ILO conventions child labour conventions international labour organisation search optimization international labour standards international business standards development standards forced labour discrimination child labour labour dispute resolution business ethics employment services good industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth aid distribution grasroots efficiency pre-requisite standards hypocrisy avoidance international labour organization international conventions international labour standards business standards development standards forced labour convention discrimination convention child labour labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth aid distribution hypocritical scenario ILO conventions social policy
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro01a	"Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, neo-functionalism integration spill-over economic integration political integration cultivated integration ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over journal of international studies tranholm-mikkelsen neo-functionalism integration spill-over functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community European Commission Brussels dynamism international studies EC Millennium journal neo-functionalism integration spill-over economic integration political integration cultivated integration functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community European Commission Neo-functionalism theory international studies European Union Brussels spillover effects integration theories European integration neo-functionalism integration spill-over functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community economic integration political allegiance European Commission international studies dynamism obstinate obsolete Neo-functionalism integration spill-over functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community European Commission integration sectors economic context political actors new centre national parliament Brussels institutional dynamics autonomous institutions Neo-functionalism integration spill-over functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community political actors jurisdiction expansion economic context institutional dynamics European Commission autonomy Brussels national parliament Neo-functionalism theory dynamism European Unionintegration process spillover effects intersectoral integration neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over European Coal and Steel Community European Union institutional theory EC Millennium Neo-functionalism integration spill-over economic context political context cultivated context European Coal and Steel Community Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over institutional dynamics ECSC Belgium European Commission neo-functionalism spill-over economic integration political integration cultivated integration ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over integration theory European Union spillover effects Neo-functionalism theory international studies Neo-functionalism integration spill-over functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community European Commission international studies dynamism integration outcomes centres of power formation institutional development"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro02a	If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. personhood birth abortion murder pro-choice foetus legal personality ethical eontology personhood birth abortion murder foetus pro-choice legal ethics fetal development partial-birth abortion crucial dividing-line personhood birth abortion murder foetus pro-choice legal personhood beginning inducing birth partial-birth abortion differentiating abortion killing foetus crucial dividing-line personhood birth abortion murder pro-choice foetus personality legal rights ethics terminology personhood birth abortion foetus murder pro-choice personality equality rights ethics laws terminology personhood birth abortion murder foetus pro-choice legal elevation recommendation expansion_phrases personhood birth abortion foetus murder pro-choice personality legal rights fetus ethics personhood birth abortion murder pro-choice foetus legal efficacy keywords inducing different early natural partial-birth personhood birth abortion legal fetal murder pro-choice foetus personality development ethics personhood birth abortion foetus murder pro-choice legal rights ethical considerations fetal development
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro01a	The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. feminism pornography prostitution consent dignity patriarchy vulnerability abuse integrity stigma women's rights sexuality social norms unwanted pregnancy sexually transmitted diseases violence cultural impact social justice [1]Lubben feminism pornography prostitution consent patriarchy dignity integrity stigma abuse sexually transmitted diseases violence unwanted pregnancies equality women's rights sexual exploitation [1]Lubben feminism pornography prostitution women's rights dignity consent patriarchy integrity stigma abuse sexuality sexual health consenting adults sexual exploitation vulnerability cultural impact gender norms sexual violence sexual harassment [1]Lubben Shelley Covenant Eyes feminist movement sexual exploitation pornography consent patriarchal structures women's dignity social stigma abusive conditions sex industry consent legitimacy prostitute rights pornography harms sexual integrity gender equality sexual violence sexual health risks feminist activism feminism pornography prostitution women's rights dignity patriarchy consent integrity stigma vulnerability abuse sexually transmitted diseases pregnancy equality social norms consenting adults victimization feminism pornography prostitution consent women's rights patriarchy integrity stigma social structures vulnerability abuse risk factors sexually transmitted diseases pregnancy sexual exploitation gender norms cultural impact [1]Lubben feminism pornography prostitution women's rights dignity consent patriarchy vulnerability integrity stigma abuse sexually transmitted diseases unwanted pregnancies social norms gender equality [1]Lubben feminism pornography prostitution consent dignity patriarchy vulnerability integrity stigma abuse sexually transmitted diseases unwanted pregnancies pornography industry gender norms sexual exploitation feminism pornography prostitution consent women's rights dignity patriarchy vulnerability integrity stigma abuse social norms sex work sexual exploitation unwanted pregnancies STDs violent sex practices cultural impact female autonomy sexual violence sex industry gender inequality sexual exploitation laws feminism patriarchy pornography consent prostitution women's rights exploitation sexual integrity societal norms gender inequality sexual health violence stigma
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con01a	This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 courtroom entertainment legal proceedings Judge Judy media influence courtroom televising public perception legal justice television ratings case seriousness rehabilitation victim rights defendant rights privacy employment media frenzy legal principles sensationalism courtroom entertainment televising court cases public perception of justice media influence on trials legal proceedings vs entertainment risk of desensitization impact on rehabilitation privacy rights in court victims' rights in televised trials courtroom scrutiny media frenzy during trials Casey Anthony trial analysis Judge Judy controversy legal ethics in entertainment courtroom entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings media coverage public perception legal justice televising trials media influence criminal trials rehabilitation victim rights defendant rights privacy concerns employment rights courtroom ethics media ethics legal integrity public curiosity sensationalism judicial system media trial case seriousness trial reputation television courtroom legal entertainment media trial impact televised justice judicial independence media and law legal transparency courtroom scrutiny public understanding of law entertainment value judicial proceedings television shows public perception risk of misinterpretation courtroom dynamics sensationalism rehabilitation legal justice victim rights defendant rights media influence popularity vs justice cameras in court legal anonymity employment rights public curiosity genuine legal proceedings court cases entertainment legal proceedings television shows Judge Judy Casey Anthony trial media frenzy public perception legal justice courtroom principles rehabilitation anonymity employment rights victims' rights courtroom entertainment televising trials legal proceedings public perception media influence judicial integrity rehabilitation victim rights defendant rights national television courtroom anonymity media frenzy legal justice entertainment value courtroom scrutiny public curiosity courtroom dignity televised justice judge judy casey anthony trial courtroom entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings public perception media influence criminal trials television rights judicial integrity public interest rehabilitation privacy media frenzy courtroom transparency judicial independence legal ethics courtroom televising public curiosity judicial process entertainment justice televised trials media ethics judicial scrutiny courtroom drama judicial accountability legal proceedings entertainment legal entertainment courtroom sensationalism court cases entertainment judge judy legal proceedings entertainment televising court cases media frenzy public perception courtroom entertainment justice system principles rehabilitation victims rights defendants rights national television anonymity employment sensationalism courtroom entertainment legal proceedings televising trials public perception media influence judicial integrity courtroom anonymity victim rights rehabilitation legal justice media frenzy public curiosity television ratings judicial process legal ethics entertainment value legal proceedings vs entertainment televised court cases judicial fairness public understanding of law courtroom entertainment legal proceedings televising trials public perception media influence judicial integrity rehabilitation victim rights defendant rights national television privacy concerns employment rights sensationalism
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con01a	Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. nutrition parentalresponsibility mealprovision childdevelopment schoolnutrition dietarypreferences sharedresponsibility educationpolicy nutrition parental responsibility school meals child preferences meal provision burden sharing education nutrition nutrition parenting childnutrition mealpreference schoolresponsibility parentalinvolvement childdevelopment foodeducation mealpreparation nutritioneducation nutrition parental responsibility meal planning for kids parent involvement in nutrition child meal preferences school meal responsibilities splitting nutritional responsibilities burden of nutrition nutrition parental责任 孩子饮食 负责 饮食偏好 学校责任 分配责任 nutrition meal planning parental involvement in nutrition school meal responsibility child dietary preferences balanced meals for kids home vs school nutrition meal preparation tips nutritional guidance for parents meal consistency at home and school parental meal supervision nutrition parentalresponsibility childrearing mealpreparation schoolingage childpreferences mealprovision responsibilitydistribution educationburden nutrition parental responsibility meal provision child preference schooling partnership burden nutrition parental责任 child_meals meal_provision responsibility_shift school_involvement dietary_preferences education_nutrition parental_roles meal_safety child_care nutrition_guidance meal_planning child_health nutritional_education meal_distribution dietary_monitoring nutrition education parental involvement meal planning school responsibility child development dietary habits food preferences nutrition guidelines parenting roles meal provision
test-international-segiahbarr-pro03a	Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food growth UNCTAD Moss Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology kenya Uganda Tanzania FDI increase extractive industries manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China African economy Natural resources FDI sources Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology kenya uganda tanzania employment standard of living extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food UNCTAD Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing Services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food UNCTAD Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology kenya Uganda Tanzania extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing China natural resources food central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines UNCTAD Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food standard of living FDI growth investment trends Foreign Direct Investment Africa increase infrastructure jobs creation technology kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food UNCTAD Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology kenya Uganda Tanzania extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food UNCTAD foreign direct investment africa infrastructure jobs creation technology kenya uganda tanzania extractive industries manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food UNCTAD Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China natural resources food growing population infrastructure projects UNCTAD skepticism investment sources
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro01a	Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. alternative medicine homeopathy scientific trials side effects patient safety ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine public health quackery efficacy regulation patient trust false hope snake oil conventional treatments patient autonomy alternative medicine homeopathy side effects scientific trials patient safety ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine treatment efficacy public health complementary therapies medical malpractice patient autonomy alternative medicine homeopathy scientific trials side effects patient safety ethical concerns legal issues conventional treatments medical wisdom fatal cases monitoring supervision public health skepticism efficacy quackery pseudoscience patient education treatment rejection medical ethics complementary medicine efficacy testing regulatory standards alternative remedies homeopathy scientific trials side-effects ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine patient safety snake oil well meaning practitioners medical supervision public health patient trust clinical trials alternative medicine industry fatal cases conventional treatments ethical dilemmas legal ramifications medical ethics patient outcomes evidence-based medicine public safety healthcare regulations patient autonomy alternative remedies homeopathy scientific trials side-effects patient safety ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine monitoring supervision public health false hope serious symptoms alternative medicine industry well meaning practitioners snake oil fatal cases patient autonomy medical wisdom alternative remedies homeopathy scientific trials side effects ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine patient safety medical supervision false hope alternative practitioners snake oil public health patient outcomes alternative remedies homeopathy false hope scientific trials side-effects ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine patient safety snake oil unproven treatments patient rejection medical ethics alternative remedies homeopathy false hope scientific trials side-effects ethical concerns legal concerns conventional treatments medical wisdom monitoring supervision alternative medicine industry snake oil patient safety serious symptoms ethical issues legal issues public health patient trust medical professionalism evidence-based medicine alternative remedies homeopathy scientific trials side-effects ethical concerns legal issues conventional medicine patient safety snake oil public health practitioner ethics monitoring systems fatal cases complementary therapies alternative remedies homeopathy scientific trials side-effects ethical concerns legal concerns conventional treatments patient safety public health quackery medical ethics patient trust evidence-based medicine
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con05a	Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception responsible reproduction community welfare Catholic Church barrier methods child rearing costs population control ethical considerations birth control monogamous relationships contraception responsible reproduction community welfare Catholic Church affordable parenting child rearing costs birth control monogamous relationships contraception affordable children community responsibility Catholic Church barrier contraception child rearing costs birth control monogamous relationships contraception responsible reproduction community benefit Catholic Church barrier contraception child rearing costs birth control monogamous relationships contraception casual sex responsible reproduction Catholic Church barrier contraception cost of raising a child community responsibility Birth control monogamous relationships contraception casual sex affordable children time and money community responsibility Catholic Church birth rate control economic considerations child rearing costs ethical reproduction birth control monogamous relationships contraception affordable children community impact Catholic Church responsible reproduction _insley_2011 _cost_of_raising_a_child Birth control monogamous relationships contraception affordable children responsible reproduction Catholic Church barrier contraception community welfare child rearing costs birth control monogamous relationships contraception affordable children community impact responsible reproduction Catholic Church barrier contraception childraising costs family planning birth control monogamous relationships contraception responsible reproduction community benefits Catholic Church barrier methods child rearing costs
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con01a	Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. sexism advertising profitability economic growth competition marketplace censorship freedom sexism advertising profitability economic growth competition marketplace censorship advertising bans economic survival corporate interests public awareness product promotion freedom of speech regulation consumer rights marketing strategies ethical advertising gender equality consumer behavior economic policies media influence corporate responsibility sexism advertising profitability economic_growth competition marketplace consumerism censorship freedom_of_speech regulation marketing_strategies gender_stereotypes corporate_interests profitability economic_growth advertising_essential competitive_marketplace profit_motivation 广告与经济 性别歧视广告 市场竞争力 经济活力 广告合法性 商业利益冲突 Sexism advertising profit economic growth competition marketplace censorship legitimacy sexism advertising profit economic growth competition marketplace advertising impact censorship free speech consumer awareness corporate interest economic survival advertising regulation consumer rights market dynamics sexism advertising profit economic growth competition marketplace banning individual states world economy products services ideas public awareness legitimacy self-interest sexist advertising profitability business economic growth competition marketplace ideas banning survival profit legitimacy sexism advertising profitability economic growth competition marketplace censorship consumer awareness sexism advertising profit economic growth competition marketplace public awareness banning economic survival legitimate advertising
test-international-gmehwasr-pro05a	Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syrian civil war Kofi Annan United Nations Russia Assad Free Syrian Army diplomacy unilateral initiatives arms NATO Croatia Dayton accords military intervention France Mali Syrian civil war Kofi Annan UN peace effort Russia Assad Free Syrian Army unilateral initiatives diplomatic solution NATO Croats arms supply military aid intervention Mali diplomatic efforts Dayton accords Syrian civil war Kofi Annan United Nations Russia Assad Free Syrian Army diplomacy unilateral initiatives arms supply NATO Croats Mali intervention diplomatic solutions peace efforts UN-Arab League ceasefire negotiated settlement military support Diplomacy Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement Kofi Annan United Nations Russia Assad regime Free Syrian Army arms intervention NATO Croatia Dayton accords Mali Diplomacy Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan Russia Assad regime Free Syrian Army arms intervention NATO Croatia Dayton accords Mali Diplomacy Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement Kofi Annan Russia Assad regime Free Syrian Army arms intervention Dayton accords NATO Croats unilateral initiatives United Nations peace effort Diplomacy Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement Kofi Annan United Nations Russia Assad Free Syrian Army arms intervention NATO Croatia Dayton accords Mali Syrian civil war Kofi Annan United Nations Russia Assad Free Syrian Army diplomacy unilateral initiatives arms supply NATO Croats Mali intervention peace efforts Diplomacy Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement Kofi Annan Russia Assad regime Free Syrian Army arms intervention Dayton accords NATO Croats Mali Syrian civil war Kofi Annan UN peace effort Russia Assad regime Free Syrian Army unilateral initiatives diplomatic solutions NATO Mali intervention arms supply diplomatic outcomes conflict resolution international relations humanitarian aid
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro02a	Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 transparency government accountability citizen rights security state drones civil liberties national defense public information right to know Obama administration CIA al-Qaeda public consent security operations intelligence gathering citizens知情权 government透明度 drones surveillance civil liberties national security public consent al-Qaeda Obama administration ACLU government transparency citizen rights national security drone warfare public awareness accountability consent law enforcement defense policy intelligence operations civil liberties information disclosure presidential authority judicial review military intervention foreign policy human rights surveillance cybersecurity whistleblowing transparency initiatives right to know government transparency national defense security measures citizen consent drone warfare al-Qaeda Obama administration legal accountability public information state actions stakeholder engagement military operations civilian casualties government secrecy legal challenges human rights information disclosure citizens' rights government transparency drone strikes national security public consent Obama administration al-Qaeda CIA secrecy information disclosure defense policy legal obligations Citizen rights government transparency drone strikes national defense security measures public information Obama administration legal accountability national consent military operations right to know drones security state actions government transparency citizen consent national defense law and order al-Qaeda ACLU secrecy claims right to information government transparency citizen rights state security drones al-Qaeda civil liberties security measures campaigns consequences consent Obama administration ACLU court cases right to know drones citizen's consent government transparency security measures Obama administration al-Qaeda ACLU spying consequences Citizen rights government transparency drone warfare national defense security measures public consent legislative oversight accountability civil liberties surveillance intelligence operations
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro03a	It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ unethical exposure performance pressure child performers stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability child suicide consequences of child performance former child actors substance abuse addiction child performance pressure stage fright in children effects of child acting consequences of child performers mental health of child actors suicide risk in children impact of performance on children child performers adulthood issues child actors mental health childhood performance stress child performers stage fright performance anxiety suicide in children child actors adolescent depression pressure on children consequences of child labor mental health of child performers childhood trauma adolescent identity crisis substance abuse in former child performers child labor ethics union concerns about child performers child performance pressure stage fright in children performance anxiety in kids consequences of child acting suicide in children child actor mental health adolescent identity crisis child performer addiction psychological impact of child labor pressure on young performers ethics child performance stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability pressure suicide consequences adult identity substance abuse child performers stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability pressure suicide risk consequences young adult issues substance abuse ethics child performers stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability pressure suicide consequences adulthood substance abuse addiction unethical child performance stage fright in children performance anxiety in minors pressure on child actors consequences of child performance child suicide stress in child performers effects of child acting child identity crisis child performers substance abuse unethical exposure child performance pressure stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability child suicide child actors identity crisis substance abuse addiction childhood stress union reports child performers stage fright performance anxiety suicide in children child actors adolescent mental health pressure on children paid performances adolescent substance abuse child labor laws child psychology adolescent identity development
test-international-emephsate-con01a	Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey EU membership economic development inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty GDP per capita immigration wages Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone Turkey's economy free movement of people economic development Turkey EU membership high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty GDP per capita Greek economic problems Eurozone issues immigration impact wages demographic strain economic disparity Turkish immigration economic development EU membership high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty GDP per capita Eurozone Greek financial crisis Portugal financial crisis Italy financial crisis free movement of people immigration wage suppression Turkey EU accession economic disparity economic development EU membership high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty GDP per capita Eurozone economic problems immigration workforce wage rates free movement strain on Union Turkish immigrants economic development EU membership inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita immigrant influx wage depression free movement immigration pressure European Union economic disparity relevance economic development EU membership high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita strain immigration wage competition free movement economically developed Turkey EU membership economic problems high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty GDP per capita EU-strain immigration wages Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone economic disparity free movement of people Turks workers European Union economic problems joining EU fear of Turkey joining EU economic development EU membership inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita economic strain immigration wage competition free movement European Union economic development EU membership inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita economic strain immigration wage competition free movement European Union Turkish immigration economic development EU membership inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty Greek economic issues Portuguese economic issues Italian economic issues Eurozone problems GDP per capita economic strain immigration wage competition free movement European Union membership criteria economic convergence migrant influx
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con02a	A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter practicality troop contribution training international peace funding UN Headquarters Security Council impartiality P5 nations UN Charter Article 43 standing army international peace security council funding troop contribution training impartiality member states P5 U.N. peacekeeping practicality UN Headquarters UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter troop contribution training international peace and security UN headquarters funding US contributions UN peacekeeping Security Council P5 powers impartiality UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter troop contribution training issues location concerns funding challenges United States UN peacekeeping Security Council impartiality P5 veto power UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter practicality troop contribution training United States UN funding Security Council impartiality P5 members UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter troop contribution training international peace Security Council funding United Nations member states P5 impartiality peacekeeping operations UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter troop contribution training United States UN funding Security Council impartiality peacekeeping operations member states P5 UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter troop contribution training practicality funding United States UN Headquarters Security Council impartiality P5 members UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter practicality troop contribution training international peace United Nations land Security Council funding member states United States opposition peacekeeping operations impartiality P5 nations UN standing army legal framework Article 43 practicality troop contribution training location funding United States UN Charter Security Council impartiality P5 powers
test-international-siacphbnt-pro05a	Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet television journalism youth empowerment African Slum Voices Nollywood regional film industries mobile technology low-cost technology digital technology entrepreneurial ideas cultural expression political questions revenue analysis technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youths culture of expression journalism African Slum Voices Nollywood music industry film industry regional film industries low-budget films revenue digital technology entrepreneurship empowerment storytelling regional economic development media impact youth activism politics Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youths culture of expression journalism African Slum Voices Nollywood digital technology revenue regional film industries low-budget films third largest film industry Youth empowerment cultural industries Africa youths entrepreneurial ideas video recording mobile phones internet televised publications new culture of expression journalism African Slum Voices mobilized youths politics storytelling music industry film industry Nollywood regional film industries low-budget films revenue Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youths culture of expression journalism African Slum Voices Nollywood revenue regional film industries low-cost digital technology actors producers editors critical questions politics empowerment technology cultural industries Africa youths entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications mobile journalism African Slum Voices Nollywood regional film industries digital technology revenue growth cultural expression politics empowerment technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet television journalism youths African Slum Voices Nollywood revenue regional film industries digital technology entrepreneurship low-budget films third largest film industry technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurial ideas video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youths culture of expression journalism African Slum Voices initiatives mobilisation Nollywood revenue growth regional film industries low-budget films third largest film industry entrepreneurship actors producers editors search optimization cultural industries technological impact entrepreneurship mobile phones internet video recording African youth cultural expression political engagement journalism African Slum Voices Nollywood digital technology film industry regional film industries low-budget films economic contribution technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship youth mobile phones internet video recording expression politics journalism African Slum Voices Nollywood revenue regional film industries low-budget films entrepreneurial ideas empowering youth access to technology critical questions regional development media industry growth storytelling cultural expression innovation
test-international-ghbunhf-pro05a	Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libyan crisis international affairs relevance international cooperation protection deposing international cooperation bilateral agreements specialized bodies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN relevance Libyan crisis 2011 international affairs NATO role protection mandate international cooperation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libyan crisis international affairs irrelevance protection depose international cooperation bilateral agreements specialized bodies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN irrelevance Libyan crisis international affairs protection depose global politics international cooperation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libyan crisis international affairs irrelevance protection deposing international cooperation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libyan crisis international affairs specialized bodies relevance of UN protection vs deposing international cooperation bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN relevance Libyan crisis 2011 NATO involvement Bolopion Philippe international co-operation bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN relevance Libya crisis 2011 NATO role beneficial expansion keywords economic issues political issues trade issues irrelevance in global affairs international cooperation bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN relevance Libya crisis 2011 NATO role Philipe Bolopion Los Angeles Times international cooperation bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN relevance Libyan crisis NATO involvement bilateral relations global trade bodies diplomatic frameworks
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con01a	The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: ICC operating budget ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US contribution Rome Statute UN funding Security Council State Parties partiality prosecution ICC budget ICTY costs ICTR maladministration US funding Rome Statute UN Security Council State Parties corruption ICC investigative budget international criminal justice tribunal funding mechanisms partiality ICC ICC budget ICTY ICTR operating costs UN Rome Statute Security Council funding corruption State Parties investigative budget US contribution financial support tribunal expenses budget cuts international justice legacy issues procedural requirements ICC budget ICTY costs ICTR maladministration US financial support Rome Statute UN Security Council State Parties contributions budget cuts international criminal court tribunal funding partiality corruption investigative procedures ICC budget costs ICTY ICTR US UN financial support maladministration corruption Security Council veto partiality States investigations prosecutions Rome Statute Security Council resolution State Parties Office Prosecutor personnel ICC budget ICTY costs ICTR maladministration US contribution UN funding Rome Statute Security Council resolution State Parties corruption investigative resources ICC operating budget ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US contribution Rome Statute Security Council UN funding budget cuts partiality State Parties Office of the Prosecutor ICC budget costs ICTY ICTR UN operating expenses security council financial support partiality corruption State Parties Rome Statute ICC operating budget ICTY ICTR maladministration internal corruption US contribution Rome Statute UN Security Council financial support budget cuts State Parties partiality corruption Office of the Prosecutor ICC budget ICTY costs ICTR legacy US contribution UN funding Rome Statute Security Council resolution state parties corruption partiality investigative budget cuts
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> EU foreign policy failure War in Iraq Yugoslavia breakup NATO US military power independent voice international politics national interests military presence EU foreign policy failures common European foreign policy Iraq war impact EU military capabilities NATO dependence US influence on EU EU political unity Yugoslavia conflict international power dynamics European integration challenges EU public opinion on foreign policy EU foreign policy test failure Iraq war Yugoslavia breakup military power NATO US influence dependency global politics national interests international relations EU foreign policy failures common European approach Iraq war impact NATO dependency US military influence EU military power national interests conflicts EU international status Yugoslavia crisis European unity challenges transatlantic relations EU sovereignty issues EU foreign policy test failures Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup international politics military power NATOdependence EU foreign policy common approach War in Iraq Yugoslavia NATO military power independent voice international politics national interests public opinion economic power EU limitations military dependency EU foreign policy common approach War in Iraq NATO military power independent voice international relations national interests public opinion Yugoslavia economic power EU foreign policy common foreign policy War in Iraq NATO US military power European Union military dependency independent voice world politics Yugoslavia national interests public opinion military presence economic power EU foreign policy failures War in Iraq Yugoslavia conflict NATO dependence military power common European approach public opinion economic power international politics EU foreign policy test failures military power national interests NATOdependency War in Iraq Yugoslavia crisis common approach international politics"
test-international-atiahblit-pro03a	Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. incentives teacher deployment rural-urban disparities education quality teacher relocation educational incentives teacher housing rural education urban-rural education socioeconomic disparities education policy teacher retention geographical disparities teacher distribution education equity teacher recruitment education incentives educational reform teacher incentives rural education rural-urban disparities Uganda teacher deployment education quality disparity Africa teacher distribution educational equity teacher relocation programs geographical disparities in education teacher housing schemes education policy teacher awards regional education needs socioeconomic education disparities incentives teacher deployment rural education urban-rural disparities education quality teacher relocation educational inequalities teacher housing socioeconomic factors education policy teacher incentives rural teaching education funding teacher recruitment educational resources rural-urban divide teacher motivation educational access teacher retention teacher distribution education reform teacher support education disparities teacher development educational needs teacher allocation education planning teacher compensation incentives for teachers rural-urban disparities geographical disparities in education teacher deployment teacher relocation rural education education quality equity in education teacher incentives Uganda education teacher housing socioeconomic groups rural areas teacher awards Incentives teacher deployment rural areas education disparities Uganda teacher relocation housing schemes rural-urban disparities geographical disparities teacher incentives rural-urban disparities Africa education quality teacher relocation socioeconomic groups Uganda geographical disparities equity in education teacher deployment education universalization teacher housing schemes incentives teacher deployment rural education urban disparities education quality teacher relocation rural areas housing schemes teacher housing socioeconomic groups education universalization geographical disparities Africa Uganda teacher incentives teacher incentives rural-urban disparities Africa Uganda education quality equity teacher deployment geographical disparities teacher relocation teacher housing schemes incentives teacher deployment rural education rural-urban disparities Uganda education quality equity teacher housing socioeconomic groups geographical disparities Africa promotion schemes teacher relocation education policy incentives teacher deployment rural areas education quality geographical disparities Uganda socioeconomic groups housing schemes teacher relocation rural-urban disparities
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro02a	States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 responsible governance citizen rights borders control immigration policies xenophobia racism social harmony government accountability citizen needs international migration asylum seekers social cohesion naturalization policies immigrationcontrols xenophobia racism socialharmony toleration governmentresponsibility citizenrights borders populationcontrol nationalinterest socialcohesion naturalization policyanalysis States citizens responsibility borders immigration asylum social harm xenophobia racism tolerance governments policy equality multiculturalism harmony citizenship naturalisation social cohesion responsible citizenship border control immigration policy xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government responsibility citizen rights naturalization international law open borders citizen acceptance social cohesion policy reform search efficiency expand query states responsibility citizens trafficking open borders immigration asylum social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance governments naturalisation equality multiculturalism search optimization relevant expansion phrases query refinement citizen rights borders immigration controls asylum policies xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government responsibilities international relations policy analysis economic impact cultural integration social cohesion migration management populism political discourse citizenship issues public sentiment security concerns globalization equality diversity management policy effectiveness legal frameworks demographic changes public opinion ethnic tensions political stability foreign policy humanitarian considerations public safety local community impact regional dynamics national security public health search accuracy query expansion citizens rights border control immigration policies xenophobia racism social harmony government responsibilities naturalization social cohesion multiculturalism States citizens responsibility trafficking borders immigration asylum social harm xenophobia racism governments harmony tolerance effectiveness controls policy [1] Lægaard search optimization keywords suggestion citizen responsibility border control immigration asylum social harm xenophobia racism tolerance equality multiculturalism harmony globalization policy analysis Lægaard search outcomes expansion terms keyword recommendations responsible governance citizen rights border control immigration policies asylum seekers social cohesion xenophobia racism government accountability public sentiment policy analysis international migration legal obligations ethical considerations social harmony multiculturalism citizenship policy effectiveness
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con02a	Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment well-regulated militia firearm availability insurgency domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller 2nd Amendment right to bear arms Gun control gun laws militia national security citizen defense leisure shooting sporting use firearm availability insurrection domestic tyranny DC v Heller gun regulation gun ownership benefits gun ownership drawbacks gun control debates gun rights gun control policies gun control militia second amendment firearm availability national defense civilian firearms political stability domestic security insurrection tyranny military training armed citizens gun laws constitutional rights public safety democracy self-defense international comparison legal challenges firearm ownership benefits 2nd Amendment gun control militia national security democracy firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan tyranny District of Columbia v Heller citizen defense insurrection political pressure self-protection sporting use weapons training civilian firearms political freedom gun rights gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment well-regulated militia firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller search optimization keyword recommendation gun control Second Amendment national security militia democratic states armed citizens self-defense tyranny firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure District of Columbia v Heller gun control militia second amendment firearm availability national defense civilian ownership political stability insurgency domestic security foreign policy constitutional rights gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment well-regulated militia insurgency firearm availability domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller Gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment well-regulated Militia firearms availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller 2nd Amendment democratic states gun control leisure and sporting use insurrection foreign occupation domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro02a	School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 school duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state education group dynamics social environment ostracism exclusion western liberal democracy privacy concerns random drug tests drug coercion social norms public policy child protection school duty of care peer pressure drug use state education responsibility random drug tests protecting student choices privacy vs safety social coercion drug prevention policies western liberal democracy education children's rights school environments drug education programs drug use trends among teens peer influence on behavior school duty of care peer pressure drug use among children education system state responsibility social coercion random drug tests privacy concerns western liberal democracy drug policy teens and drugs prevention strategies drug taking culture school duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state education system western liberal democracy random drug tests social coercion privacy rights drug prevention school environments state responsibility youth drug abuse social norms drug policy safety measures drug testing effectiveness School duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state responsibility education system privacy random drug tests social coercion Western liberal democracy drug policy safety measures school duty of care peer pressure drug use among children state education system social environment coercion random drug tests privacy student choice western liberal democracy education group dynamics drug prevention social norms drug policy adolescent behavior safety measures school duty of care peer pressure drug use among children state education system western liberal democracy random drug tests privacy concerns social coercion protection of choice drug prevention education group dynamics School duty of care peer pressure drug use among children state education system liberalism drug testing privacy rights youth drug prevention social coercion educational environments public policy child protection democratic governance adolescent health legal obligations substance abuse prevention duty of care schools peer pressure drug use children teenagers state education liberal democracy ostracism exclusion coercion random drug tests privacy social norms culture Drug Policy Alliance Rosenbaum Marsha Schools peer pressure drug use children teenagers state responsibility education system liberalism duty of care social coercion random drug tests privacy drug policy adolescent behavior social environment democratic education ostracism public health prevention strategies
test-society-asfhwapg-pro02a	"Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, patenting knowledge sharing monopoly medical advancement trade secrets scientific progress patent policy academic research nonprofit public health DNA patenting CCHR5 receptor gene HIV genetic patents patenting knowledge sharing monopoly scientific progress trade secrets medical advancement HIV CAR5 receptor gene public health research patenting knowledge sharing monopoly medical advancement trade secrets science progress policy disclosure human genome sciences CCR5 receptor gene AIDS academic use nonprofit organizations detriments of secrecy scientific advancement dutfield gene patenting public health research patent strategy patent policy intellectual property rights knowledge dissemination trade secrets scientific advancement patent expiration patent disclosure biotechnology patents patent law open science patent monopoly medical research genetic patents patent enforcement patent licensing patent protection patent application patent validity patent infringement patent valuation patent portfolio management patent litigation patent ethics patent economics patent impact on innovation patent database patent search patent classification patent examination patent prosecution patent drafting patent claims patent prosecution strategy patent analysis patent valuation methods patent portfolio analysis patent portfolio optimization patent due diligence patenting knowledge sharing monopoly medical advancement trade secrets scientific progress patent policy public health research HIV CAR5 receptor gene patenting knowledge sharing patent duration monopoly scientific advancement trade secrets patent policy academic research genetic patents HIV treatment CCR5 receptor patent disclosure patenting knowledge sharing monopoly scientific progress trade secrets public health research openness invention disclosure HIV genome sciences CAR5 receptor gene patenting knowledge sharing monopoly investment research disclosure medical advancement HIV trade secrets scientific progress policy academics nonprofit secretion DNA patenting patenting knowledge sharing monopoly scientific progress trade secrets patent policy receptor gene HIV public health genetic research open science patent duration patent monopoly patent disclosure trade secrets scientific progress patent policy academic research non-commercial use genetic patents HIV treatment scientific advancement intellectual property rights patent law patent incentives open science patent enforcement patent sharing patent protection patent application patent expiration patent scope patent enforcement patent licensing patent infringement patent valuation patent litigation patent portfolio patent valuation patent landscape patent portfolio management patent analysis patent prosecution patent strategy patent due diligence patent validity patent enforceability patent portfolio optimization patent risk management patent valuation analysis patent infringement"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro04a	Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, conflict war Africa international conflict internal conflict inter state conflict Western Sahara Sudan conflict Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Israel-Egypt war definition of war conflict definitions African conflicts international conflicts interstate wars conflict types Wikipedia conflicts Western Sahara conflict Sudan border clashes Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War frozen conflicts conflict Africa war definition international conflict end conflict Wikipedia inter state conflict ongoing conflicts Western Sahara Sudan border clashes Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War frozen conflicts conflict definition AU declaration end conflict international conflict African conflicts inter state war Israel-Egypt conflict Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Western Sahara conflict Sudan border clashes international conflict classification war versus conflict conflict Africa war international conflict internal conflict Israel Egypt Eritrea Ethiopia Uganda Tunisia Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan border clashes conflict definitions African conflicts international conflict war examples international law Wikipedia interstate conflict ongoing conflicts Western Sahara Sudan border clashes Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War conflict war African conflicts international conflict interstate war Second Congo War Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Western Sahara Sudan border clashes conflict definition peacekeeping conflict resolution international law conflict Africa war inter state Wikipedia enduring conflicts ongoing conflicts Western Sahara Sudan border clashes Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War conflict Africa Wars inter state conflict ongoing conflict Western Sahara Sudan border clashes Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War conflict definition AU declaration Israel-Egypt conflict internal conflict conflict war Africa international conflicts inter state conflicts Western Sahara Sudan Wikipedia conflicts list Second Congo War Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Israel-Egypt war border clashes frozen conflicts
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro02a	"Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: generic drugs developing countries AIDS malaria drug prices pharmaceutical patents access to medication ethical pharmaceutical practices intellectual property rights drug development public health policy global health disparities generic drugs developing world AIDS malaria pharmaceutical patents drug prices access to medicine ethical pharmaceuticals patent law public health drug development intellectual property drug production health policy international health medical ethics generic drugs developing countries pharmaceutical prices malaria AIDS drug patents access to medication health policy developing world ethical pharmaceuticals treatment affordability drug production public health intellectual property rights drug shortages pharmaceutical ethics generic drugs developing world malaria AIDS pharmaceutical prices patent laws drug production health equity ethical pharmaceuticals intellectual property rights public health policy generic drugs developing world disease treatment pharmaceutical patents market access health ethics AIDS malaria drug prices patent laws public health generic production life-saving medicines generic drugs developing world disease treatment patent rights pharmaceutical ethics drug prices health equity malaria AIDS public health intellectual property access to medicine generic drugs developing countries AIDS malaria pharmaceutical patents price control public health drug accessibility ethics in medicine intellectual property drug development market failure humanitarian aid production generics pharmaceuticals developing countries drug prices malaria AIDS intellectual property market failure ethical considerations drug development patent laws health policy public health treatment accessibility global health health equity medication affordability drug distribution healthcare access international law human rights medical ethics generic drugs developing countries pharmaceutical patents drug pricing public health malaria AIDS intellectual property drug production access to medicine international law ethics in healthcare treatment availability market failure pharmaceutical industry global health inequalities intellectual property rights drug affordability health policy humanitarian drug access drug development public health crises medication affordability healthcare accessibility pharmaceutical monopolies patent law drug distribution health equity global health drug pricing policies generic drug production healthcare financing international health pharmaceutical ethics patent abuse health disparities public health systems drug regulation global health governance medical ethics generic drugs developing countries malaria AIDS pharmaceutical patents drug prices public health access to medicine intellectual property market failure ethical considerations"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro04a	Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. innocent defendants evidence introduction convictions jury falsity justice system status quo character evidence prosecution witnesses CPS innocent defendants prosecution witnesses previous convictions character evidence justice system legal reform criminal defense judicial fairness legal discrepancies courtroom procedures innocent defendants evidence introduction rules of evidence previous convictions jury decision motion to admit convictions status quo fair trial character evidence justice system prosecution witnesses cps guidelines innocent defendants protection motion for evidence relevant expansion phrases previous convictions admission jury evidence assessment falsity in character claims status quo issues judicial fairness character evidence introduction punishment disclosure legal justice system disparities innocent defendants evidence admission previous convictions character evidence falsification justice system status quo fear inhibition jury decision motion proposal CPS relevant expansion phrases search performance innocent defendants stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence admission character evidence jury assessment legal justice status quo judicial fairness CPS guidelines legal discrepancies criminal defense courtroom dynamics evidence transparency innocent defendants evidence admission previous convictions jury assessment falsely claimed character justice system reveal convictions equality in court motion to protect innocent character evidence introductory terms discrepancy in legal system CPS guidelines innocent defendants evidence admission falsely claimed character justice system motion introduction prior convictions character evidence revealing convictions status quo fear inhibition solving discrepancies innocent defendants evidence admission falsely claimed character justice system motion to admit convictions punishment disclosure character evidence revelation of past convictions witness credibility defense rights legal reform criminal justice system innocent defendants stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses character evidence justice system status quo CPS False claims jury verdict
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro02a	Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative checks and balances three branches executive legislative judicial Madison Federalist Papers Divided Government compromise Congress power distribution Constitutional separation checks and balances executive branch legislative branch judicial branch federalist papers bicameral legislature democratic process political compromise divided government American politics constitutional design power distribution government structure congressional control political balance democratic principles Constitutional checks separation of powers Federalist No.51 James Madison legislative intent judicial review bicameralism bipartisan governance divided government balance of power federalism congressional compromise branch rivalry political equilibrium constitutional design democratic principles governmental structure checks and balances congressional process democratic process constitutional interpretation federal judiciary legislative oversight executive power congressional negotiation bicameral legislature constitutionalism democratic theory political science constitutional law political systems constitutional history American government political balance Constitutional principles separation of powers checks and balances legislative branch executive branch judicial branch compromise bicameralism federalist papers divided government political science constitutional design American politics political balance Constitutional imperative checks and balances executive branch legislative branch judicial branch Federalist No.51 divided government compromise Madison American politics Constitutional imperative checks and balances divided government executive branch legislative branch judicial branch Madison Federalist Papers power division compromise congressional will single party control two-party system Constitutional imperative checks and balances branches of government executive legislative judicial James Madison Federalist Papers divided government power distribution compromise Congressional compromise American politics Constitutional imperative checks and balances executive branch legislative branch judicial branch divided government compromise Congressional compromise Federalist No.51 James Madison power concentration American governance branch separation governmental balance Constitutional imperative checks and balances executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist Papers Divided Government American politics power distribution governmental structure compromise congressional control bipartisan governance Constitutional separation Checks and balances Executive branch Legislative branch Judicial branch Federalist Papers Republican government Compromise Divided government Congressional compromise
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro02a	Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, neo-functionalism EU integration spillover effect economic determinism political aims international studies trade agreements enlargement Croatia Turkey regional integration dynamism EC internal market Larger companies international relations policy-making academic interest neo-functionalism economic determinism spillover theory EU integration political economy integration process central government regional integration model trade agreements eastern enlargement academic interest Bilal Sanoussi Miren Lafourcade Elisenda Paluzie Larger companies internal market EC studies Millennium Journal Neo-functionalism reappraisal neo-functionalism economic determinism spillover theory EU integration central government political and economic aims integration process trade agreements border regions FDI Croatia Turkey regional integration model theory EC Millennium Journal of International Studies neo-functionalism purpose EU integration community Europe spillover economic determinism integrated Europe strong central government long process political and economic aims Larger companies internal market border regions FDI countries trade agreements economic integration Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey academic interest European Union neo-functionalism theory predicting outcomes regional integration dynamism EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism integration process central government policy integration economic integration trade agreements Croatia Turkey academic interest regional integration model prediction Larger companies internal market Dynamism of EC neo-functionalism integration EU spillover economic determinism political aims trade agreements border regions country enlargements dynamic integration regional models international studies neo-functionalism EU integration purpose community Europe spillover economic determinism integration process central government regional integration model for integration trade agreements enlargements of EU Croatia Turkey political interest Economic integration Larger companies internal market predicting outcomes dynamism of EC external validity neo-functionalism economic determinism spillover theory EU integration purpose of EU community Europe integration process political economy affects of integration model for regional integration trade agreements Eastern Europe enlargement Croatia Turkey internal market establishment border regions dynamism of EC neo-functionalism EU integration purpose of EU social spillover economic determinism integrated Europe strong central government long process policy integration economic integration trade agreements Eastern Europe enlargement Croatia Turkey academic interest trade agreements dynamism of EC political aims firms and integration neo-functionalism model regional integration border regions FDI internal geography Neo-functionalism reappraisal neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism central government regional integration trade agreements Eastern Europe academic interest political aims Larger companies internal market border regions FDI Millennium Journal of International Studies
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con01a	The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, personal data advertising effectiveness consumer benefits targeting demographics data utilization niche markets mass market advertising data mining information flow individual profiles marketing strategies online services consumer behavior economic value advertising ecosystem personal data advertising targeting consumer benefits data mining niche markets mass market advertising economic value of advertising internet ecosystem user profiles targeted advertising consumer behavior analysis online services data privacy advertising effectiveness market segmentation data-driven marketing consumer insights targeted marketing consumer preferences data utilization market research data analytics advertising optimization consumer satisfaction advertising personalization data collection methods ad targeting demographic targeting advertising efficiency consumer experience improvement targeted communication online advertising data-driven decision making customer profiling advertising impact analysis consumer targeting market reach data-driven consumer engagement consumer personal data advertising consumer benefits demographics market targeting data mining niche markets service personalization consumer behavior data utilization advertising ecosystem economic value internet advertising individual profiling online services targeted marketing consumer insights data analytics market research ad targeting privacy concerns consumer satisfaction market segmentation advertising effectiveness data-driven marketing consumer preferences digital marketing online advertising targeted advertising user experience customer engagement data collection marketing strategies advertising impact consumer decision-making data privacy online behavior consumer targeting marketing personalization data-driven decisions advertising ethics market analysis personal data expansion advertising targeting consumer benefits demographic profiling market niche data mining consumer behavior targeted marketing internet ecosystem advertising supported economic value consumer profiling service personalization ad targeting market research consumer preferences data utilization advertising effectiveness market segmentation consumer satisfaction niche market expansion targeted advertising online services data collection consumer targeting marketing strategies data analysis consumer insights advertising impact consumer experience market understanding ad relevance consumer engagement data privacy online advertising consumer behavior analysis targeted promotions customer profiling data-driven marketing consumer segmentation market reach search efficiency query expansion personal data advertising targeting consumer benefits demographic profiling data utilization niche markets information flow data mining individual profiles ad personalization marketing services online platforms advertising ecosystem IAB report search optimization data mining targeted advertising consumer behavior market segmentation personalization niche marketing data privacy information retrieval ad targeting online tracking user profiling marketing efficiency ad effectiveness data utilization consumer preferences market analysis ad targeting strategies online behavior analysis digital marketing trends customer insights data-driven marketing market research ad relevance consumer engagement ad personalization data collection online advertising consumer targeting ad delivery data analytics marketing optimization consumer understanding ad relevance assessment market reach customer segmentation ad selection online marketplace consumer satisfaction marketing strategy ad performance personal data advertising consumer benefits targeting demographics market research data mining niche markets information flow user profiles online advertising ad targeting data privacy economic value internet ecosystem personal data advertising effectiveness consumer benefits targeted marketing demographic analysis market understanding niche markets budget constraints data mining information flow consumer profiling ad targeting Facebook ads economic value internet ecosystem personal data advertising targeting consumer benefits demographic profiling market reach niche markets data mining information flow advertising ecosystems individualized advertising consumer behavior marketing strategies internet services ad targeting data utilization economic value consumer demographics targeted marketing online advertising consumer preferences service personalization market segmentation consumer insights digital marketing consumer targeting advertising effectiveness customer profiling market understanding data analytics online privacy consumer satisfaction advertising impact marketing research customer engagement consumer data management ad personalization data-driven marketing consumer decision-making online behavior analysis marketing efficiency consumer search outcomes expansion terms query optimization personal data advertising targeting consumer benefits business strategies demographic profiling market segmentation data mining information flow niche markets service personalization online advertising ad targeting user profiles data privacy economic value internet ecosystem
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro01a	Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations worker rights aid minimum standards discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining economic benefits work week productivity labour standards international labour organisation ILO declaration fundamental principles discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining job security economic benefits 40 hour work week human rights aid conditions international actors Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining job security aid minimum standards developed western countries economic benefits working week productiveness Labour standards human rights international actors business standards ILO Declaration fundamental principles discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining job security economic benefits aid compliance work week productivity Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining job security economic benefits aid compliance work week productivity Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining job security aid minimum standards worker rights economic benefits 40-hour work week Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations aid workplace discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining minimum standards economic benefits 40-hour work week Labour standards human rights international actors business standards ILO Declaration fundamental principles rights at work aid worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining minimum standards economic benefits working week productivity Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining aid minimum standards economic benefits working week Labour standards basic human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles business regulations job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining aid minimum standards economic benefits 40-hour work week
test-economy-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labor-force participation gendered workload time demands physical demands mental demands feminist economics Sassen labor market recognition empowerment gender inequalities double burden of work feminization of labor unpaid domestic work time poverty family care gender inequality workplace recognition empowerment of women survival strategies feminist economics labour market dynamics double burden of work feminisation of labour unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere female labour force participation gendered workload time poverty mental health family care Sassen 2002 survival feminised recognising women's work empowerment versus overwork double burden feminism labor market feminization unpaid domestic work care work inequality reproductive sphere women's role in care labor-force participation burden gendered labor Sassen feminization unrecognized female labor empowerment of women labor market recognition gender equality in unpaid work double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labor-force participation women's burden time demands physical demands mental demands survival feminization Sassen labor market recognition empowering women double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work labour-force participation gendered responsibilities reproductive sphere time demands physical demands mental demands women's empowerment recognising women's work feminisation of survival labour market participation Sassen gender inequalities double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere labor-force participation gender inequalities time demands physical demands mental demands women's anxieties feminized survival unrecognized work labor market participation empowerment Sassen double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work labour-force participation reproductive sphere family care time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition Sassen 2002 gender empowerment work recognition double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work labour-force participation women's burden reproductive sphere family care Sassen feminist economics gender equality workforce recognition empowerment gendered workload survival feminised double burden feminizing labor market unpaid domestic work care work labor-force participation gender inequalities reproductive sphere family care Sassen feminist economics labor market recognition women's empowerment
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro01a	The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, foetus pain partial-birth-abortion baby's-brain killing unborn-child third-trimester scissors catheter crushing-skull psychological-damage rape teenage-pregnancy depression unacceptable fetal-pain systematic-review Journal-of-the-American-Medical-Association foetus pain partial-birth-abortion abortion unborn-child third-trimester fetal-brain surgery catheter psychological-damage rape teenage-pregnancy depression medical-evidence foetus pain pregnancy abortion partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors catheter brain removal skull crushing psychological damage rape teenage pregnancy depression fetal pain research evidence medical ethics journal article foetal pain partial birth abortion pain in foetus third trimester pain abortion ethics unborn child rights fetal skull damage rape induced abortion teenage pregnancy-abortion pregnancy complications-abortion fetal development stages abortion procedures surgical abortion techniques fetal brain damage medical abortion ethics foetus pain partial-birth-abortion unborn-child third-trimester scissors catheter brain sucking crushing skull psychological-damage rape teenage-pregnancy depression fetal-pain review journal foetus pain partial-birth-abortion baby scissors catheter skull killing unborn-child psychological-damage rape teenage-pregnancy depression fetal-pain review evidence foetus pain pregnancy abortion partial-birth abortion unborn child killing third trimester scissors catheter brain removal skull crushing psychological damage rape teenage pregnancy depression physiological damage fetal pain medical ethics legal issues foetus pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester-abortion scissors brain sucking skull-crushing psychological-mother rape teenage-pregnancy depression fetal-pain research Journal-American-Medical-Assocation foetus pain partial-birth-abortion unborn-child fetal-pain scissors catheter skull-crushing psychological-damage rape teenage-pregnancy depression physiological-damage [1]Lee Susan foetus pain partial-birth-abortion unborn-child killing scissors baby's-brain catheter crushing-skull psychological-damage rape teenage-pregnancy depression physical-damage fetal-pain review-evidence Journal-American-Medical-Association
test-international-segiahbarr-pro04a	Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology Africa Mobile Communications Agriculture Banking Mobile Phone Ownership Technological Development Farming Techniques Legume Technology Social Impact Pan-African Project mobile communications Africa technological impact poor infrastructure mobile phone ownership agro-info mobile banking household technologies farming techniques legume technology sophisticated farming industrial techniques Biological nitrogen fixation smallholder farmers greater access technology expansion African life improvement mobile communications impact mobile phone ownership increase agro-info services mobile banking household technology availability sophisticated farming techniques industrial techniques advancement legume technology low-nitrogen soil enrichment smallholder farmers Pan-African project biological nitrogen fixation technology adoption economic development digital transformation telecommunications revolution technological empowerment rural technology access agricultural innovation digital agriculture tech-enabled farming greater access to technology Africa Dark Africa mobile communications transformative impact African life mobile phone ownership agro-info mobile banking farming techniques legume technology sophisticated farming industrial techniques smallholder farmers biological nitrogen fixation Greater Access to Technology Africa Mobile Communications Mobile Phone Ownership Agronomy Banking Services Household Technologies Farming Techniques Legume Technology Pan-African Project Social Change Technological Advancement Nitrogen Fixation Yield Increase Smallholder Farmers Greater Access to Technology Africa Mobile Communications Mobile Phone Ownership Agronomy Banking Services Television Usage Farmers Yield Increase Sophisticated Farming Techniques Legume Technology Biological Nitrogen Fixation Smallholder Farmers technology expansion mobile communications impact African life transformation mobile phone ownership increase agro-info services mobile banking household technologies availability sophisticated farming techniques legume technology improvement low-nitrogen soil enrichment smallholder farmers Pan-African project Greater Access to Technology Africa Mobile Communications Agriculture Mobile Phone Ownership Technological Transformation Pan-African Project Legume Technology Biological Nitrogen Fixation Smallholder Farmers Greater Access to Technology Africa Mobile Communications Agriculture Technological Advancements Mobile Phone Ownership Banking Services Farmers Yields Biological Nitrogen Fixation Sustainable Agriculture Pan-African Projects Greater Access to Technology African technology Mobile communications transformation Poor infrastructure impact African mobile phone usage Africa vs North America Europe mobile phones Agro-info services Mobile banking Agricultural technology advancements Farming techniques improvement Sophisticated farming methods Biological nitrogen fixation Smallholder farmers technology adoption Legume technology development
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con02a	Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. government responsibility inequality reduction basic living standard means testing breakfast policy needy individuals school breakfast program social welfare poverty alleviation economic inequality public assistance social support food security government assistance poverty reduction social welfare economic inequality means testing school breakfast program public policy social safety net basic living standard needs assessment charitable organizations food security social services entitlement programs economic support food aid public health income distribution charity non-profit government intervention social justice welfare policies community support resource allocation humanitarian aid nutrition programs social programs poverty alleviation public spending economic empowerment government assistance poverty alleviation social welfare income inequality needs assessment targeted aid public policy economic disparity food security means testing social programs welfare policies government responsibilities social justice basic living standards public health education benefits nutrition support charitable organizations social safety nets economic policies resource allocation community services charity programs food distribution social equity governmental functions aid distribution social impact economic support community development public finance social mobility government assistance poverty reduction social welfare needs assessment means testing basic living standard inequality school breakfast program public policy economic equity government responsibility inequality reducing poverty basic living standard means testing United States School Breakfast Program needy population food assistance policy efficiency government needs inequality reduction basic living standard means testing breakfast policy school breakfast program social welfare poverty alleviation economic equality public assistance social justice welfare programs government inequality needy basic living standard food breakfast means testing United States School Breakfast Program government needs reduce inequality basic living standard food assistance means testing United States School Breakfast Program needy population social responsibility government assistance inequality reduction basic living standard means testing school breakfast program nutritional support poverty alleviation public policy economic equity need assessment resource allocation government needs inequality reduction basic living standard food assistance means testing United States School Breakfast Program economic inequality social welfare poverty alleviation public policy charity vs state resource allocation need assessment
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro02a	Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. cancer treatments clinical trials research benefits alternative medicine national center conventional peer-reviewed studies mistakes validity evidence odds conventional pharmaceuticals alternative cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials research funding peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine terminal diseases mistakes in studies legitimacy alternative medical community cancer treatments clinical trials research alternative medicine effectiveness peer-reviewed studies demise conventional clinical trials alternative cancer treatments National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government research peer-reviewed studies alternative therapies severe diseases terminal diseases conventional medicine proven treatments medical benefit negative results individual studies legitimacy alternative medical community consistent negative outcomes cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials research alternative medicine National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government journals peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine mistakes legitimacy alternative cancer treatments clinical trials research funding peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine efficacy terminal diseases mistakes in studies members of alternative medical community legitimacy cancer treatments clinical trials research funding alternative medicine evidence-based medicine peer-reviewed studies dutch government funding national center for complementary and integrative health mistakes in studies conventional medicine validation alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government research alternative therapies mainstream medical journals peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine proven treatments cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials research alternative medicine conventional medicine peer-reviewed terminal diseases mistakes studies Dutch government National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines medical journals cancer treatments research clinical trials alternative medicine conventional medicine peer-reviewed studies effectiveness mistakes terminal diseases Dutch government National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines
test-international-gmehwasr-pro04a	Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Syrian government support Russia Iran Hezbollah Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Qatar Saudi Arabia Syrian rebels diplomatic support Syrian government support external support to syria iran in syria hezbollah in syria qatar support saudi arabia support jaysh al-shabi basij militia syrian rebels diplomatic support foreign policy Syrian government support Russian support for Syria Iranian support for Syria Hezbollah in Syria Syrian rebels support Qatar support for rebels Saudi Arabia support for rebels Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia free Syrian army Syrian civil war Syrian government support external support to Syria Iran support to Syria Hezbollah in Syria Qatar support to rebels Saudi Arabia support to rebels Syrian government forces Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Syrian rebels free Syrian army diplomatic support military intervention regional powers in Syria conflict in Syria Middle East conflicts Syrian government outside support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah Qatar Saudi Arabia rebels diplomatic support Syrian government support outside support for Syria Russian support for Syria Iranian support for Syria Hezbollah support for Syria Syrian government forces Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia rebels in Syria Qatari support for Syria Saudi Arabian support for Syria free Syrian cause Syrian civil war arms for Syrian rebels Syrian government support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah Qatar Saudi Arabia rebels diplomatic support Syrian government support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah Syrian rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Syrian government support Iran's involvement Hezbollah Russian support Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Syrian rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support Syrian government support Russia Iran Hezbollah Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Qatar Saudi Arabia rebel support diplomatic support
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece Eurozone default debt currency population investment uncertainty Germany deutschmark competitiveness leadership economic policy Greece Eurozone default exit uncertainty economic stability deutschmark currency value competitiveness investment transactions policy response European Union economic impact financial crisis government debt Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit economic impact currency union deutschmark value competitiveness investment fear uncertainty euro survival Greece withdrawal financial markets currency risk country resilience Eurozone future debt crisis Greece economy Greece default impact Eurozone stability Greek exit implications currency strength deutschmark consequences Eurozone investment fear reduction uncertainty decrease Eurozone leaders response Greek departure effects Greece Eurozone default uncertainty investment currency deutschmark competitiveness policy Greece default impact Eurozone stability Greek exit consequences economic uncertainty recession risk currency union survival deutschmark adoption competitiveness loss long-term economic effects Eurozone reform investment attraction currency strength financial instability Greek debt crisis euro survival eurozone future government policy response Eurozone breakup risks Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit economic impact uncertainty reduction investment trends deutschmark value competitiveness financial crisis Greek departure euro survival Greek default eurozone stability Greek exit euro future German economy currency strength international investment uncertainty reduction Eurozone membership Eurozone crisis greek departure Greece Eurozone default currency depreciation competitiveness investments fear stability deutschmark uncertainty policy Greece Eurozone currency risk default economic impact investment fear uncertainty deutschmark country competitiveness economic stability policy response financial markets
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro04a	Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ child performers physical risks gymnastics injuries eating disorders professional sports child actors dancing career health risks childhood obesity anorexia nervosa professional athletics child health performer safety sports injuries child exploitation eating disorder prevention athlete nutrition child welfare performance industry physical fitness psychological stress childhood development athletic training child rights performer health child performers physical risks sports injuries gymnastics bone fractures fatal injuries eating disorders child actors dancing anorexia nervosa legal regulations child welfare performance industry health risks child performers physical vulnerability sports injuries gymnastics mortality eating disorders dancers anorexia child athlete risks occupational hazards child health performance careers bodily harm psychological impacts legal protections child welfare child performers risk factors physical vulnerability eating disorders professional sports athletic injuries child safety legal regulations dance careers health risks gymnastics injuries obesity issues adolescent health performance careers child development child performers physical vulnerability professional sports gymnastics injuries fatal injuries child athletes eating disorders dancers anorexia nervosa legal restrictions child health risks child performers physical vulnerability sports injuries professional sports gymnastics vaulting bone fractures fatal injuries Julissa Gomez eating disorders dancers actors child health over-exercising anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni legal regulations child safety child performers physical vulnerability sports injuries professional sports gymnastics fatal injuries child athletes eating disorders dancers anorexia nervosa child actors over-exercising legal restrictions child health performance careers professional dancing child well-being health risks performing arts child nutrition physical demands psychological stress childhood obesity eating disorders in children child safety performance industry athlete safety dancer health child development physical fitness body image child exploitation sports psychology nutritional disorders performance injuries child rights health advocacy professional sports safety child performance regulations child performers physical risks gymnastics injuries eating disorders child health performer safety professional sports child actors dancer health anorexia nervosa performance risks youth injuries athletic dangers child well-being child performers risk factors sports injuries physical vulnerability eating disorders anorexia nervosa professional level athletic performance vaulting injury julissa gomez legislation child health professional dancing child actors weight management mental health leena zavaroni child performers physical risks eating disorders professional sports gymnastics injuries anorexia nervosa legal protections child health performance careers
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con01a	A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport permanent establishment training equipment multi-environment readiness UN model military preparedness different missions member states army expenses UN standing army cost-effectiveness army expenses purchase of air transport purchase of sea transport permanent establishment training equipment terrain specific specific enemies UN model different kinds of missions member states UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure air transport sea transport personnel training equipment versatility specialized forces UN model military preparedness resource allocation international cooperation UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport permanent establishment training diverse terrains specific battles UN model drawing upon troops missions member states specific enemies environmental preparation expense large numbers UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenses air transport sea transport personnel training terrain adaptation specialized forces UN model military flexibility mission-specific troops UN standing army cost effectiveness army expenses purchase air transport sea transport permanent establishment training equipping force military terrain specialized battles specific enemies general preparedness expense mitigation military versatility UN model military mission flexibility member state contributions UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure air transport sea transport personnel training equipment terrain specialized forces general forces UN model military preparedness enemy specificity mission diversity military alliances UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenses air transport sea transport training costs terrain adaptability specific battles general readiness UN model multi-national forces military preparedness logistical challenges UN standing army cost effectiveness army expenses air transport sea transport purchase costs permanent establishment training equipment terrain preparation specific battles specialized enemies generalized threats mission variability military preparedness membership contributions UN model different missions UN standing army cost-effectiveness military logistics specific battles personnel preparation terrain adaptation expense battle readiness global defense UN model military diversity operational flexibility resource allocation
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro01a	Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 transparency trust accountability institutions legitimacy security services intelligence credibility torture 9/11 transparency regulation international relations transparency trust legitimacy institutions accountability security services intelligence torture CIA international relations scrutiny credibility government taxpayer embarrassment regulations checks facts IR exception transparency regulation transparency trust institutions government intelligence services citizens safety accountability legitimacy 9/11 torture transparency regulation international relations EU law security services taxpayer money transparency trust accountability institutions legitimacy security services intelligence services torture 9/11 international relations transparency regulation credibility taxpayer money embarrassment international law government legitimacy public trust surveillance disclosure checks and balances transparency in security transparency legislation public scrutiny ethical governance trust in government trust in institutions trust in security services transparency trust accountability institutions legitimacy security services intelligence services accountability torture transparency regulation international relations credibility citizen trust government legitimacy fact-checking scrutiny oversight transparency in security torture allegations transparency trust accountability security services government legitimacy intelligence services international relations torture accountability mechanisms citizen trust regulatory transparency 信息公开 信任建立 政府透明度 情报服务可信度 国际关系透明度 transparency trust institutions accountability legitimacy security services intelligence torture 9/11 credibility taxpayer international relations regulation legality scrutiny oversight democracy ethics transparency trust institutions legitimacy security services accountability governance international relations torture CIA intelligence services taxpayer money credibility regulation IR exception transparency regulation transparency trust accountability institutions legitimacy security services intelligence services international relations torture 9/11 accountability scrutiny credibility regulation IR exceptions taxpayer money legitimacy disclosure oversight public confidence transparency trust accountability institutions legitimacy security services intelligence torture accountability scrutiny credibility government citizen trust international relations transparency regulation
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro03a	"Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty United States South Korea hostile relations security guarantees diplomatic negotiations confidence building division strategy North_Korea US_Policy South_Korea Peace_Treaty Hostile_Relations North_Korean_Provocations Confidence_Building Security_Guarantees Diplomatic_Efforts State_of_War Divide_US_South_Korea sanctions engagement north korea providations peace treaty us south korea conflict diplomacy wedging strategy security guarantees North Korean provocations peace treaty proposals US-North Korea negotiations South Korea alliance state of war diplomatic relations security guarantees hostile relations peace treaty objectives divided USA-South Korea sanctions engagement North Korea peace treaty United States South Korea provocations confidence building hostile relations negotiations isolation security guarantees sanctions engagement north korea peace treaty provocations conflict resolution US support dividing USA and South Korea negotiations security guarantees sanctions engagement North Korea South Korea United States peace treaty propositions hostile relations confidence building security guarantees sanctions engagement north korea peace treaty provocations conflict resolution us south korea diplomacy war prevention international relations negotiations isolation isolated negotiation strategy hostile relations security guarantees sanctions engagement North Korea peace treaty South Korea United States provocations costs alliances military threats negotiations diplomacy humanitarian concerns international law conflict resolution diplomatic isolation regional stability sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty United States South Korea hostile relations security guarantees negotiations division alliances"
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con04a	There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, West Bank borders international law settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory legal status jurisdiction armistice line recognized entity territorial claims international recognition 1948 cease-fire line Jordan United Kingdom Pakistan annexation Palestine Facts West Bank Israeli settlements 1948 cease-fire line Jordanian annexation international recognition legal boundaries Palestinian state Hebron Negev Jordanian renunciation 1988 declaration West Bank Israeli settlements Hebron Negev international law armistice line Jordanian annexation 1948 cease-fire United Kingdom Pakistan Palestinian state 1988 Jordan renunciation West Bank borders international law settlement legality Hebron Negev Palestinian state 1948 cease-fire line Jordanian annexation legal boundaries United Kingdom Pakistan Jordan renounced claims West Bank borders international law settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory 1948 cease-fire line Jordanian forces jordan's annexation United Kingdom Pakistan legal recognition territorial claims palestinian state international community political status legal boundaries West Bank borders international law settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory legal recognition jordan 1948 cease-fire line international community potential future state 1988 Jordan renunciation West Bank borders international recognition armistice line 1948 cease-fire legal status settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory International law jurisdiction mapping territorial disputes legal enforcement political boundaries recognized entity jordanian forces United Kingdom Pakistan Palestine West Bank borders international recognition settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory legal status International law jordanian forces jordan annexation 1948 cease-fire line United Kingdom Pakistan jordan renounced claims West Bank borders international law settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory jurisdiction legality annexation political status international recognition 1948 cease-fire line legal boundaries Pakistan United Kingdom Israeli-Jordanian forces Jordan's annexation 1988 renunciation West Bank borders international recognition settlements Hebron Negev legal status Palestinian territory international law 1948 cease-fire line Jordan annexation Pakistan
test-economy-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. gender lens empowerment alternatives women's rights sexual reproductive health discrimination gender inequality workforce participation education employment choices violence against women resource access opportunities labor market Africa gender lens women empowerment sexual reproductive health rights workforce participation discrimination gender inequality education employment choices violence against women resource access opportunity participation labor market Africa gender lens empowerment alternatives sexual reproductive health rights gender inequality women's rights workforce participation violence against women resource access opportunity promotion labor market reinforcement African women's issues empowerment alternatives gender lens women's life course discriminatory causes gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights Africa control body education employment choices end violence equal access resources opportunities labour market participation Empowerment women alternatives gender lens sexual and reproductive health rights Africa discriminatory causes gender inequality workforce participation violence against women equal access resources opportunities labour market participation empowerment alternatives gender lens life course sexual reproductive health African women body control education employment choice violence against women equal access resources opportunities labor market Chissano Puri women empowerment gender lens sexual reproductive health rights Africa workforce participation violence against women resource access opportunity participation labor market empowerment alternatives gender lens life course discriminatory causes sexual and reproductive health rights Africa body control education employment choice violence against women equal access resources opportunities labor market participation Chissano Puri women empowerment alternatives for women gender lens women's life course sexual and reproductive health rights Africa discriminatory causes gender inequality workforce participation ending violence equal access resources opportunities labor market Chissano Puri empowerment alternatives gender lens women's life course sexual and reproductive health rights Africa discriminatory causes gender inequality workforce participation ending violence equal access resources opportunities Chissano Puri
test-international-atiahblit-pro02a	Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. teacher training investment in education quality control teacher qualifications in-service training pre-teaching training Uganda Angola on-the-job training INSSTEP mobile-caravan training model schools teacher responsibilities HIV/AIDS training teacher training investment in education quality control qualifications in-service training pre-teaching training Uganda Angola on-the-job training INSSTEP model schools capacity building teacher responsibilities HIV/AIDS carer role counsellor role adviser role work pressures knowledge transfer mobile-caravan approach teacher management student interaction provoking student debates managing large classes teacher training investment in education quality control teacher qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction debate facilitation class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP mobile-caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities HIV/AIDS training teacher training investment in education quality control teacher qualifications in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP mobile-caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities HIV/AIDS education teacher roles counseling capacity building school inspections teacher development educational investment teacher support training programs education quality teacher management student interaction teaching methods education policies teacher professionalization education financing teacher training models teacher training investment quality control qualifications in-service training pre-teaching training Uganda Angola on the job training INSSTEP mobile-caravan capacity training school inspections model schools responsibilities duties obligations HIV/AIDS carer counsellor advisers teacher training investment quality control qualifications effective training technical skills theoretical knowledge interaction methods student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP mobile-caravan capacity building model schools responsibilities knowledge transfer work pressures carer counsellor HIV/AIDS relevant training teacher training investment quality control qualifications in-service training pre-teaching training Uganda Angola on-the-job training INSSTEP mobile-caravan capacity training model schools responsibilities HIV/AIDS counsellor advisers teacher training investment in education quality control teacher qualifications effective training technical skills theoretical knowledge student interaction provoking debates managing large classes in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP mobile-caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities knowledge transfer HIV/AIDS counseling teacher training investment quality control qualifications on-the-job training in-service training pre-teaching training Uganda Angola INSSTEP model schools work pressures HIV/AIDS World Bank teacher training investment in education quality control teacher qualifications in-service training pre-teaching training Uganda Angola on-the-job training INSSTEP mobile-caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities HIV/AIDS education teacher roles knowledge transfer school inspections
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro03a	The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. asylum seekers documentation persecution investigation motivated individuals security threats truthfulness decision-making open systems migration authentication refugee status verification asylum claims security authenticity investigative processes immigration legal criteria human rights international law border control fraud detection identity verification refugee assessment asylum policies immigration systems illegal migration asylum procedures asylum seeker verification documentation scarcity persecution evidence security threats economic migration investigative judgment asylum decision factors open immigration systems fraudulent asylum claims asylum seekers documentation persecution proving origin security threats economic migrants investigative judgment refugee status motivation assessment open systems vulnerabilities asylum seeker authentication immigration fraud detection refugee verification process security risk assessment undocumented migration identification persecution evidence gathering asylum decision-making criteria human rights documentation border security challenges fake asylum claims asylum seeker documentation persecution investigative judgment economic migration security threat asylum seekers documentation issues persecution evidence security threats motivated migrants investigative judgment system vulnerabilities false claims asylum decision factors immigration fraud asylum seekers documentation persecution security threats economic migrants investigative judgment proof system vulnerabilities asylum seeker verification undocumented persecution evidence investigative judgment bias security threats asylum economic migration fraud open systems abuse potential asylum seeker identification lack of documentation persecution evidence proving origin security threats economic migrants asylum decision making investigative judgment asylum fraud security screening immigration policies refugee verification international law enforcement border security human rights immigration challenges refugee status determination asylum procedures immigration fraud asylum seeker verification document fraud security threats asylum migration screening refugee authenticity persecution evidence border control challenges immigration policy vulnerabilities
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con03a	Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. sports shooting safe activity gun clubs field sport law-abiding people leisure pursuit government confiscation investment sports shooting safe activity gun clubs range usage field sport rights leisure pursuit investment government confiscation law-abiding people sports shooting firearm ownership gun rights recreational shooting hunting firearms safety gun control legal sports outdoor activities leisure pursuits gun clubs range safety field sports constitutional rights sporting arms self-defense second amendment lawful citizens investment value public policy law-abiding individuals sports shooting benefits shooting sports safety gun ownership rights lawful shooting activities shooting sports investment range usage rights field shooting advantages legal shooting pursuits recreational firearm use sporting firearm investments sports shooting safe activity gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport law-abiding people leisure pursuit government confiscation investment sports shooting safety shooting sports regulations gun rights advocacy field shooting sports gun club activities lawful shooting enthusiasts range usage rights government firearm policies leisure pursuits investments sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit government confiscation investment firearms rights sports shooting safe activity gun rights field sport law-abiding citizens gun clubs purpose-built ranges government confiscation leisure pursuit financial investment sports shooting lawful shooting gun rights recreational shooting range safety field shooting gun ownership lawful firearm use shooting sports regulations legal firearms activities sports shooting safety gun rights lawful shooting field sports gun clubs range use recreational firearms leisure activities legal hunting sporting arms gun ownership rights sporting射击安全 合法射箭 射击俱乐部 靶场使用 休闲枪械 体育用枪所有权
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro01a	Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. drug prevention school drug testing adolescent drug use drug education anti-drug policies youth drug abuse drug screening programs drug intervention strategies educational impact of drug use long-term effects of early drug use random drug testing benefits drug misuse statistics drug prevention programs drug prevention school drug testing drug policy effectiveness teenage drug abuse educational impact drug misuse statistics random drug testing benefits deterrence effect youth drug intervention long-term drug use consequences drug prevention school drug testing teenage drug abuse drug policy youth drug education random drug screening adolescent substance use anti-drug programs school drug education prevention strategies drug misuse statistics drug prevention school drug testing drug use among youth supply chain drug interception drug policy failure random drug tests drug education underage drug abuse drug rehabilitation youth drug misuse statistics drug prevention young drug users random drug testing school policies drug misuse statistics child development future education drug addiction drug dealer arrests drug shipment interception Vulnerable children deterrence effect drug prevention school drug testing adolescent drug use random drug tests drug education drug intervention youth drug policy illegal drug use education impact drug addiction prevention drug policy failure drug dealer arrest drug shipment interception drug education programs drug testing effectiveness teenage substance abuse child drug prevention drug misuse statistics drug education importance drug intervention strategies youth drug testing benefits drug testing in schools drug use consequences drug prevention policies drug prevention school drug testing adolescent drug use drug policy random drug tests youth drug abuse drug education teenage drug consumption drug intervention illegal drug use educational impact addiction prevention drug misuse statistics drug prevention school drug testing random drug tests drug education youth drug use drug policy drug addiction student drug screening intervention strategies drug misuse statistics drug prevention school drug testing youth drug use drug policy illegal drug use adolescent drug abuse drug education anti-drug programs random drug testing drug misuse youth development drug addiction drug intervention drug education programs drug policy effectiveness school safety teenage drug abuse drug awareness drug rehabilitation substance abuse child protection public health drug prevention strategies drug education strategies drug policy evaluation drug prevention programs drug prevention school drug testing teenage drug use drug policy random drug tests drug education youth drug abuse drug intervention drug misuse school safety adolescent health substance abuse prevention educational impact drug policy effectiveness anti-drug campaigns drug testing benefits child development drug education programs youth drug education drug screening drug awareness drug prevention strategies drug use consequences drug prevention methods
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ endangered species African culture African wildlife conservation efforts mystical beliefs African heritage cultural symbolism endangered animals protection lion conservation elephant significance endangered species African wildlife cultural heritage mystic beliefs elephant symbolism lion conservation past and present identity zoology ecology conservation efforts legal protection environmental impact natural reserves community involvement education programs protected areas endangered species cultural heritage African wildlife cultural significance conservation efforts mystical beliefs cultural impact animal symbolism historical references ecological importance endangered species conservation african wildlife importance cultural significance animals endangered animals protection african elephant symbolism african lion heritage endangered wildlife preservation African cultural heritage species extinction impact mystical animals african culture and wildlife animal protection policies African biodiversity conservation traditional beliefs animals protected areas wildlife endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions cultural impact protection pride coastal arms identity extinction University of California Los Angeles University of California Los Angeles 'Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture' Coleman The importance of African lions endangered animals culture cultural significance endangered species African elephants mystic powers cultural impact of animal extinction cultural value of wildlife historical significance of African lions cultural importance of animals wildlife conservation cultural aspects cultural heritage endangered species symbolic value of animals endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions cultural impact ivory coat of arms extinction past identity University of California Los Angeles Coleman endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions cultural impact protection identity university of california los angeles coat of arms endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms cultural impact protection endangered species conservation cultural significance wildlife African cultural heritage mystical animals symbolic animals cultural impact extinction
test-education-tuhwastua-pro04a	Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, standardized tests SAT scoring scale test design student performance academic admissions test accuracy predictive validity college grading standardized tests exaggerate performance SAT scoring test design earlier era student demographics SAT accuracy college admissions dice analogy performance prediction standardized tests SAT scoring scale performance differences college admissions test accuracy predictive validity student abilities historical context test design test-taking trends SAT score interpretation dice analogy educational metrics standardized tests criticism SAT scoring magnification test score reliability college admissions testing SAT accuracy debate standardized test limitations test performance exaggeration SAT score impact college entrance exams test design outdated standardized tests performance differences test design scoring scales SAT college admissions predictive accuracy student abilities standardized tests SAT scores scoring scales test performance academic admissions test design historical context student demographics test accuracy predictive validity college admissions SAT discrepancies test magnification educational assessment standardized tests performance exaggeration scoring scales SAT discrepancies test design student demographics academic prediction college admissions test fairness standardized tests exaggerate performance scoring scale SATs earlier era student demographics test design score magnification academic admission college grading predictive accuracy standardized tests sat scoring difference magnification college admissions student performance testing era test design scoring scale equity in testing test validity SAT scores predictive accuracy college grades academic performance demographic impact small sample bias test expansion terms standardized tests performance differences SAT scaling test design student demographics college admissions predictive accuracy scoring magnification
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con04a	Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. justice system police investigation police pressure crown prosecution service convictions criminal records incentives for investigation miscarriage of justice dissatisfaction with justice poor policing poor case preparation human rights war crimes trials croatia bosnia and herzegovina serbia and montenegro miscarriage justice police incentive investigation conviction background suspect criminal police pressure policing defendants prosecution case preparation human rights trial court record bias dissatisfaction system pressure crimes war crimes Human Rights Watch CPS Crown Prosecution Service Bushywood Guardian miscarriage justice police incentive investigation conviction pressure bias evidence criminal record police investigation crown persecution service police reform prosecution dissatisfaction human rights war crimes trial miscarriage of justice police investigations incentive for police vigorous investigations police performance criminal records jury beliefs convictions obtained police pressure political prosecution dissatisfaction with justice system poor case preparation human rights violations police misconduct courtroom procedures criminal conviction ethics motion justice police incentive investigation convictions criminal record suspicions poor investigation case preparation dissatisfaction defendants roles pressure crown persecution service policing croatia bosnia and herzegovina suspicion serbia and montenegro human rights watch motion justice police investigation incentive convictions police performance crown persecution service political pressure defendant background jury belief criminal record suspect identification poor policing case preparation human rights war crimes trials judicial fairness policeman role police accountability legal system reform prosecution bias legal ethics criminal justice system justice system police investigation presumption of innocence criminal records misleading evidence public perception of justice political pressure on prosecutors courtroom procedures evidence manipulation police misconduct jury bias police accountability power dynamics in criminal justice legal reform prosecutorial independence fair trials right to a fair trial defendant's rights investigation quality conviction rates criminal conviction bias justice system criticism police performance prosecution tactics defendants' backgrounds jury decision-making police workload law enforcement legal ethics defense rights judicial oversight legal standards motion miscarriage justice incentive police investigations convictions pressure backgrounds jury culprits criminal record real suspects defendants prosecution poor case preparation satisfaction system negative roles human rights war crimes trials croatia bosnia herzegovina serbia montenegro motion miscarriage justice police investigations convictions criminal record dependency prosecution satisfaction rights trials evidence culpability culpable guilt acquitted innocence bias prejudice systemic reform accountability oversight human rights corruption misconduct public perception effectiveness reliability integrity accountability evidence procedural fairness due process legal standards enforcement misconduct transparency accountability systemic issues criticism improvement reforms justice system protection victims perpetrators defendants trials criminalization prevention discrimination equal miscarriage justice police incentive investigations crown persecution police presure convictions criminal record suspicion police prosecution dissatisfaction human rights wars Crimes trials croatia bosnia serbia montenegro role police prosecution defendants case preparation
test-politics-dhwem-pro04a	PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict safe areas reconstruction Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national armies ideological causes invasion civil war protection policing mission paymasters international security private military companies PMCs suspicion ethnic conflict civilians partisan ideological cause invasion civil war police reconstruction Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national government local government paymaster mercenary role PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflicts safe areas reconstruction projects Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff ideological causes national armies international security private military companies private security firms conflict zones neutral forces protection services invasion civil war government contracts paymasters hostilities peacekeeping military contractors PMC mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict Green Zone Baghdad security reconstruction paymaster ideological cause PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict Green Zone Baghdad safe areas policing reconstruction paymasters ideological causes search performance recommendation system expansion phrases PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict protection reconstruction Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff ideological cause paymaster PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict ideological causes invasion civil war safe areas policing reconstruction Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff paymasters mission objectives PMC mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict Green Zone Baghdad protection reconstruction safe areas national armies hostility ideal force global risk strategies search optimization keyword expansion PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict safe areas reconstruction projects Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff fighting for ideology paymaster conflict resolution security operations international missions private military companies civilian protection conflict zones non-partisan forces military contractors civilian engagement ethical considerations military ethics security firms risk management conflict dynamics private security companies humanitarian aid peacekeeping strategic analysis conflict analysis military strategy conflict studies defense industry security studies PMCs mMercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict safe areas policing reconstruction Green Zone Baghdad national armies ideological causes invasion civil war paymasters military contracts
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro03a	Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment society organization Rawls's veil of ignorance social contract theory fairness train paradox utilitarianism John Rawls thought experiment social contract fairness utilitarianism moral philosophy justice trolley problem ethical dilemma rational choice theory John Rawls thought experiment social contract justice fairness utilitarianism ethical dilemma trolley problem social philosophy moral reasoning egalitarianism social justice ethical theory moral philosophy distributive justice John Rawls thought experiment fairness social contract justice ethical dilemma utilitarianism philosopher society organization unknown identity train paradox moral reasoning rational choice social justice Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment society organization Rawls's veil of ignorance fairness train problem Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organizing society Rawls's theory fairness train problem ethical dilemma unknown identity survival chances John Rawls thought experiment social contract justice utilitarianism fairness moral philosophy societal organization train paradox ethical dilemma rational choice theory Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment society organization Rawls's veil of ignorance train problem fairness equality philosophy ethics John Rawls thought experiment justice fairness social contract moral philosophy utilitarianism train paradox trolley problem ethics rational choice societal organization John Rawls thought experiment societal organization fairness utilitarianism moral philosophy train problem ethical dilemma unknown self rational choice
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro03a	Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, neo-functionalism international organizations human welfare liberal theory regional integration economic integration common foreign and security policy interest groups international regional system center for european studies Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups economic integration foreign and security policy international organizations European Union project neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare international organizations European Union economic integration foreign policy security policy integration theory interest groups low politics international regional system common foreign and security policy liberal theories regional integration neo-functionalism human welfare interest groups low politics European Union economic integration common foreign and security policy international organizations order transformation investment effort Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics European Union economic integration common foreign and security policy international organizations international regional system better order liberal theory regional integration neo-functionalism human welfare interest groups economic integration common foreign and security policy international organizations better order Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics European Union economic integration common foreign and security policy international organizations order transformation Center for European studies neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration international organizations human welfare interest groups economic integration common foreign and security policy European Union international regional system neo-functionalism international organizations regional integration human welfare interest groups economic integration foreign and security policy European Union integration theories liberal theory political conflict law low politics center for european studies Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups economic integration foreign and security policy international organizations European Union political conflict law low politics Center for European studies
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con03a	A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 school breakfast cost government expenditure education free breakfast program school funding priorities class size reduction breakfast program funding school nutrition budget education spending food service costs public school finances school breakfast cost government spending education school budget allocation free breakfast program impact school resources allocation school funding priorities teacher hiring costs class size reduction funding school nutrition programs cost federal education budget school infrastructure costs school breakfast program cost analysis government expenditure education budget free school meals food service costs class size reduction school funding public education expenses financial prioritization school breakfast cost free breakfast program government expenditure school budget constraints educational funding priorities class size reduction school facilities food costs cafeteria staffing student nutrition economic trade-offs public education financing school breakfast cost government expenditure school budget education funding teacher hiring class size reduction breakfast program school nutrition public spending resource allocation school breakfast cost government expenditure school budget education funding breakfast program expenses teacher hiring class size reduction school nutrition budget federal school funding breakfast program impact school breakfast cost government expenditure educational budget free breakfast program school funding class size reduction nutrition services federal education spending school breakfast cost government funding school budget education expenses free school breakfast breakfast program cost student nutrition class size reduction educational spending public school financing food service costs cafeteria management school resources allocation educational priorities government expenditure school lunch program comparison school breakfast cost government funding education breakfast program expenses teacher hiring class size reduction school nutrition budget educational funding priorities school breakfast impact public expenditure education breakfast program financing school breakfast cost government funding school budget education spending teacher salaries class size reduction federal education budget breakfast program expenses school resources allocation
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con03a	Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. barrier contraception AIDS HIV South America Africa Catholic Church extramarital affairs teachings responsibility promote life justified barrier contraception AIDS HIV South America Africa Catholic Church extramarital affairs contraception justice sexual health population control cultural practices religious influence on health policy barrier contraception AIDS HIV sexual transmission extramarital affairs South America Africa Catholic Church teachings life promotion contraception ban justification barrier contraception HIV AIDS extramarital affairs South America Africa Catholic Church teachings responsibility life justified barrier contraception AIDS HIV South America Africa Catholic Church extramarital affairs contraception moral responsibility public health sexual education Barrier contraception AIDS HIV men extramarital affairs South America Africa Catholic Church teachings extramarital relations responsibility to promote life unjustified ban barrier contraception AIDS HIV sexual partners marriage extramarital affairs South America Africa Catholic Church responsibility life justified barrier contraception AIDS HIV south america africa Catholic Church extramarital affairs sexual partners Church's responsibility to promote life ban of barrier contraception barrier contraception AIDS HIV extramarital affairs South America Africa Catholic Church life promotion justification barrier contraception AIDS HIV south america africa Catholic Church extramarital affairs teachings justification responsibility promote life
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con03a	It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. disincentives HIV testing Africa job security medical repercussions sub-Saharan Africa safety net disincentives hiv testing Africa job security safety net medical repercussions ignorance risk firing HIV disclosure disincentives HIV testing African healthcare job security medical repercussions safety net labor laws HIV disclosure risk factors healthcare access disincentives hiv testing Africa job security medical repercussions sub-Saharan Africa safety net job loss ignorance risk disclosure disincentives HIV testing Africa job loss safety net medical repercussions unknown status disincentives HIV testing Africa job security medical repercussions safety net disclosure risk firing ignorance disincentives HIV testing Africa job loss medical repercussions safety net disclosure risks disincentives HIV testing Africa job loss medical repercussions safety net sub-Saharan Africa ignorance risk disclosure disincentives hiv testing Africa job security medical repercussions safety net sub-Saharan Africa disincentives HIV testing Africa social stigma job loss medical repercussions sub-Saharan Africa safety net risk disclosure
test-international-iiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ justice system expansion anti-poaching operations prosecution rates legal prioritization wildlife crime sentencing severity investigative methods poacher impunity wildlife conservation environmental law criminal justice reform poaching statistics law enforcement effectiveness justice system improvement anti-poaching prosecution African wildlife law poaching sentencing investigative methods poaching wildlife crime priority poacher impunity Western black rhinoceros extinction wildlife law enforcement poaching operations leadership prosecution justice system expansion anti-poaching operations improvement legal systems prioritization poaching crime severity prosecution effectiveness wildlife conservation law investigative methods weakness poacher impunity Western black rhinoceros extinction anti-poaching militarization criticism justice system improvement anti-poaching operations enhancement prioritize wildlife crimes increase poacher sentencing investigative methods reform wildlife crime prosecution poaching impunity law enforcement effectiveness conservation legal strategies protect endangered species wildlife protection laws poaching deterrents wildlife crime sentencing guidelines justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching crimes sentencing investigative methods wildlife conservation poacher impunity Western black rhinoceros extinction justice system improvement anti-poaching prosecution legal prioritization wildlife crime sentencing investigative methods poaching impunity conservation law enforcement wildlife protection reforms environmental crime prosecutorial effectiveness poacher deterrence legal reform initiatives wildlife trafficking prosecution anti-poaching operations enhancement justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems serious crimes trivial fines Western black rhinoceros sentencing investigative methods poacher impunity militarization anti-poaching efforts justice system improvement anti-poaching enforcement legal priorities wildlife crime prosecution rates poaching fines investigative techniques criminal sentencing environmental law conservation effectiveness impunity in poaching wildlife protection strategies justice system expansion terms anti-poaching operations improvement poacher prosecution rates African wildlife law enforcement sentencing severity for poaching investigative methods in poaching cases poaching impunity Western black rhinoceros extinction anti-poaching militarization effectiveness justice system improvement anti-poaching laws poaching crime severity wildlife conservation legal reform investigative techniques prosecutorial practices wildlife protection environmental law criminal sentencing poacher deterrence conservation enforcement wildlife crime prosecution legal priorities poaching deterrents
test-education-egscphsrdt-con01a	Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. right to privacy random drug testing suspicionless searches student rights drug testing ethics liberal democracy privacy violation harm principle suspicion-based testing privacy infringement drug use statistics educational environment civil liberties right to privacy drug testing without suspicion student rights privacy violation harm principle random drug testing legal privacy drug use in students harm principle application legal search practices privacy rights in schools drug testing ethics student behavior impact privacy infringement civil liberties random testing justification student discipline privacy law student drug testing legal searches privacy in education student rights protection legal drug testing random testing morality student privacy rights right to privacy drug testing random drug testing legal privacy student rights drug use suspicionless searches harm principle civil liberties educational institutions privacy violations legal implications drug testing policies harm to individuals liberal democracies student behavior educational disruption privacy rights legal challenges random searches legal standards civil rights drug abuse surveillance consent due process freedom from unreasonable search harm prevention drug policy educational environment legal protections civil liberties issues student welfare privacy concerns legal boundaries search and seizure privacy infringement ethical considerations legal enforcement rights violations right to privacy drug testing random testing legal implications student rights perceived violation liberalism harm principle suspicion privacy invasion legal democracy student behavior education disruption individual rights privacy violation drug use random drug testing ethical considerations legal standards legal protection student discipline privacy laws legal rights civil liberties drug testing ethics legal privacy drug policy student welfare legal harm privacy rights drug testing ethics legal standards for privacy legal student rights privacy invasion ethics legal random testing drug testing legality legal student privacy drug testing implications legal drug testing right to privacy random drug testing legal implications student rights perceived harm privacy violation western liberal democracies statistical analysis harm principle educational environment drug use civil liberties legal reasoning suspicion-based testing right to privacy random drug testing legal implications student rights harm principle suspicionless searches privacy violations civil liberties drug testing policies ethical considerations harm to innocent legal standards education disruption student behavior drug use detection suspicion-based testing privacy drug testing legal rights suspicion student rights random testing harm consent civil liberties educational environment western democracies privacy violation suspicionless searches right to privacy random drug testing suspicion student rights legal violations drug use privacy infringement consent surveillance discrimination educational environment harm principle civil liberties western democracies legal ethics privacy laws drug policy student conduct suspicionless searches civil rights ethical testing drug testing policies privacy concerns student well-being civil liberties due process legal protections drug abuse privacy violations student autonomy educational freedom privacy rights student behavior privacy ethics drug testing ethics privacy invasion legal standards drug testing procedures student harm privacy breaches legal implications student right to privacy drug testing random testing legal privacy student rights harm principle suspicion consent invasion of privacy western democracies civil liberties educational institutions drug use statistical analysis harm prevention ethical testing legal violations privacy rights suspicionless searches student welfare legal implications public policy privacy law drug testing ethics right to privacy random drug testing suspicion student rights harm principle liberal democracy statistical harm privacy violations legal rights drug use educational disruption
test-education-ughbuesbf-con04a	Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: free university education social inequality higher education funding economic class state expenditure university enrollment education policy trade schools Ireland education social mobility university funding debates free university education benefits social class impact higher education funding state investment disadvantaged students middle and upper classes Ireland education policy trade school preferences secondary education vs university education inequality public university access free university education debate social inequality in education higher education funding cost-benefit analysis education middle class advantages upper class education benefits university enrollment patterns trade school preferences socioeconomic impact education public spending on universities education funding policy disadvantaged access to higher education Irish higher education system university fees abolition effects free university education benefits middle class education upper class education university funding debate higher education costs state investment in education economic disparity in education trade schools vs universities Irish higher education disadvantaged access to education public vs private education education inequality cost of education university tuition fees educational outcomes socioeconomic status and education free education policies university enrollment trends free university education societal benefits economic classes higher education funding social justice university enrollment education policy trade schools government expenditure educational inequality free university education societal benefits economic classes higher education funding university enrollment trends trade school preferences government expenditure educational equity public services socioeconomic impact free university education social equity higher education funding middle class upper class disadvantaged state finances trade schools workforce Ireland education policy public perception university enrollment free university education social equity economic burden higher education funding class disparity university enrollment trade school preference socioeconomic impact public versus private education state resources allocation education policy university accessibility educational inequality cost-free education wealth distribution higher education value tuition fee elimination societal benefits economic privilege educational financing social mobility university attendance patterns free university education social inequality higher education funding class bias university enrollment trade schools government expenditure social mobility education policy economic impact university access educational funding disadvantaged students middle class upper class public education university fees education reform university statistics educational disparities free university education socioeconomic implications higher education funding class disparity university enrollment trade schools government expenditure educational policy social mobility Irish education system
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con01a	globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations social harmony identity diversity migration curry Indian cuisine employment cooperation cultural fusion thoughtco guardian globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social harmony immigration cultural diffusion identity compensation national dish job creation diversity innovation thoughtco guardian globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations society polarization migration cultural diffusion identity technology curry chicken tikka masala employment harmony diversity innovation thoughtco guardian globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social divisions repatriation compensation identity migration curry Chicken Tikka Masala Indian restaurant industry cultural merging social harmony generational impact globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations polarisation society migration knowledge diffusion cultural customs cultural merging Indian restaurant industry employment diversity understanding innovation cooperation cultural appropriation divisions generations globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation polarisation reparations identity migration curry Cultural merging job creation innovation cooperation social harmony generations cultural divisions globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations polarisation diversity identity migration cultural fusion curry Chicken Tikka Masala innovation social harmony cultural clash thoughtco guardian globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation polarisation reparations migration knowledge diffusion identity curry Cultural appropriation compensation Tikka Masala employment harmony cooperation cultural fusion generations globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations polarisation society culture identity migration curry Chicken Tikka Masala Indian restaurant industry employment harmony thoughtco guardian globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation divisions arbitrary features reparations compensation polarization identity social harmony migration curry Cultural appropriation diversity cooperation thoughtco guardian
test-international-atiahblit-con03a	The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. enrolment barriers gender inequalities in education cultural norms child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa poverty hunger education policy human capital socio-economic policies developmentagenda child marriage economics pro-poor education rights universal education complex controls teachers investment multiple forces political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures enrolment barriers girls education cultural norms child marriage poverty economic constraints hunger education policy SUB-Saharan Africa Niger gender inequalities pro-poor development human capital socio-cultural structures economic structures political structures education rights universal education enrolment barriers gender inequalities education cultural norms child marriage economic constraints hunger poverty universal education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures right to education development policy human capital SUB-Saharan Africa Niger pro-poor agenda enrolment barriers teacher investment political structures socio-cultural constraints economic barriers gender inequalities education rights child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa poverty hunger pro-poor development human capital social policies education for girls education barriers enrolment constraints political structures socio-cultural factors economic structures gender inequalities religious beliefs child marriage poverty hunger development policies human capital Niger SUB-Saharan Africa pro-pooragenda enrolment barriers gender inequalities education rights socio-cultural constraints economic barriers child marriage universal education teacher investment development policies human capital poverty hunger Sub-Saharan Africa Niger education for girls education barriers enrolment challenges gender inequalities cultural norms child marriage economic constraints political influences socio-cultural impacts right to education universal education human capital population dynamics Niger Sub-Saharan Africa hunger poverty economic development social policies pro-poor agenda child marriage rates [1] further readings education barriers enrolment constraints political structures socio-cultural factors economic barriers gender inequalities child marriage hunger poverty human capital development Niger SUB-Saharan Africa equality in education Social policies Educational rights universal education enrolment barriers teacher investment universal education political structures socio-cultural barriers economic constraints gender inequalities cultural norms child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa education policy human capital pro-poor agenda child hunger education targets development policies enrolment barriers gender inequalities in education cultural norms child marriage economic constraints universal education socio-cultural structures political structures human capital development pro-poor agenda education policies sub-saharan africa education rights teacher investments education and development child marriage and education education financing education access education quality education disparities education equity education empowerment education infrastructure education policy-making
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro02a	Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 video footage court case defendant judiciary appeal UK US evidence trial transcript body language demeanour verdict legal system trial recording legal evidence transparency justice system witness testimonies legal process legal evidence assessment court case footage trial recording legal evidence reliability witness testimony analysis judicial review appeal process body language in court courtroom demeanor trial transparency legal documentation evidence assessment legal proceedings video judicial decision-making appellate court criminal justice system court transparency video evidence in law legal evidence presentation witness credibility evaluation judicial second-guessing legal appeals process video evidence for courts court case footage defendant appeal legal evidence reliability witness testimony body language analysis judicial review video recording trials courtroom demeanor appellate court decision legal transcripts comparison trial evidence assessment criminal justice system court case footage legal appeal process witness testimonies body language analysis judicial review video evidence trial recording legal rights conviction appeal court proceedings documentation evidence reliability UK legal system US legal system video footage court case defendant judiciary appeal right reassess conviction evidence witness testimonies transcript body language demeanour verdict first trial re-examine information UK US new evidence perception accessed video footage court case defendant judiciary appeal reliability evidence witness testimonies body language judicial review re-assessment conviction legal system transcript new evidence trial demeanor legal proceedings judicial decision-making witness credibility court case footage video recording legal appeal witness testimonies judicial review body language courtroom demeanor evidence reliability trial assessment legal right to appeal UK court system US court system video footage court case defendant judiciary right to appeal UK US new evidence body language witness testimonies demeanour re-assessment trial recording legal evidence transcript verdict reliability evidence evaluation legal system court case footage video evidence appeal process judicial review witness testimony body language analysis trial transparency legal evidence assessment criminal justice system appellate courts judicial discretion court footage video recordings legal appeals witness testimonies body language judicial review court trials evidence reliability legal right to appeal UK law US law
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro02a	The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, settlements israeli politics facts on the ground Political calculus Peace negotiations Israeli government religious settlers West Bank manoeuvre ultra-nationalist Haridam Israel Beitinu Knesset National Religious Party credit divisive Peace likelihood terms Internal divisions expansion settlements israeli government political calculus facts on the ground West Bank Israeli right Peace Negotiations religious voters Haridam parties National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset room to manoeuvre Israeli left internal divisions settlements israeli palestinian negotiations facts on the ground political calculus Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza West Bank settlement expansion religious voters Haridim National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset Peace negotiations divisive issues manoeuvre room settlements israeli government facts on the ground political calculus Peace Negotiations religious settlers Haredi parties National Religious Party Ultra-Orthodox Jews West Bank settlement expansion Israeli Knesset room to manoeuvre Internal divisions Israel Beitinu settlements israeli government negotiations political calculus West Bank religious voters facts on the ground Peace negotiations expansion divisive manoeuvre Peace likelihood ultra-nationalist Israeli Knesset Settlement expansion credit Ariel Sharon Gaza Haridam Orthodox parties National Religious Party Internal divisions settlements israeli politics facts on the ground political calculus Peace Negotiations religious settlers voting patterns room to manoeuvre expansion Peace divisions manoeuvre terms extreme ultra-nationalist Israeli Knesset Haredim orthodox West Bank Israeli right Israeli left Peace Now Haaretz Israel Beitinu National Religious Party divisive actions credit party splits Israeli government land control geopolitical strategy settlements israeli government political calculus facts on the ground West Bank settlement expansion religious voters Peace Negotiations Israeli Knesset Likud party ultra-nationalist parties Haridim manoeuvre room Peace likelihood Israeli politics settlements israeli government political calculus facts on the ground West Bank Peace Negotiations expansion religious settlers voting power room to manoeuvre harder stance internal divisions settlements israeli government political calculus facts on the ground Peace Negotiations religious voters haridim national religious party internal divisions West Bank expansion Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal settlement population growth ultra-nationalist parties Knesset Peace likelihood settlements israeli political facts on the ground calculus negotiations expansion religious voting population government manoeuvre peace divisive unlikely terms extreme internal divisions Peace Now Haarertz.com Wikipedia Etkes
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro03a	Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, unruly defendants televising trials political hijacking courtroom disruptions witness examination Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic ICTY approval ratings legal tactics trial disruptions courtroom behavior war crimes trials court proceedings legal strategy political influence judicial integrity trial outcomes unruly defendants televising trials courtroom disruptions political hijacking Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic witness examination approval ratings war crimes trials court proceedings legal tactics disruption strategies media influence judicial process international courts witness interference political ramifications courtroom management defendant behavior trial television legal ethics courtroom dynamics televised trials defendant behavior courtroom disruption disruptive defendants wartime trials political hijacking of trials defendant rights in war crimes trials trial outcomes and politics Saddam Hussein's trial Slobodan Milosevic's trial Ratko Mladic's trial ICTY contumacious counsel challenges in war crimes trials courtroom management in war crimes trials defendant interactions with media during trials legal tactics in war crimes trials impact of televised trials on defendants' behavior success of defendant disruptions in court unruly defendants interruptions during trial courtroom management tactics disruptive behavior political hijacking approval ratings televised trials legal proceedings contumacious counsel survival strategy wartime trials disruptive witnesses legal tactics defendant rights media influence judicial process trial disruptions courtroom dynamics legal strategy trial outcomes defendant behavior legal representation defendant actions trial procedures legal ethics trial manipulation defendant control trial tactics legal proceedings disruption defendant manipulation trial management defendant strategies defendant behavior unruly defendants cameras televising trials Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic political hijacking witness examination approval ratings courtroom disruptions war crimes trials court proceedings legal tactics unruly defendants cameras in court Saddam Hussein political hijacking Milosevic tactics televised trials disruption in trials witness examination rights court proceedings Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic approval ratings courtroom behavior legal tactics ICTY disruptive defendants contumacious counsel war crimes trials court platform legal precedents televised trials courtroom disruptions defendant behavior political hijacking war crimes trials witness examination rights approval ratings legal tactics international courts trial process management Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic witness cross-examination legal representation court security judicial impartiality media influence on trials unruly defendants cameras in court Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic political hijacking trial disruptions witness examination approval ratings court proceedings disruptive defendants ICTY political rants legal tactics televised trials legal precedents unruly defendants camera presence trial disruption Saddam Hussein political outbursts witness examination Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic approval ratings political hijacking war crimes trials disruptive tactics legal precedents televised trials defendant behavior political hijacking war crimes trials courtroom disruptions disruptive defendants contumacious counsel trial outcomes defendant tactics approval ratings legal precedents trial manipulation defendant influence media impact court security legal strategy trial procedures
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro03a	International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, international prosecution domestic justice legal systems powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo stabilizing effect law enforcement cross-border justice judicial cooperation crime prosecution legal stability international prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo legal stabilization international prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo legal stability cross-jurisdictional justice global law enforcement judicial cooperation human rights prosecution legal filtering crime stabilization international prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo legal stability international prosecution domestic justice legal filtration powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo The Guardian international prosecution relevant expansion phrases domestic justice internationally based prosecution effective filtering law enforcement powerful offenders fair trial international system domestic courts crimes at lower level Ivory Coast former leader Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court stabilize situation international prosecution domestic justice law enforcement powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo crime stabilization legal systems integration international prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial lower level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court legal stabilization international prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo legal stability international prosecution domestic justice legal system powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo legal stabilization
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech democratic process university expansion critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic orthodoxy intellectual tradition immigration academic inquiry Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual honesty academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university growth free speech critical pedagogy democratic expansion intellectual dissent academic orthodoxy immigrant academics intellectual property university ranking academic freedom intellectual tradition dissenting voices higher education history cultural changes scientific progress intellectual honesty academic migration academic integrity academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech democratic process university expansion critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic orthodoxy immigrant academics USSR immigration intellectual tradition Yale University Oxford University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual dishonesty academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic inquiry Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual tradition immigration USSR academic orthodoxy intellectual honesty academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic orthodoxy immigration USSR Yale Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual tradition intellectual honesty academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university growth free speech critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic orthodoxy democratic process scientific changes immigration USSR Yale Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual freedom academic inquiry academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic inquiry immigration USSR Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual property qualifications academic tradition Western universities Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment democratization of education critical pedagogy intellectual dissent free speech academic orthodoxy immigrant academics intellectual property Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual honesty academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy intellectual dissent democratic process university expansion immigration academic freedom intellectual integrity qualification value academic inquiry academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment democratization university expansion free speech critical pedagogy intellectual dissent immigration academic orthodoxy intellectual property qualifications academic freedom historical context scientific changes cultural impact dissenting voices higher education history diaspora scholars
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con03a	Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing popular party platforms independent MPs status critical role election outcomes opposition influence sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing popular party platforms opposition parties independent MPs controlled setting voice of the people encourage change sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation popularity party platforms opposition parties independent MPs status criticism voice of the people encourage change election effectiveness election impact election significance election analysis election outcome political representation political influence election monitoring election transparency election integrity election democracy election governance election politics election analysis election impact election significance election strategy election dynamics election implications election importance election relevance election value election benefits election advantages election insights election understanding election knowledge election awareness election education elections policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing popular platforms independent MPs status critical role voice of the people challenging governance elections policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation polling data opposition parties independent MPs status critical role government accountability popularity platforms challenging governance representing public opinion encouraging change election analysis policy preference voter behavior sham election democratic process opposition parties independent MPs political competition electoral reform public opinion ballot stuffing governance criticism elections vote rigging voter intimidation policy preferences opposition parties independent MPs government criticism popularity party platforms public opinion sham election democratic process sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation election outcomes party platforms opposition parties independent MPs democratic processes governance criticism political change electoral systems representation political participation democratic accountability elections vote rigging voter intimidation policy preferences popularity opposition parties independent MPs challenging government political change political transparency election analysis polling data representative democracy political influence elections policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing popular platforms independent MPs challenging government opposition parties citizen representation
test-education-tuhwastua-pro03a	Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. standardized tests discrimination minorities performance SAT income adjustment language bias cultural bias vocabulary diverse population question formulation fairness educational inequality standardized testing bias SAT cultural bias English language proficiency test minority student performance test fairness educational inequality language barriers in testing cultural bias in standardized tests test question fairness regatta SAT question diversity in test setting standardized testing bias minority student performance cultural bias in testing language proficiency and standardized tests SAT cultural biases diversity in testing English language proficiency tests educational inequality test fairness standardized test accommodations cultural representation in test questions standardized tests fairness minority performance SAT cultural bias English language proficiency test design equity linguistic diversity bias cultural representation in testing exam fairness in USA question bias examples SAT analogies standardized tests minorities performance SAT income English reading comprehension cultural bias analogies vocabulary fairness diversity USA standardized testing minority performance test bias cultural bias language barriers SAT questions educational inequality test fairness diversity impact question bias standardized tests discrimination minorities test performance SAT income language barriers cultural bias vocabulary analogies diversity fairness standardized tests minority students SAT income correction reading comprehension English language cultural bias diverse country USA question wording test fairness academic achievement disparities standardized tests minority performance SAT bias cultural bias English proficiency vocabulary diversity educational inequality test fairness linguistic barriers test accommodations cultural representation standardized testing bias cultural bias SAT language proficiency test minority student performance SAT analogies test fairness educational inequality linguistic diversity cultural representation in exams test design equity
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con05a	In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 public opinion government suspicion anti-terrorist measures security invasion innocent citizens terrorism justice negotiation conflict resolution Northern Ireland grievances government suspicion public suffering anti-terrorist measures security invasion privacy violation core grievances negotiation solutions Northern Ireland peace process public opinion government suspicion anti-terrorist measures security invasion privacy concerns journalism peace negotiations core grievances northern ireland-terrorism public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures surveillance cameras security checks anti-privacy measures innocent people terrorism core grievances negotiation justice issues Northern Ireland public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures daily suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures journalism northern ireland terrorism core grievances negotiation justice system public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures security invasion innocent citizens core grievances negotiation terrorism social justice comparison northern ireland public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures surveillance civil liberties terrorism justice negotiation grievances Northern Ireland public opinion government suspicion anti-terrorist measures security cameras daily suffering privacy invasion terrorism grievance negotiation solution Northern Ireland justice public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures security invasion privacy issues justice terrorism core grievances negotiation solutions Northern Ireland public opinion government suspicion anti-terrorist measures daily suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland justice implementation
test-politics-glghssi-pro03a	An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy north sea oil coal fields of Lanarkshire Westminster perspective devolution powerful economy burgeoning life-sciences sector growing IT sector silicon glen traditional industries economic growth faster growth UK Scottish independence CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions changing pattern of economic growth Scotland's economy Devolution impact independent Scotland economy small European nations technology renewable energy Westminster perspective North Sea oil coal fields of Lanarkshire devolution life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen economic growth UK comparison CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions economic potential best and brightest Scotland's problems traditional industries economic development devolved powers Scotland's growth economic opportunities skilled workforce independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy north sea oil lanarkshire coal fields devolution powerful economy life-sciences sector IT sector silicon glen UK economic growth Scottish independence best and brightest misplaced opportunities Westminster perspective Scotland's economic growth faster economic growth CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions economic development growing sectors traditional industries Scottish economy Scottish government policy impact independent Scotland economy tiny European nations economic potential technology renewable energy Scotland Westminster economic focus North Sea oil Scottish coal fields job migration south life sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen devolution economic impact Scotland economic growth UK economic comparison Scotland independence benefits independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy north sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire devolution powerful economy burgeoning life-sciences sector growing IT sector silicon glen traditional industries economic growth UK 2003-2007 population skills Westminster perspective CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions Scottish economic growth Devolution Impact independent Scotland economy renewable energy leadership Scotland technology sector north sea oil impact devolution economic growth Scottish life sciences silicon glen Westminster economic policy Scotland coal fields Scottish economic potential UK economic comparison independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy north sea oil coal fields of Lanarkshire Westminster powers devolution life-sciences sector IT sector silicon glen UK economic growth Scotland economic growth CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy north sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire devolution life-sciences sector IT sector silicon glen economic growth UK Scottish economy independence benefits [i]CPPR independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy north sea oil coal fields of Lanarkshire devolution life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen UK economic growth CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions economic development Scottish economy independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy Westminster perspective North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen devolution powerful economy faster growth UK comparison Scotland's future CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions economic development policy impact best and brightest
test-education-tuhwastua-pro05a	Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. standardized tests teaching to the test educational assessment curriculum narrowing student learning outcomes high stakes testing educational reform test preparation educational equity academic integrity standardized testing teaching to the test educational reform test-based education curriculum narrowing high stakes testing educational standards test preparation educational assessment student learning outcomes standardized testing teaching to the test educational assessment curriculum narrowing educational reform high stakes testing academic rigor test preparation educational equity curriculum balance student outcomes test validity educational standards teacher autonomy student learning standardized exams educational policy test-based education educational criticism test score inflation educational impact curriculum focus educational accountability educational methods standardized tests impact teaching to the test educational assessment curriculum narrowing test preparation strategies educational standards test bias student learning outcomes educational equity academic pressure standardized tests teaching to the test educational outcomes curriculum narrowing educational assessment test preparation student learning educational reform educational standards academic pressure standardized tests impact teaching to the test educational reform curriculum narrowing test-based education balanced education SAT vs AP exams educational outcomes test preparation strategies teacher motivation educational standards student learning test anxiety educational assessment curriculum design educational equity test-oriented instruction standardized testing educational accountability standardized tests teaching to the test educational assessment curriculum narrowing test preparation student learning outcomes educational reform academic performance test-based instruction educational standards balanced curriculum SAT AP exams A-Levels educational impact teacher effectiveness test validity educational equity standardized tests teaching to the test educational assessment curriculum narrowing student learning outcomes educational standards educational reform test-based education academic integrity educational equity standardized tests teaching to the test educational assessment curriculum narrowing educational standards student outcomes test preparation educational reform educational impact academic performance educational equity standardized tests teaching to the test educational reform curriculum narrowing educational assessment test preparation student learning educational outcomes test-focused education curriculum priorities
test-politics-dhwem-pro03a	PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs military contractors ex-service personnel mercenaries training equipment contract security rotc defense industry government recognition cross-over sabbaticals fail states highly trained professionals dogs of war形象 PMCs incentive effective performance employee training equipment ex-service personnel SAS military contractors government recognition mercenaries cross-over Reserve Officer Training Corps ROTC British Ministry of Defence dogs of war形象 PMC private military companies ex-service personnel mercenaries ROTC Military Professional Resources Inc SAS mercenaries image government recognition professional soldiers failed states training equipment contracts quality assurance military crossover reserve officer training corps United States government British Ministry of Defence PMCs incentives employee training equipment ex-service personnel SAS military contractors government recognition mercenaries ROTC Defense ministries failed states professional soldiers dogs of war PMCs incentive performance training equipment ex-service personnel SAS military contractors government recognition mercenaries rotc sabbatical cross-over quality PMC incentive performance training equipment ex-service personnel quality mercenaries SAS Iraq recruitment government recognition military training ROTC Ministry of Defence mercenaries professional image failed states PMCs incentive performance contract training equipment ex-service personnel SAS military private sector governments mercenaries image official recognition Reserve Officer Training Corps ROTC Military Professional Resources Inc British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals search efficacy expansion keywords PMCs incentives employee training equipment ex-service personnel SAS mercenaries quality assurance government recognition military training ROTC Ministry of Defence mercenaries image professionalization PMC performance incentives ex-service personnel quality assurance government recognition mercenary training cross-over ROTC military contractors privatization of defense mercenaries in Iraq SAS military professionalism government endorsement mercenaries training private military companies mercenary recruitment military sabbaticals PMC incentive performance training equipment ex-service SAS recruitment quality government recognition mercenaries professionalization military training ROTC Ministry of Defence sabbaticals failed states dogs of war reputable cross-over
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid poaching techniques militarized wildlife protection endangered species conservation rhinoceros conservation aerial surveillance rifle usage in poaching night vision technology in crime illegal wildlife trade Asian demand for rhino horn training of rangers for anti-poaching militarized wildlife protection advanced poaching techniques high-calibre rifles in poaching night vision scopes poaching silencers poaching helicopter poaching rhinoceros poaching South African wildlife conservation specialized ranger training aerial surveillance poaching rhino horn value Asian rhino horn demand wildlife crime anti-poaching military tactics endangered species protection poaching technology poaching countermeasures advanced poaching techniques militarized wildlife protection rhinoceros conservation South African rangers endangered species protection night vision technology high-calibre rifles silencers aerial surveillance Asian markets medical properties advanced poaching techniques militarised approach to poaching rhinoceros poaching specialised training for rangers night vision scopes for poaching high-calibre rifles in poaching silencers used in poaching poaching in south africa endangered animal protection Asian market for rhino horns medical properties of rhino horn aerial surveillance for poaching prevention advanced poaching techniques militarised approach rhinoceros conservation specialised training aerial surveillance night visionscopes silencers high-calibre rifles endangered species protection Asian market rhino horn value relevance expansion phrases search performance poaching techniques high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros protection militarised rangers aerial surveillance endangered species Asian markets medical properties wildlife conservation anti-poaching strategies search accuracy expansion terms enrich query poaching advanced militarised approach poachers high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters hunt prey rhinoceroses South Africa horns Asian market medical properties specialized training aerial surveillance track success endangered animals wildlife conservation security technology tactics strategy enforcement illegal trade protection environment endangered species wildlife crime anti-poaching military resources combat combatting poaching increasing threat advanced poaching techniques militarised approach rhino horn value endangered species protection specialised ranger training night vision technology helicopter poaching Asian market demand high-calibre rifles silencers poaching surveillance anti-poaching strategies search optimization keyword expansion poaching advanced techniques militarized response wildlife protection high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa endangered species training aerial surveillance wildlife trade illegal hunting conservation efforts armed poachers anti-poaching measures conservation strategies poaching trends wildlife trafficking advanced poaching techniques militarised wildlife protection specialised ranger training night vision technology helicopter poaching endangered species conservation rhinoceros poaching Asian wildlife trade medical horn usage aerial surveillance technology
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro04a	"Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, neo-functionalism EU analysis Haas integration theory political community sectorial integration tranholm-mikkelsen neo-functionalism EU analysis Haas theory integration process political community sectorial integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC millennium neo-functionalism EU analysis integration theory sectorial integration political community Haas theory integration process prediction Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism EU analysis sectorial integration Haas Lindberg functional tasks political community integration process theoretical predictions neo-functionalism EU analysis integration prediction actor study sectorial integration functional tasks political community Haas Lindberg Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism EU analysis sectorial integration integration process political community Haas theory expansion effect functional tasks Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism integration predictive theory sectorial integration spillover effect political community Haas Lindberg EU analysis transnational cooperation European Community neo-functionalism integration predictive theory sectorial integration spillover effect political community actor analysis Haas theory Lindberg theory EU analysis neo-functionalism EU analysis Haas theory integration process political community sectorial integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC millennium Neo-functionalism integration predictive theory actor analysis functional tasks spillover effect political community sectorial integration EU analysis Haas Lindberg Tranholm-Mikkelsen"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro02a	More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. ethical dilemmas utilitarianism life ethics moral philosophy consequences value of life future impact individual good collective good decision making ethical theory trolley problem utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical decision making life ethics utilitarian calculus cost-benefit analysis moral obligations ethical dilemmas moral theory moral implications ethical consequences value of life moral weight moral significance ethical prioritization moral calculus ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral philosophy trolley problem life value future consequences decision ethics moral calculus human impact collective good individual vs collective utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical dilemma future consequences individual vs collective ethical calculus life value potential impact decision ethics moral mathematics existential value utilitarian sacrifice ethical prioritization moral obligation consequentialism ethical theory good life moral duty moral significance ethical judgment moral calculus life's value ethical considerations moral implications Ethical dilemmas utilitarianism life-saving potential future moral calculus collective good individual vs collective decision-making ethical theories sacrifice moral obligations ethical dilemma utilitarianism life sacrifice moral calculus consequentialism potential future ripple effect ethical considerations decision making moral philosophy ethical theory ethical implications ethical reasoning moral value ethical conflict ethical judgment moral philosophy utilitarianism ethical dilemma life saving future consequences moral mathematics decision theory ethical calculus ethical dilemma utilitarianism life ethics moral calculus future consequences individual impact collective good uncertainty in morality decision theory value of life Ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral philosophy life-saving decisions consequentialism moral calculus ethical mathematics value of life moral prioritization ethical decision-making saving lives moral trade-offs future good individual vs collective good moral uncertainty ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral philosophy life-saving decisions moral calculus potential futures cumulative good decision theory moral trade-offs
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro04a	Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, obligation international law United Nations statelessness sustainable development environmental pressure financial resources polluter pays principle statelessness convention small island states alternative land borders redrawing innocence responsibility obligation nations help Vanuatu United Nations Charter of the United Nations tragedy statelessness sustainable development pollution polluter responsibility borders Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness stateless island states alternatives land resources international law obligation international law statelessness sustainable development pollution environmental responsibility United Nations Charter of the United Nations borders Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness small island states alternative land innocent people duty global environment obligation United Nations statelessness sustainable development polluter pays principle Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness disappearing states international law small island states alternative land environmental pressures obligation international law sustainable development statelessness pollution United Nations small island states borders environmental pressure resource provision Charter of the United Nations Rio Declaration Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness relevance expansion phrases search performance obligations nations aid president Vanuatu United Nations Charter tragedy membership duties sustainable development environment finance responsibility pollution costs Convention statelessness borders small island states alternatives land resources fault international law obligation United Nations Member states first duty innocent people sustainable development polluter pays principle statelessness Convention on Reduction of Statelessness small island states alternatives land purchase international law international law UN Charter sustainable development statelessness Rio Declaration environmental pressure financial resources small island states land acquisition global environment pollution cost borders redrawing United Nations Convention search optimization keyword expansion UN obligations state disappearance international law sustainable development environmental pressure statelessness Rio Declaration land acquisition small island states obligation international law statelessness sustainable development pollution borders United Nations small island states duty resources alternatives
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con04a	Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, school meal health student nutrition breakfast quality food waste dietary supervision UK school meals US school lunches meal quality campaigns dietary habits nutritional education meal composition analysis child nutrition policies school meal health student nutrition food waste in schools breakfast in schools unhealthy school lunches UK school meals US school meals school meal quality student health nutrition supervision school meal campaigns fruit and vegetable waste school food programs student meal preferences meal provision in schools school meal health breakfast nutrition student food consumption school food waste healthy school lunches child nutrition programs school meal quality food supervision school meal campaigns fruit and vegetable waste school meal policies student health impact meal provision standards cafeteria food choices school meal health breakfast health student meal consumption school food quality food waste in schools school lunch program healthy school meals campaign fruit and vegetable waste school meal supervision children diet school nutrition standards school meal nutrition meal quality assurance school meal programs school health initiatives child nutrition research mealtime behavior analysis school meal policies school meals health breakfast student nutrition food waste UK US supervision campaign study vegetables fruits school meal health breakfast healthiness student food consumption school meal quality food waste in schools school lunch program healthy eating habits parent supervision impact school meal campaign fruit and vegetable waste meal supervision necessity school nutrition standards child diet concerns meal quality studies school meal policy student nutrition issues school food programs nutritional value assurance school meal improvement school meals health student nutrition food waste breakfast campaign UK USA vegetables fruits supervision study quality school meal health breakfast nutrition student food waste school lunch quality nutritional supervision child diet monitoring educational food policy school meal campaign dietary habits assessment meal provision oversight school meal health breakfast nutrition student food waste school meal quality healthy school lunches food supervision child nutrition meal provision dietary habits school meal campaigns food waste studies dietary preferences school meal programs school meal health breakfast nutrition student diet supervision food waste school UK school meals US school lunch meal quality monitoring dietary habits assessment child nutrition campaigns food waste studies
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con04a	Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn religious organizations change stances adaptation influence good works contraception harm unjustified faith denominations reactiveness Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church adaptation Church of England women bishops religious organization change contraception and church influence unjustified stances religious adaptability Catholic Church image Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church image religious adaptation contraception influence change stance harm injustice adaptation faith denominations reactivity impact Catholic Church change stances religious group adaptation contraception stance criticism influence loss Church of England bishops image management theology Wynne-Jones 2010 unjustified stances promoting good deeds Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn organised religious groups changing stances adaptability influence contraception harm unjustified world change faith denomination reactive loss of influence doing good adaptation stance influence loss unjustified stance Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church adaptation changing religious stances Church of England bishops influence loss unjustified stance contraception debate religious group flexibility Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn organised religious groups change stances adapting influence contraception harm unjustified world change reactive Women bishops Church of England Wynne-Jones 2010 image promotion Catholic Church uncaring stubborn organised religious groups official stances changing world Church of England women bishops reactive capability influence loss adaptability concession need justified stance contraception limit doing good harm caused search optimization keyword expansion Catholic Church image promotion organized religion adaptive strategies faith groups changing world Church of England women bishops reactiveness influence loss doing good contraception stance unjustified policies religious adaptation Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn religious adaptation stance change influence loss good works contraception injustice
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro02a	The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 civil liberties terrorism security measures control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act court decisions government policy human rights civil rights lobby terrorism suspects legal challenges judicial review democratic values privacy concerns balance of power civil liberties protection security vs freedom security abuse terrorism detention without charge civil liberties control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act civil rights lobby victims of terrorism terrorism suspects government policy judicial review effectiveness of security measures [1] [2] Libertas nick clegg Labour party guardian.co.uk liberty security abuse civil rights terrorism control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act courts government policies civil liberties Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties violation civil rights security abuse terrorism suspects control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act law lords government policies civil liberties Nick Clegg Labour Guardian liberty security abuse civil rights terrorism control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act courts government policies civil liberties terrorism suspects detainment law lords Nick Clegg civil liberties Labour party liberty security abuse civil rights lobby terrorism victims control orders detention without charge Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act courts government politics civil liberties security abuse civil liberties terrorism freedom control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act rights victim pretext detention equality legal legislation government policy violation liberties prevention safeguarding precaution veto power overreach protection privacy court risk consequences impact exaggeration lobby intent prevention abuse protection security measures legal framework civil rights terrorism suspects law lords scalability legal compliance legislative review security abuse civil liberties terrorism freedom detention without charge control orders law lords negative cases of security emphatic civil rights lobby victim of terrorism pretext government security legislation scaler back policies Libertas Nick Clegg Labor Allegra Stratton Patrick Wintour guardian.co.uk liberty security abuse civil rights lobby terrorism victims UK Anti-Terrorism Civil Liberties Timelines detention without charge control orders government policy courts scale back security legislation timelines sources civil liberties debate liberty security abuse civil rights lobby terrorism control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act law lords government policies civil liberties terrorism suspects courts Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties debate
test-education-egscphsrdt-con02a	Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. teenagers education deterring drug use Michigan USA drug tests effectiveness adolescents rebellion exclusions disciplinary actions dropout career choices random drug testing student drug use research studies teenagers education deterring drug use Michigan USA drug tests student exclusions adolescent rebellion dropout rates career prospects [1]Grim random drug testing effectiveness legal drugs teenagers education deterrence drug tests drug use exclusions disciplinary actions adolescents rebellion dropout career choices random drug testing Michigan USA studies schools authoritative measures alternative solutions teenage education drug tests effectiveness school discipline impact teen drug use educational outcomes adolescent behavior school dropout rates drug testing policies education consequences drug prevention methods random drug tests school drug use teenage education Michigan studies school exclusions drug testing effectiveness student discipline school dropout rates adolescent rebellion education alternatives drug use consequences random drug tests teenagers education Michigan drug use school exclusions adolescent rebellion education dropout drug testing effectiveness career choices educational benefits teenagers education Michigan USA random drug tests drug use adolescents deterrence exclusions disciplinary actions rebellion dropout future career studying authority school attendance illegal drugs education choices Slate Grim Ryan random drug tests school drug use teenager education Michigan studies drug testing efficacy teenage drug use school exclusions adolescent rebellion education dropout drug use consequences career choices teen behavior school policies drug testing impact random drug tests teenagers education deter drug use adolescent rebellion dropouts education outcomes [1]Grim Ryan Slate teenagers education deterring drug use random drug tests adolescent behavior disciplinary actions dropout rates studying drug policies legal implications student welfare alternative solutions
test-international-atiahblit-con02a	Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonialism African education language policy national language Tanzania Zambia Paul Kagame ethnicity education barriers colonialism african countries education language policy universality nationalism Tanzania Zambia Paul Kagame Julius Nyerere ethnicity mismatch boundaries diversity literacy linguistics unification colonialism language_policy education_system national_language ethnic_diversity African_history education_unity linguistic_barriers national_unity Tanzanian_policy Zambian_languages Kagame_policy colonialism national language universal education ethnic diversity African nations language policy Paul Kagame Julius Nyerere language diversities national unity colonial legacies Colonialism African countries universal education national language ethnicity language diversity Tanzania Julius Nyerere Zambia Paul Kagame nationalisation colonialism language barriers universal education African diversity national language ethnic languages education policy colonial legacies Zambia languages Tanzanian unity Paul Kagame language nationalism colonialism african countries education languages ethnicity policy national unity Tanzania Zambia Paul Kagame Julius Nyerere Colonialism African countries universal education teachers national language ethnicity language diversity Tanzania Julius Nyerere Paul Kagame nationalisation Colonialism African countries universal education language barriers Tanzania Zambia Paul Kagame ethnicity national unity jurisdictional diversity colonial legacies education policies national languages African nations presidential approaches colonialism african countries education language policy nationalization diversity Tanzania Zambia Paul Kagame Julius Nyerere
test-international-aghwrem-pro01a	States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. states isolation political grounds Myanmar developed Western powers hypocrisy real reasons political stance consistency attitudes human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt strategic benefits influential international affairs economic policies opaque sanctions multi-polar international environment political isolation Myanmar Western powers hypocrisy real reasons strategic benefits economic benefits human rights sanctions emerging multi-polar international relations opacity US EU Cuba North Korea political isolation Myanmar developed Western powers hypocrisy human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt strategic benefits economic influence sanctions multi-polar world transparency Cuba North Korea international relations political isolation developed Western powers Myanmar sanctions hypocrisy real reasons strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs influence multi-polar world opaque policies arm-twisting human rights consistency in policy Saudi Arabia Egypt Cuba North Korea US and EU sanctions political isolation developed Western powers Myanmar sanctions hypocrisy consistency in policy Saudi Arabia Egypt human rights strategic benefits economic influence multi-polar international environment sanctions fairness opaque policies US and EU political isolation developed Western powers Myanmar sanctions hypocrisy strategic benefits economic policies international affairs human rights multi-polar world opaque policies arm-twisting sanctions fairness political isolation Myanmar Western powers sanctions hypocrisy human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt strategic benefits economic influence international affairs multi-polar world arms twisting US EU Cuba North Korea transparency states isolation political grounds hypocrisy developed Western powers Myanmar strategic benefits economic policies international affairs human rights dictatorships sanctions multi-polar political isolation Myanmar developed Western powers hypocrisy real reasons strategic benefits economic benefits human rights international affairs multi-polar world sanctions opaque policies US EU Cuba North Korea political isolation Myanmar Western powers hypocrisy human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt strategic benefits economic policies multi-polar international environment sanctions international affairs transparency diplomatic relations arms control diplomatic sanctions geopolitical influence arms trafficking
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro01a	Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 electoral reform mayoral elections democratic participation voter turnout local governance political engagement council leadership media coverage political symbolism power distribution effective representation local accountability Elected mayor local democracy voter turnout local elections civic engagement symbolic leader local governance political accountability devolution council leadership community focus electoral reform democratic engagement mayoral election voter turnout local governance political representation election coverage council leadership citizen participation power distribution municipal accountability Electing a Mayor revitalise local democracy elected mayor local councillors council leader collective decision-making turnout in local elections European Union EU recognisable figure local elections attention to local democracy devolving accountability performance assessment local areas electoral reform democratic participation mayoral election council turnout political engagement Voter turnout local governance media coverage political symbolism power distribution civic interest local accountability elected leadership Democratic renewal community focus political representation political apathy EU election trends search performance relevant expansion phrases electing a mayor revitalise local democracy local councillors turnout EU elected mayor focus for local people symbolic power real power local elections coverage recognisable figure attention local democracy increase turnout accountability performance assessment local areas electoral reform democratic engagement local governance council leadership voter turnout media coverage elected officials political participation community representation mayoral system Elected mayor local democracy voter turnout local elections symbolic leadership collective decision-making local accountability devolution recognisable figure community engagement political reform civic participation local democracy elected mayor councilors turnout local elections urban areas Britain EU powerful figure media coverage public interest voting rights local governance accountability performance assessment local democracy mayor election voter turnout local governance municipal reform political engagement community leader electoral reform local government structure public awareness civic participation
test-education-ughbuesbf-con03a	The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, quality education university fees state funding class sizes spending per student university ranking United States education QS World University Rankings free university education university funding class sizes state dependence lecturer quality student investment university rankings United States higher education QS World University Rankings free university education state funding class sizes spending per student quality of teaching quality of students investment in education United States higher education QS World University Rankings free university education university funding class sizes spending per student university independence state dependence university quality teaching quality student quality educational investment university rankings United States universities QS World University Rankings education quality university funding class sizes spending per student university independence state dependency fee-paying students program quality lecturer hiring student investment university rankings higher education costs educational signaling free university education class sizes spending per student university funding quality of teaching student quality United States universities QS World University Rankings funding needs best lecturers investment in education tuition fees paying for education higher education quality university rankings university dependency on state education quality university fees class sizes state funding lecturer hiring student investment university rankings educational signals quality education university education costs state funding class sizes spending per student university fees quality of teaching student quality United States education QS World University Rankings quality education university funding class sizes spending per student quality improvement teaching quality student investment university rankings free education dependency on state lecturer quality student selection higher education costs educational signaling university competitiveness global university rankings tuition fees university independence educational outcomes quality education university fees class sizes state funding lecturer quality student investment university rankings higher education costs educational signals student quality
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro03a	Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers effectiveness standards behavior punctuality attendance parliament debate public viewing transparency efficiency monitoring citizen surveillance transcripts broadcast ethics cameras judiciary efficiency cameras parliament impact camera placement benefits public viewing influence transparency court proceedings camera monitoring effectiveness courtroom behavior standards parliamentary camera usage judicial performance metrics cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers effectiveness standards behavior public viewing Houses of Parliament UK punctuality MPs debate attendance transparency monitoring equality justice introductions principles evaluation improvement ethics cameras judiciary efficiency public viewing behavior courtroom transparency introduced parliament standards punctuality attendance courtroom camera impact increased efficiency debates camera placement benefits cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers efficiency standards behavior punctuality attendance debate public viewing UK Houses of Parliament cameras courtrooms efficiency standards behavior parliamentary debates punctuality attendance public viewing judiciary lawyers behavior monitoring performance improvement documentation transparency cameras judiciary efficiency standards behavior public viewing parliament debate punctuality attendance transparency monitoring accountability courtroom broadcasting documentation transparency recording supervision ethics conduct legal improvement technology surveillance scrutiny proceedings legislation governance democracy cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers efficacy standards punctuality MPs Parliament public viewing behavior debate attendance efficiency transparency monitoring transparency ethics civil service government transparency initiative transparency policy video recording video documentation public accountability behavioral change improved performance transparency benefits transparency improvements transparency impact transparency outcomes cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers efficiency standards behavior publi... introductions parliament UK debate punctuality attendance principles public viewing cameras judiciary lawyers effectiveness public viewing parliament debate punctuality attendance enforcement transparency behavior standards efficiency introductions monitoring courtroom legislative body transparency ethics scrutiny procedural improvements research evaluation observation documentation video recording legal proceedings accountability policy impact media coverage transcript accuracy official conduct legal standards visual documentation public scrutiny transparency benefits enhanced performance record keeping official behavior legal transparency improved standards
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con04a	It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow internationally friendly disrupt communities slower growth freer states extra red tape transport networks airport check ins U.S. Travel Association lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decrease incomes GDP growth security states economic hindrance trade disruptions security policies impact economic impact security measures trade disruption red tape growth slowdown community disruption international relations travel industry impact airport security lost business GDP growth investment deterrence travel convenience security versus economy economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow internationally friendly disrupt communities security states slower growth free states extra red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association lost business hotel revenue restaurant income airline profits travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decrease incomes GDP growth security measures impact trade facilitation travel industry economic security tradeoff economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow international friendliness community disruption red tape slower growth freedom airport security lost business travel industry hassles airport screening avoided trips hotel revenue restaurant sales airline losses unproductive hours deterred investment income decrease GDP growth security states transport network slowdown U.S. Travel Association Verrue Robert European Institute McCartney Scott Wall Street Journal economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow internationally friendly red tape transport networks airport check ins lost business hotel industry restaurant industry airline industry travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment incomes GDP growth security states freer states airport security measures U.S. Travel Association European institute Wall Street Journal economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow internationally friendly disrupt communities security states growth freer states red tape transport networks airport check ins U.S. Travel Association lost business hotel industry restaurant industry airline industry travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decrease incomes GDP growth tighter security world trade economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow international unfriendliness disrupt communities slower growth freedom red tape transport network slowdown airport security avoided trips lost business travel industry income decrease GDP growth security states unproductive hours deterred investment Verrue Robert European institute McCartney Scott Wall Street Journal economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow international unfriendliness community disruption red tape slow growth freedom transport network slowdown airport check-ins business losses hotel industry restaurant industry airline industry travel suppliers lost business unproductive hours deterred investment income decrease GDP growth security states economic progress extra-security measures trade flow international relations red tape community disruption security states GDP growth airport security business losses investment deterrence economic progress extra-security measures halt trade flow international relations community disruption red tape growth rates security states economic impacts travel disruptions business losses GDP growth security measures trade restrictions economic freedoms investment deterrence airport security travel inconvenience
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con02a	Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, reparations cultural appropriation racism equality discrimination afro-Caribbean kenan malik aljazeera dreadlocks historical prejudice redress masks/problems reparations racism cultural appropriation afro-Caribbean dreadlocks equality meaningful change Al Jazeera root causes punishment effective solutions redress societal issues reparations racism cultural appropriation historical prejudice afro-Caribbean equality discrimination meanings of hairstyles root problems societal division meaningful change punishment for discrimination redress mechanisms reparations racism cultural appropriation mask deep-rooted issues compensation redress meaningful way discrimination equality AlJazeera Kenan Malik dreadlocks afro-Caribbean style historic prejudice redirecting attention punishment actively discriminate diversity inequality social justice identity politics anti-racism ethnic minority cosmetic racism reparations cultural appropriation racism equality discrimination afro-Caribbean malik kenan aljazeera hair style dreadlocks reparations racism cultural appropriation deep-rooted issues equality discrimination meaningful challenge AlJazeera kenan malik dreadlocks afro-caribbean community redress mask for more reparations cultural appropriation racism equality discrimination afro-Caribbean style meaning historic prejudice meanings root problems redress caucasian punishment inequality diversity AlJazeera kenan malik reparations racial injustice cultural appropriation root causes racism equality discrimination afro-Caribbean community hair style punishment compensation meaningful change diversity identity societal norms prejudice redress effective solutions meanings behind symbols history of hairstyles Al Jazeera public discourse ethnic minority rights legal implications reparations cultural appropriation racism society compensation redress hair style dreadlocks afro-Caribbean prejudice equality Discrimination meanings root problems diversion mechanisms Al Jazeera kenan malik reparations racism cultural appropriation dreadlocks equality Al Jazeera kenan malik historical prejudice
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro02a	Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witness protection television in courts witness intimidation broadcast trials media impact on testimony anonymous witnesses ICC cases legal broadcasting controversies journalist arrests international criminal court trial transparency witness tampering witness_protection television_criminal_trials witness_intimidation witness_bribery anonymous_witnesses icc_witness_issues media_influence_courtroom trial_transparency criminal_justice_system journalist_safety courtroom_security legal_reform media_coverage_laws judicial_process witness_identification_risks witness_protection direct_tv_audience_effect evidence_intimidation media_influence_on_testimony anonymous_witness_identification intimidation_bribery icc_cases kenya_criminal_trials tv_trial_impact witness_tampering legal_system_reform journalist_role_in_crime_prevention transparency_issues_in_courts televising criminal trials danger to witnesses impact on evidence media influence on testimony witness protection broadcasting court proceedings intimidation of witnesses trial transparency legal ethics journalism and justice international criminal court Walter Barasa arrest warrant trial fairness evidence credibility anonymity of witnesses witness protection televising trials court proceedings witness intimidation media impact legal ethics judicial integrity privacy concerns international criminal court witness anonymity media law legal transparency witness protection dangerous trials tv trials intimidation bribery television broadcasts anonymized witnesses icc trials court evidence media influence witness_protection televising_trials witness_intimidation trial_broadcasts legal_ethics criminal_procedure media_influence legal_reform international_criminal_court transparency_issues journalistic_safety evidence_giving trial_security witness_leaks court_procedures legal_system_challenges Witness safety televised trials judicial proceedings media influence witness intimidation legal ethics international courts broadcasting policies witness anonymity legal transparency criminal justice judicial security trial procedures media impact legal evidence witness protection legal reform judicial integrity televising criminal trials danger to witnesses intimidation anonymous witnesses bribery intimidation of witnesses ICC trials journalism court proceedings evidence giving television broadcasts witness protection arrest warrants legal proceedings courtroom dynamics media influence on justice witness protection television broadcasting criminal trials witness intimidation judicial transparency media influence legal proceedings anonymous witnesses international criminal court witness tampering legal ethics media law trial security judicial independence press freedom human rights legal technology courtroom dynamics
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro01a	National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 national security terrorism modern world communications internet global community media information age strict measures government powers civil liberties Mumbai attack GPS cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys state security national security measures terrorism link to technology government powers modern communication global community civil liberties counterterrorism strategies Mumbai attack GPS systems cell phone usage satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction national security terrorism modern world communications internet global community media information technology GPS cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys government powers civil liberties state security Mumbai attack national security measures terrorism link with modern world global communication impact information age threats strict security measures escalation in security government powers to prevent terrorism state security before civil liberties mumbai terrorist attack GPS systems use satellite phones role Blackberrys in terrorism information technology security challenges national security terrorism modern world communications internet global community media information government powers civil liberties Mumbai attack GPS cell phones Blackberrys national security measures terrorism modern world internet global community communication technologies strict measures new media civil liberties GPS systems cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys government powers state security national security terrorism modern world communications internet global community new media information strict measures government powers prevent terrorism civil liberties Mumbai attack GPS cell phones Blackberrys security debate national security terrorism modern world communications internet global community media information age strict measures escalation government powers civil liberties Mumbai attack GPS cell phones Blackberrys state security national security terrorism modern world internet global community media information technology strict measures government powers civil liberties Mumbai attack GPS cell phones Blackberrys state security national security terrorism modern world communications internet global community new media information technology GPS systems cell phones Blackberrys civil liberties government powers state security
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro04a	Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, crimes humanity war accountability demobilization international justice society punishment deterrence colombia icc leaders law victims rights victorija international criminal court deterrence theory human rights violations paramilitary leaders domestic prosecution peace and justice law government accountability legal system reliability mass atrocities international justice prevention strategy judicial deterrence crime prevention transitional justice peace negotiations legal reform human rights advocacy war crimes prosecution conflict resolution justice system strengthening victim compensation international law peacekeeping missions humanitarian law human security criminal impunity state responsibility victims' rights peacebuilding conflict transformation human rights international law deterrence legal system justice peace and justice law paramilitary ICC prosecution crime prevention government accountability peace process humanitarian law war crimes leadership accountability international criminal court conflict resolution victim compensation reconciliation human rights violations criminal justice system deterrent effect international crimes deterrence human rights violations international criminal court war crimes accountability legal system reliability justice upheld peace and justice law paramilitary leaders ICC prosecution government leaders deter future crimes humanitarian law crime prevention justice system effectiveness international law crime deterrence judicial system strengthening search efficiency expand query future offences prosecuting crimes humanity war crimes deterrence future leaders legal system accountability justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC government measures Vincente Castrano paramilitary leader demobilisation deterrent effect human rights violations deterrence effect international crimes legal system relevance expansion phrases punishment effectiveness ICC prosecution colombia peace and justice law government leaders criminal accountability justice enforcement crime prevention legal reliability leadership influence war crimes humanitarian law deterrence international criminal court prosecution human rights violations war crimes accountability legal system justice peace and justice law Colombia paramilitary ICC deterrence effect deterrence human rights violations war crimes accountability legal system justice prosecution ICC peace and justice law Colombia deterrence effect government leaders deterrence international criminal court human rights violations war crimes accountability legal system reliability peace and justice law paramilitary leaders ICC prosecution government leaders humanitarian law justice enforcement crime prevention leadership behavior conflict resolution justice system effectiveness international law criminal prosecution impact humanitarian crimes deterrence theory human rights protection human rights violations deterrence effect international criminal court colombia peace and justice law paramilitary leaders criminal prosecution sense of justice massive human rights violations government accountability international crimes
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro03a	The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. Palestinians Israel settlements bad faith negotiations West Bank Hamas peace process pro-peace elements consequences Settlements Palestinians Israel bad faith pro-peace negotiations West Bank Hamas peace process force compromise vigour future of Palestine Palestinian israel settlements growth bad faith peace process Hamas negotiations West Bank Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement expansion peace process bad faith negotiation strategy Hamas West Bank settlement growth peace negotiations Israeli policy faith in peace Palestinians Israel settlements bad faith Pro-Peace elements negotiations West Bank Hamas Peace Process force Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement expansion bad faith peace process Hamas West Bank negotiations pro-peace elements seriousness of negotiation clock running out compromise faulty faith Settlements Palestinians Israel bad faith pro-peace West Bank negotiations independence Hamas force compromise peace process growth plan B seriousness falter audience forceful vigour Settlements Palestinians Israel bad faith pro-peace negotiations West Bank Hamas peace process force compromise vigour seriously Plan B West Bank settlements Palestinian state future of Palestine continued growth seriousness of negotiations Peace Process faltering faith audience reception Palestinians Israel settlements bad faith pro-peace West Bank Hamas negotiations Peace Process force compromise vigour future prospects confidence peaceful negotiations Plan B alternative policies public opinion Israeli popularity peace agreements consequences signs of commitment religious significance demographic concerns land rights legal implications popularity of settlements growth of settlements seriousness of negotiation Israeli strategy populism peace process challenges popularity of peace alternative strategies public perception diplomatic tensions potential conflict security concerns settlements Palestinians Israel bad faith negotiations West Bank Hamas peace process pro-Peace elements consequences compromise vigour popularity plan B seriousness future of negotiations
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con02a	Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, elections rulers people politicians campaigning legitimacy leadership meetings voters expression protests dictator fraud views staying touch youth vote economy jobs Mugabe Zimbabwe Robert Agyemang Kline William foreign policy elections dictatorships campaigning voter engagement protests youth vote economic stakes military governments political legitimacy international reactions voter turnout fraud leadership legitimacy campaign strategies election outcomes dictatorial regimes economic policies political stability public opinion authoritarianism dictatorship history election impact political participation electoral manipulation elections campaigning legitimacy leaders voter engagement protests dictators fraud youth vote economic stake job creation political opportunity foreign policy elections campaigning leader meeting voters expressing views political protests leader legitimacy dictator views youth vote economic stake job promises election outcomes political legitimacy voter engagement electoral fraud foreign policy impact voter demographics campaign strategies election results analysis elections rulers meeting voters politicians campaigning legitimacy leadership expressing views protests dictator fraud winning views of electorate youth vote jobs foreign policy U.S. U.S. foreign policy youth rural voters Zimbabwe election direct stake economy elections political campaigns rulers meeting voters legitimacy leadership expressing views protests opportunities dictators fraud youth vote economy jobs U.S. foreign policy elections campaigning politicians dictators fraud youth vote opposition protests voter engagement leadership views legitimacy Marcos Mugabe Zimbabwe Voting rights elections campaigning legitimacy dictators protests youth vote economic stake job opportunities Marcos Mugabe Zimbabwe fraud U.S. foreign policy elections campaigning politicians legitimacy voter meetings protests dictators fraud youth vote economic stake job promises zimbabwe marcos mugabe foreign policy elections campaigning leaders voter meetings legitimacy protests dictatorships fraud youth vote economic stakes job creation political legitimacy foreign policy voter engagement electoral outcomes public opinion dictatorship authoritarianism democratic processes
test-politics-glghssi-pro02a	Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda political parties diversity political discourse SNP coalition government Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservatives Liberal members internecine warfare coalition politics political models devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda political parties representation diversity political discourse SNP minority administration coalitions Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal coalition governments internecine warfare political studies devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda political parties diversity political discourse SNP coalition Holyrood Scottish Parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservatives Liberal Democrats minority government interparty relations devolution benefits Scottish governance political discourse comparison Scottish Parliament Westminster politics new political parties coalition government effectiveness minority administration political diversity policy differences consensual politics political discourse contrast coalition government dynamics devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda political parties diversity political discourse SNP coalition government Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal coalition warfare devolution Scots governance Westminster comparison political discourse new political parties representation diversity coalition government minority administration Scottish parliament Holyrood coalition warfare political diversity devolution Scots governance Westminster political discourse new political parties diversity representation coalition government Holyrood Scottish parliament SNP political diversity coalition politics internecine warfare political models policy agenda political discourse contrast minority administration devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda political parties diversity political discourse coalition government Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal SNP minority administration internecine warfare political studies devolution Scots governance Westminster political parties diversity coalition Scottish Parliament Holyrood political discourse SNP elections democracy Scotland UK politics consensual politics political models representation coalition government Westminster politics Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal political discourse policy agenda devolution Scots governance Westminster political parties diversity political discourse SNP coalition government Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservatives Liberal members internecine warfare political representation
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ justice system expansion anti-poaching operations improvement legal systems reform poaching crimes prioritization prosecution effectiveness wildlife conservation law investigative methods enhancement poacher impunity wildlife crime sentencing environmental crime prioritization wildlife protection enforcement justice system improvement anti-poaching laws prosecution of poachers wildlife crime sentencing investigative methods poaching poacher impunity Western black rhino extinction African wildlife protection legal system reform wildlife crime prosecution poaching investigation techniques justice system expansion anti-poaching operations improvement punishment severity analysis African wildlife law enforcement failing legal frameworks poaching crime prioritization investigative methods weaknesses poacher impunity investigation Western black rhinoceros extinction causes law enforcement reform suggestions justice system improvements anti-poaching enforcement wildlife crime prioritization legal consequences poaching investigative techniques poaching poacher prosecution rates wildlife conservation failures environmental law effectiveness wildlife trafficking penalties conservation law enforcement poaching deterrents anti-poaching operations effectiveness justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems wildlife crime sentencing investigative methods impunity Western black rhinoceros poaching legal priorities justice system improvement anti-poaching enforcement poacher prosecution legal reform wildlife crime prioritization investigative techniques environmental law wildlife protection poaching deterrents conservation policies justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution rates African law wildlife crime sentencing investigative methods poaching impunity wildlife conservation law enforcement failures rhino extinction justice system expansion anti-poaching operations improvement prosecution rarity African legal systems poaching prioritization serious crime sentencing rhinoceros extinction poacher impunity investigative method deficiencies militarization failure justice system optimization anti-poaching operations improvement legal system reform prioritizing wildlife crimes prosecuting poachers severe penalties for poaching investigative methods enhancement wildlife conservation laws poacher apprehension rates impunity in wildlife crime African wildlife protection black rhinoceros extinction causes justice system improvement anti-poaching laws wildlife crime sentencing investigative methods reform legal priorities in conservation poacher prosecution rates rhino poaching consequences enforcement of wildlife laws impunity in poaching effectiveness of anti-poaching efforts
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro01a	As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral philosophy right to life duty ethics consequentialism trolley problem life value ethical obligations moral decisions moral philosophy utilitarianism ethics consequentialism trolley problem life value duty right to life moral obligation ethical dilemma ethics morality killing utilitarianism rights life value duty sacrifice consequences obligation right to life killing others outlawed value on life duty to reduce deaths act utilitarianism sacrifice one to save many train paradox ethics utilitarianism rights duty life value morality decision-making consequentialism obligation ethical dilemmas utilitarianism deontological ethics moral philosophy life value right to life duty consequentialism moral obligation ethical decision-making ethical principles moral rights moral duties ethical theories moral implications moral responsibility ethical dilemma resolution moral judgment ethical reasoning ethical norms moral considerations ethical principles application moral philosophy concepts moral values ethical framework moral ethics moral reasoning moral judgment process ethical theory application moral decision-making ethical analysis moral philosophy topics moral philosophy questions moral philosophy debates ethical philosophy moral philosophy issues moral philosophy themes ethical dilemmas utilitarianism deontology life value moral obligations right to life duty ethics consequentialism trolley problem moral philosophy ethical decision-making ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral philosophy life value deontology consequentialism rights theory ethical obligations sacrifice dilemma trolley problem moral decisions ethical considerations ethical frameworks moral principles ethical theories moral ethics moral responsibility ethical duty ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral obligations life value rights consequences ethics theory moral philosophy decision making trolley problem ethical dilemmas utilitarianism moral philosophy trolley problem life价值 duty rights ethics
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro05a	Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. supranational entrepreneurs integration European Union role leaders European Coal and Steel Community European Economic Community Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union Jean Monnet Jacques Delors cultivated spill-over Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union Supranational Entrepreneurs Integration in Europe Spill-over Effect European Union History supranational entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community(ECSC) Single European Act(SEA) Jacques Delors Economic and Monetary Union spill-over effect cultivated spill-over integration process European Union history supranational entrepreneurs Jean Monnet European Coal and Steel Community European integration Jacques Delors Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union cultivated spill-over supranational leadership integration within Europe Supranational Entrepreneurs Jean Monnet European Coal and Steel Community European Integration Jacques Delors Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union Spill-over Integration in Europe supranational entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union spill-over Supranational entrepreneurs Jean Monnet European Coal and Steel Community Jacques Delors Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union integration Europe spill-over supranational leadership Supranational entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet European Coal and Steel Community(SMSC) European Union(EU) Jacques Delors Schuman Plan Single European Act(SEA) Economic and Monetary Union spill-over supranational entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union cultivated spill-over supranational entrepreneurship integration Europe Jean Monnet European Coal and Steel Community Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union cultivated spill-over
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con01a	The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 UK global power regional block China India EU Great Powers influence history international relations Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers UK relevance geopolitical blocks historical trends global power dynamics EU-China negotiations China rise India influence regional powers great power politics Paul Kennedy theory UK global influence geopolitical blocs historical power dynamics rising powers China India regional vs global power EU negotiation strategy Paul Kennedy Rise and Fall great power politics international relations theory global power shift multi-lateral diplomacy strategic alliances geopolitical relevance power balance world order UK global influence regional blocs historical power dynamics great power status EU negotiations China influence India influence Paul Kennedy great power decline international relations history geopolitical strategy UK global power historical trends EU China India regional blocs power dynamics Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers UK global influence historical power dynamics EU negotiations China rise India rise great power blocs regional powers second order power Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers UK global influence regional blocs historical power dynamics EU negotiations great power politics Paul Kennedy Rise and Fall of the Great Powers international relations China rise India rise second-order power UK global influence historical power dynamics regional blocs China rising India rising EU negotiation power great power status Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers UK global influence historical power dynamics geopolitical blocs rising powers China India declining UK influence EU-China relations regional power groups Paul Kennedy Rise and Fall great power politics UK global influence regional blocks historical power dynamics China rise India rise EU negotiation power Paul Kennedy great power politics second order power global power shifts
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con02a	We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . jurors bias trials rape victims sexual history murder defense right to trial jury system legal reforms public opinion court cases unbiased verdicts legal ethics trial by jury legal debates expert opinions juror_bias trial_by_jury victim_sexual_history murder_defense rape_case jury_restriction unbiased_trial legal_expert_opinion jury_systemulnerability jury_trust bias_in_juries jury_rights rape_cases_defense victim_sexual_history murder_defense_violence unbiased_trials trial_by_jury restrictions_on_juries legal_expert_opinions jury_bias_laws bias jury trust trial public opinion victim's sexual history defendant's claims rape cases murder cases sexual consent legal reform unbiased judgment expert debate juror rights court cases victims' rights legal system juries trust bias public opinion trial fairness victim's sexual history rape cases self-defense murder cases jury rights legal reforms unbiased trials jury bias trial by jury juror trust courtroom fairness legal ethics public opinion criminal justice system sexual history in trials self-defense cases legal reforms judicial decisions public participation in justice juror training unbiased verdicts jurors bias trial by jury victim's sexual history jury rights unbiased trial rape cases murder cases legal reform public opinion legal expertise court cases jury trust judicial bias victim sexual history juror expertise criminal trials community representation legal reform rape cases self-defense claims juror decision-making impartiality in courts jurors trust jury bias trial court cases victims rape murder consent self-defense sexual history legal system unbiased public opinion expert testimony legal reforms legal rights legal ethics legal debates jury bias trial by jury juror impartiality jury reform legal expertise sexual history evidence self-defense claims jury rights legal systems public opinion criminal justice legal ethics
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro01a	The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 justice system criminal justice reoffenders conviction rates victim rights legal reform jury decision-making sexual offenses child molestation wrongful conviction public confidence repeated criminal acts past convictions jury decision making justice system reform victim rights reoffenders conviction rates child molestation sexual offenses rehabilitation legal precedents justice system reform repeat offender policy conviction rate analysis child molestation convictions victim rights advocacy jury confidence in verdicts criminal justice reform past convictions impact reoffender sentencing guidelines wrongful acquittal consequences criminal justice reform reoffender sentencing jury considerations conviction rates child molestation past convictions impact justice system fairness victim rights repeat offender policies criminal behavior patterns legal reforms public safety concerns juror confidence wrongful acquittals victim justice legal protections fairness criminal justice reoffenders conviction rates victim justice public safety jury confidence wrongful acquittals justice system reform historical convictions child molestation recidivism legal reform crime prevention victim's rights repeated criminal acts past convictions justice system imbalance child molestation re-offending rate conviction rate victim justice juror confidence wrongful acquittal criminal recidivism judicial fairness sexual offenses against children legal reform crime prevention repeated criminal acts past convictions jury assessment conviction rates justice system rebalancing innocent victims safety child molestation reoffending criminal justice reform sexual offenses victim's rights juror confidence legal system fairness criminal justice reform repeat offender sentencing judicial bias conviction rates victim justice legal reform reoffender statistics child molestation convictions jury confidence wrongful acquittal legal precedents victim rights justice system integrity justice system reform reoffender sentencing criminal justice bias victim rights judicial fairness recidivism rates conviction accuracy child molestation convictions legal precedent juror confidence wrongful acquittal crime prevention legal reforms judicial oversight criminal behavior patterns legal accountability criminal justice reform recidivism conviction rates jury impartiality child molestation legal sentencing victim advocacy judicial bias public safety legal reforms criminal behavior patterns offender rehabilitation justice system fairness legal precedents criminal statistics reoffender management
test-politics-dhwem-pro06a	"PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) regulation PMCs mercenary accountability standardization transparency government oversight reputation legality security sector combat non-combat humanitarian aid MPRI Soviet Union independent states regulation PMCs mercenary work accountability standardization transparency legislation security sector reputation MPRI Soviet Union donated supplies transparency standards regulation PMCs mercenary law corruption accountability professionalization standardization transparency reputation MPRI donated supplies Soviet Union legitimacy business security sector legislative control regulation PMCs mercenary work legitimacy corruption accountability professionalization standardization government oversight transparency reputation MPRI humanitarian aid regulation benefits business ethics industry standards legal framework ethical considerations security sector governance military privatization regulation PMCs legitimacy mercenary work corruption accountability standardization transparency reputation MPRI transparency regulation benefits legal framework security sector improvement governmental oversight business ethics humanitarian work search performance recommendation system relevant expansion phrases PMCs regulation legitimacy corruption accountability professionalisation standardisation control government legislation transparency reputation MPRI donated supplies transparency Vaknin 2011 regulation PMCs mercenary work legal standards accountability security sector standardization government oversight transparency reputation management international aid donated supplies military training institutes Vaknin regulation PMCs mercenary work legitimacy accountability standardization transparency MPRI reputation donated supplies Soviet Union governmental oversight professionalization regulation PMCs mercenary work corruption quality assurance accountability professionalization standardization government oversight transparency reputation military training institute Vaknin 2011 regulation PMCs mercenary工作 合法化 标准化 责任制 透明度 良好声誉 法律监管 安全产业 专业性 国际援助 透明公司 政府立法"
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro03a	Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 shared sovereignty citizenship migration work health care social security justice law and order defense country sovereignty country cession international entities EU voluntary agreement Seychelles host country Krasner foreign control status of forces agreements post-WWII sovereignty citizen rights shared governance shared sovereignty territorial sovereignty citizen rights migration health care social security justice system law enforcement defense international entities EU foreign control status of forces agreements voluntary deals sovereignty over people Krasner Yu shared sovereignty cede sovereignty jurisdiction rights citizenship migration work rights health care social security sovereignty over justice law and order defense sovereignty over people territorial sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty foreign control tax revenues status of forces agreements EU sovereignty voluntary agreement feasibility Seychelles host country shared sovereignty citizenship migration work health care social security justice law and order defense voluntary host country international entity EU Seychelles foreign control status of forces agreement sovereignty over people territory shared sovereignty Krasner Yu Journal of Democracy shared sovereignty citizenship migration work health care social security justice law and order defense voluntary EU Seychelles Krasner foreign control status of forces agreement shared sovereignty citizenship migration work health care social security justice law and order defense voluntary agreement EU Seychelles host country Krasner foreign control status of forces voluntary deal shared sovereignty citizenship migration work healthcare social security justice law and order defense voluntary citizenship host nation international entity EU Seychelles host country foreign control tax revenues status of forces Germany post-WWII Krasner Yu Journal of Democracy shared sovereignty citizenship migration work health care social security justice law and order defense voluntary agreement EU Seychelles Krasner foreign control status of forces shared governance shared sovereignty citizenship migration work healthcare social security jurisdiction defense host nation country citizenship voluntary agreement EU Krasner foreign control status of forces voluntary deal Seychelles shared sovereignty citizenship migration work healthcare social security jurisdiction defense citizen rights host nation voluntary agreement international entity country sovereignty EU citizen sovereignty Krasner
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con01a	Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employment rights privacy laws workplace discrimination HIV disclosure employee rights medical confidentiality anti-discrimination policies workplace ethics employee wellbeing healthcare rights labor laws occupational health data protection public health human rights employment law medical ethics workplace surveillance workplace privacy employee protection discrimination against HIV-positive employees workplace harassment medical information confidentiality employee medical records workplace discrimination cases employer responsibilities employee medical conditions workplace health employment discrimination workplace rights workplace privacy laws HIV in workplace employee confidentiality workplace fairness employee discrimination workplace rights legislation workplace discrimination prevention workplace medical testing employers right private medical information employee discrimination HIV policy workplace privacy protection prejudice co-worker integrity stake health conditions confidentiality disability work satisfaction promotion dismissal harassment association life expectancy ethics compulsion state intervention morality merit principle south africa employment healthcare monitoring protection information rights integration legal implications conflict privacy ethics consequences workplace security privacy employment law workplace rights medical confidentiality discrimination employee rights HIV discrimination workplace health data protection workplace ethics human rights occupational health employee welfare privacy rights workplace discrimination public policy health information employee privacy confidentiality agreements workplace discrimination laws health information privacy employer responsibilities workplace medical exams privacy breaches employee wellbeing medical information disclosure workplace surveillance employment discrimination employee health workplace privacy medical records workplace rights protection privacy infringement workplace harassment health data protection employee consent workplace confidentiality employee health privacy workplace discrimination issues health information management workplace employers medical privacy employee rights workplace discrimination confidentiality breaches health information protection HIV disclosure workplace discrimination laws privacy violations employer responsibilities patient confidentiality discrimination against HIV/AIDS medical surveillance employment law privacy rights workplace ethics public health policies HIV discrimination employee rights advocacy workplace privacy data protection in employment medical information consent workplace discrimination examples privacy infringement confidentiality agreements employee benefits HIV stigma employment discrimination workplace policies employee well-being health information management employment discrimination cases privacy invasion workplace health confidentiality in employment privacy laws employee protection workplace health issues privacy medical information employment rights state intervention workplace discrimination HIV confidentiality worker rights privacy rights health discrimination workplace confidentiality stigma job security health disclosure employer responsibility employee rights public health policy right to privacy medical information employment law workplace discrimination HIV rights employee rights workplace confidentiality health privacy discrimination laws employer responsibility health discrimination medical disclosure workplace ethics privacy rights employee welfare medical surveillance workplace health data protection health information management employment rights health equity workplace discrimination policies worker rights medical confidentiality employee health rights privacy medical information employment rights state interference workplace discrimination HIV privacy rights employee confidentiality workplace health workplace ethics workplace policies data protection employee health employer responsibilities workplace discrimination laws employee well-being occupational health employee management privacy legislation health disclosure workplace communication confidentiality agreements employee rights workplace fairness employment law health stigma workplace privacy employee welfare data privacy health information workplace ethics principles employee discrimination workplace safety health and safety employment practices workplace discrimination prevention employee privacy health privacy employment discrimination workplace health policies employee health rights medical privacy workplace rights employee rights HIV discrimination workplace discrimination confidentiality agreements employer responsibilities employee health rights state intervention privacy laws employment law medical information workplace health employee well-being discrimination policies HIV stigma employee protection workplace ethics data privacy health privacy workplace rights advocacy employment rights confidentiality in the workplace HIV rights workplace discrimination prevention privacy breaches medical confidentiality employee confidentiality health information management workplace health policies employee wellness workplace health and safety privacy rights employee privacy data protection in the workplace employee benefits workplace health care employee medical information privacy medical information employment law employee rights workplace discrimination HIV confidentiality state intervention workplace health stigma discrimination privacy rights employment policies worker health healthcare confidentiality workplace rights HIV discrimination workplace privacy medical disclosure employee health privacy enforcement workplace ethics medical ethics privacy violations employee welfare HIV in the workplace privacy legislation workplace surveillance employee conditions medical surveillance workplace rights violations employer responsibilities employee well-being workplace health issues privacy laws workplace privacy laws employee health information workplace discrimination laws HIV and employment privacy and employment medical information rights medical privacy employment law workplace discrimination employee rights confidentiality agreements HIV disclosure job security career advancement workplace harassment state interference data protection employer responsibilities health stigma
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con03a	There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu accountability Rwanda free press freedom of speech transparency integrity government accountability national dialogue Umushyikirano citizen engagement policy making corruption Africa governance equality before the law public examination press restrictions accountability Rwanda freedom of speech transparency integrity national dialogue Umushyikirano government accountability corruption Africa policy making equality before the law restricted press direct democracy citizen engagement accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda national dialogue Umushyikirano Transparency International East Africa corruption governance policy making public accountability direct engagement restricted press inclusive security Sub-Saharan Africa transparency challenges accountability Rwanda freedom of speech free press national dialogue Umushyikirano transparency integrity governance civic engagement Africa corruption policy making public forums direct democracy equal before the law restricted media accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda national dialogue Umushyikirano transparency corruption governance public engagement African countries transparency international policy making accountability Rwanda freedom of speech free press national dialogue Umushyikirano corruption transparency governance Africa policy making public examination authorities questioning transparent government systems restricted press equal before the law citizen engagement accountability free press transparency Rwanda national dialogue Umushyikirano government transparency corruption Africa policy making citizen engagement inclusive security accountability free press Rwanda national dialogue Umushyikirano transparency citizenship government officials corruption Africa policy making restricted press public scrutiny civil engagement equality before the law accountability free press Rwanda transparency national dialogue Umushyikirano corruption governance East Africa public scrutiny policy making restricted speech inclusive security transparency international accountability free press Rwanda national dialogue Umushyikirano corruption governance transparency East Africa policy making citizen engagement public scrutiny transparency international
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con01a	"Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Catholic Church contraception poll priests nuns opinion adherence teachings abortion barrier methods dissent Vatican Catholic Church contraception polls priests nuns Catholic opinions HIV/AIDS religious authority moral disputes faith practice birth control methods theological interpretations ethical considerations survey data denominational differences Catholic Church contraception polls priests nuns opinions adherence teachings contraception methods Vatican religious authority faith morality ethics survey religious practices contraception controversy Catholicism religious freedom Church hierarchy Church teachings contraception Catholic opinion priest stance nuns support contraception methods poll results Church authority moral dilemma ethical contraception Catholic Church contraception poll priests nuns adherence opinion contraception methods abortion dissent poll results Catholic Church contraception priest opinion poll data religious conflict reproductive rights Church adherence barrier contraception theological debate Catholic Church contraception poll priests nuns abortion opinions adherence England Wales Catholic Church contraception polling priests nuns adherence opinion contraception methods abortion theological debate religious authority ecclesiastical decision laypeople clergy ethical considerations moral guidance religious doctrine survey statistics theological perspectives contraception support Catholic teachings Church hierarchy dissent within religion religious pluralism Catholic Church contraception poll priests nuns abortion barrier methods dissent Catholic opinion theological debate Catholic Church contraception polls priests nuns opinion adherence religious authority moral ethics reproductive rights"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con02a	Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. monitoring removing illegal content unwanted data user interests net neutrality ISPs parental controls freedom of choice blocking services law enforcement technological restrictions censorship privacy rights internet regulation network management digital rights consumer rights data delivery IP address filtering parental supervision internet filtering software net nanny software internet service providers religious ISPs content control internet access digital ethics net neutrality ISPs monitoring parental controls illegal content user consent internet freedom net nanny privacy rights ISP censorship digital restrictions internet laws ISP monitoring data removal net neutrality user interests parental control freedom of choice illegal content unwanted data net nanny internet service providers religious customers copyright infringement internet regulation privacy rights digital censorship internet filtering network management internet service regulations monitoring removal illegal content unwanted data user interests parental control net nanny privacy freedom of choice net neutrality religious customers law compliance high price movie streaming ISPs rights internet regulation search efficiency expand query ISPs monitor illegal data unwanted data user interests net neutrality freedom of choice parental control net nanny data delivery IP address religious customers legal compliance internet regulation technological freedom search performance recommendation system expansion phrases query analysis user interests internet service providers monitoring data removal parental controls net neutrality freedom of choice illegal content unwanted data ISP services religious customers top reasons technology freedom search accuracy query expansion ISPs monitoring illegal content unwanted data parental controls net neutrality freedom of choice religious customers Internet service providers content filtering privacy rights [i] sources monitoring removal illegal data unwanted content net neutrality parental controls ISPs user rights data monitoring choice law enforcement internet regulation net nannies privacy freedom of choice illegal websites user interests internet service providers censorship data blocking digital rights parental restrictions search optimization keyword expansion user interests data monitoring parental controls internet neutrality ISP restrictions legal content user freedom technological limitations privacy concerns search outcomes expansion terms query refinement user interests monitoring data illegal content unwanted data net neutrality parental controls internet service providers ISP services legal compliance customer requests data blocking user freedoms content filtering net nanny software privacy concerns
test-international-aghwrem-pro02a	Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar democratisation constitution elections civilian政府 Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reconciliation gradual reform US EU engagement政策 fundamental circumstances democratization constitutional changes elections civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest release human rights commission gradual reform US policy EU policy engagement governance structure political transition Myanmar democratic transition constitutional changes elections civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights US policy EU policy gradual reform reconciliation new government statements human rights commission democratisation Military dictatorship Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest elections new constitution human rights commission US and EU gradual reform reconciliation policy reassessment Myanmar democratisation elections civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi human rights commission military dictatorship reform policy reassessment democratisation Myanmar constitution elections Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest reconciliation human rights commission Military dictatorship democratisation Military dictatorship Aung San Suu Kyi elections constitution governance structure human rights commission reconciliation gradual reform limited engagement US EU democratisation constitutional changes elections civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest release human rights commission reconciliation gradual reform policy reassessment Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation Myanmar governance structure Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest reconciliation human rights commission policy engagement EU US democratisation military dictatorship civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi human rights commission US EU engagement policy reform consolidation governance structure
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro01a	Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions victims rights reconciliation justice accountability critics punishment mass atrocities Genocide Convention peace of mind international criminal justice future atrocities Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala Prosecution victims reconciliation critics punishment mass atrocity United Nations Genocide Convention impunity international criminal justice power retention peace of mind genocide convention atrocities prosecutions victims rights international criminal justice genocide convention punishment reconciliation accountability peace of mind mass atrocities crimes against humanity country cases Bosnia and Herzegovina colombia guatemala prosecutions victims rights international criminal justice Genocide Convention punishment mass atrocity reconciliation accountability future atrocities peace of mind Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala prosecutions victims reconciliation country Bosnia and Herzegovina colombia guatemala united nations genocide convention rights punishment mass atrocity international criminal justice preventing future atrocities accountability reconciliation power retention victims' rights international criminal justice genocide convention accountability punishment for mass atrocity future atrocities prevention Prosecutions victims justice reconciliation country Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 rights power international criminal justice atrocities accountability future atrocities peace of mind punishment Human Rights Quarterly International Criminal Court victims justice power accountability reconciliation international criminal justice United Nations Genocide Convention peace of mind mass atrocity victim's rights punishment for mass atrocity international criminal justice Genocide Convention accountability reconciliation peace of mind crimes against humanity Bosnia and Herzegovina colombia guatemala payam akhavan mark osiel Prosecutions victims rights reconciliation countries Bosnia and Herzegovina colombia guatemala international criminal justice UN Genocide Convention peace of mind mass atrocity punishment
test-international-atiahblit-con01a	Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. education policy universal primary education home schooling adult education parent involvement community programs intra-household decisions basic literacy numeracy skills science education life skills teacher training education access national curriculum educational benefits child participation school readiness lifelong learning education inequality social mobility teaching strategies home education policy development national education programs intra-household education adult literacy school readiness community involvement education awareness maths courses english courses science education teacher training child participation economic benefits education impact family education life skills education access universal education goals public awareness campaigns educational resources community support local programs parents' role in education education inequality reduced dropout rates quality education gender equality in education technological tools for learning remote learning solutions teaching home universal primary education policy programs access benefits children school participation adult training courses parents elderly maths english science household decisions life population inclusion home-based education parental involvement community education programs adult literacy numeracy courses science education holistic education approach intra-household learning universal primary education education policy reform life skills training family education school-readiness programs comprehensive educational strategies community schooling lifelong learning public awareness campaigns education accessibility policy implementation resource allocation teacher training curriculum development social impact economic benefits cultural factors health education women empowerment digital literacy sustainable education inclusive education rural education urban education policy advocacy child participation parental engagement local governance international cooperation educational technology vocational education policy universal primary education teaching at home adult education parental involvement community programs access to education intra-household decisions basic skills lifelong learning universal primary education teaching at home parental involvement adult education basic skills life-long learning intra-household decisions education policy community engagement teacher training curriculum expansion access to education national education strategy education benefits family literacy home schooling support community-based programs public awareness campaigns education initiatives policy reform educational outcomes education policy universal primary education teaching at home parental involvement adult education life skills intra-household decisions basic maths english science training programs school participation education benefits home education parental involvement adult education universal primary education intra-household decisions basic literacy numeracy skills educational programs community engagement life skills comprehensive education policy teaching home universal primary education policy programs children school benefits adult education courses parental involvement maths english science intra-household decisions teaching methods parental involvement home schooling adult education community programs literacy campaigns numeracy improvement lifelong learning policy integration educational access rural education urban-rural disparity teacher training educational technology family education public awareness social inclusion gender equality economic benefits skill development health education cultural sensitivity digital literacy curriculum adaptation local languages vocational training infrastructure support policy advocacy stakeholder engagement monitoring systems evaluation metrics resource allocation capacity building participatory approach
test-education-ughbuesbf-con02a	"Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ free university education inefficiency resource allocation civil servants bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard cost-benefit analysis higher education financing degree saturation market value merit-based funding university fees higher education reform public spending educational value free university education inefficient resource allocation civil servants university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard cost-benefit analysis higher education finance degree saturation economic efficiency tuition fees market value of degrees higher education reform public spending on education merit-based funding student motivation higher education economics higher education policy educational qualifications academic competition free university education inefficiency resource allocation civil servants bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard student motivation degree saturation market value higher education finance reform resource distribution quality education research funding free university education inefficiency resource allocation civil servants university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard student behavior cost-benefit analysis degree saturation higher education financing fee-based system educational quality research impact public spending academic performance higher education reform public policy economic efficiency free university education economic efficiency state resources civil servants bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard saturation market higher education funding resource allocation degree value higher education reform chapman 2001 free university education inefficiency resource allocation civil servants bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard cost-benefit degree saturation higher education finance fee-based system efficiency student motivation market value higher education reform public funding private funding education quality research funding free university education moral hazard university bureaucracy efficient resource allocation tax money wastage degree saturation higher education finance debate university quality Förderung der Suchgenauigkeit durch die Bereitstellung hilfreicher Erweiterungsbegriffe zur Verbesserung der Suchanfrage: budget allocation civil servant efficiency student motivation degree inflation public funding prioritization market dynamics in education education quality assessment free university education moral hazard civil servants bureaucracy inefficient allocation unprofitable courses market saturation higher education finance resource allocation degree holders [1]Chapman Bruce. 2001. ""The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform"" Australian Review of Public Affairs free university education inefficient resource allocation civil servant waste unprofitable courses moral hazard degree saturation higher education finance resource efficiency university bureaucracy cost-benefit analysis free university education inefficiency resource allocation civil servants bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard student behavior degree saturation market value higher education finance reform cost-benefit analysis merit-based funding"
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con03a	It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, search effectiveness expansion terms query influence violent means government policy changing country run letting terrorists win society shaped freedoms combat terrorism perversely wrong security measures airports surveillance freedom travel compromise values liberty terrorists aims government policy influence security measures freedom vs security surveillance society combatting terrorism terrorist victory changing society civil liberties airport security societal transformation post-9/11 policies search terrorism security freedom policy influence winning violence government country surveillance freedoms combat impact risk society change measures perspective values consequences relevant expansion phrases maximize search utility terrorist influence government policy violent means change country运行方式 security measures freedom loss surveillance society combating terrorism perverse consequences enhance search efficiency valuable terms expand query search efficiency query expansion terrorist tactics government policy surveillance society freedom vs security combating terrorism perverse consequences search optimization keyword recommendation relevance improvement query expansion security measures terrorism impact freedom loss surveillance society policy influence search accuracy query expansion enriching search terrorist influence government policy security measures freedom loss surveillance society combating terrorism societal change post-9/11 security civil liberties counter-terrorism strategy increase search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords query refinement terrorist influence government policy security measures freedom loss surveillance society combat terrorism national security civil liberties counterterrorism strategy search optimization keyword expansion enhancing queries terrorist influence government policy security measures freedom loss surveillance society combating terrorism terrorism government policy security measures freedom surveillance society combating terrorism losing freedoms
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro03a	The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. Philippine values social harmony respect for family reproductive health bill contraception teen pregnancies political divisiveness corruption pork barrel parliamentary bribery bill Philippine values social harmony respect for family reproductive health contraception teen pregnancy politics democracy corruption pork barrel bribery parliamentary votes presidential agenda values education unintended consequences access to contraception bill reproductive health values social harmony corruption teen pregnancies contraception family democracy bribery pork barrel political divisiveness Philippines Philippine values harmony respect social harmony family values Reproductive Health bill contraception political divisiveness teen pregnancies abortion politics democracy corruption pork barrel bribery Vatican influence values education sex education casual sex presidential agenda legislative tactics constituency threats philanthropy controversies ethical considerations Philippine values harmony respect social harmony family Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex teen pregnancies politics democracy corruption bribery pork barrel legislators vote threats presidential agenda bill reproductive health values social harmony respect corruption graft teen pregnancies contraception politics bribery pork barrel democracy legislative threats bill Philippine values social harmony respect for family reproductive health contraception pre-marital sex teen pregnancies politics democracy corruption pork barrel bribery parliamentary votes values education unintended consequences access to contraception legislative threats constituency programs Philippine values harmony respect social harmony family values reproductive health bill contraception pre-marital sex teen pregnancies political divisiveness corruption bribery pork barrel presidential agenda legislative threats consequences intended outcomes country study science education Philippine values harmony respect Reproductive Health bill political divisiveness bribery teen pregnancies corruption pork barrel access to contraception social harmony presidential agenda bill reproductive health values social harmony respect corruption pork barrel political divisiveness contraception teen pregnancy family democracy bribery parliamentary voting Philippine culture unintended consequences
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking western education plagiarism government policy education quality skill development international education Chinese universities educational standards critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity university reputation creativity plagiarism western universities Asian campuses educational value government policy skill development graduate skills education quality academic standards intellectual freedom maintaining degree value employers criticalthinking creativity westernuniversities exclusivity reputation selling academicrigour plagiarism governments skills Asiancampuses equality integrity freethinking education homeinstitution critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity university reputation degree value creativity free thinking plagiarism education quality government impact Asian universities western universities degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking government policies graduate skills plagiarism education quality cultural impact search optimization keyword recommendation academic value critical thinking educational standards university reputation plagiarism creativity western education government policy degree recognition scholarly rigor university exclusivity educational impact critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity admission standards western universities degree value creativity free thinking government policies plagiarism education quality university reputation Asia China academic standards degree value critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking educational standards plagiarism government impact university rankings search optimization expanding search terms academic rigor critical thinking university reputation degree value creativity plagiarism education quality government impact global education elite universities western universities Asian campuses university rankings critical thinking creativity academic rigor exclusivity admission standards western universities elite institutions degree value selling reputation plagiarism governments skill acquisition Asian campuses home institution
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro04a	Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, settlements Palestinians land rights self-perpetuating cycle military presence security policies West Bank israel occupation humanitarian impact settlements palestinians land rights cycle security policies military presence Palestinian communities isolation fields high walls electric fences land takeover expansion solutions UN Israeli policies West Bank Palestinian settlements israel rights land removal cycle security existence protection thoroughfare united nations cbs news settlements Palestinians land rights self-perpetuating cycle security policies humanitarian impact West Bank Israel occupied territories Settlements Palestinians land rights self-perpetuating cycle military presence security policies West Bank Israeli policies humanitarian impact occupied territory Palestinian settlements land confiscation self-perpetuating cycle rights security measures isolation infrastructure electric fences military presence West Bank UN Israeli policies humanitarian impact settlements Palestinians land rights self-perpetuating cycle security measures Israeli policies military presence West Bank UN humanitarian impact report protection barriers settlements Palestinians land rights self-perpetuating cycle security policies military presence field protection electric fences settlement expansion Palestinian livelihood removal solutions Israeli policies humanitarian impact West Bank Palestinian settlements self-perpetuating cycle land rights security policies humanitarian impact occupation West Bank Israeli policies removal of settlements Palestinian rights settlements expansion self-perpetuating cycle land confiscation military presence security policies isolation West Bank UN humanitarian impact Israeli occupation
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro05a	"It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) compulsory voting special interest groups political influence election outcomes voter turnout agricultural subsidies lobbying democracy Jewish lobby compulsory voting special interest groups influence on politics election outcomes voter turnout agricultural subsidies political influence Jewish lobby organized campaigning democracy public will compulsory voting special interest groups influence on politics agricultural subsidies voter turnout political organization election outcomes public will Jewish lobby political power dynamics compulsory voting special interest groups influence on policy agricultural subsidies election outcomes voter turnout political organization Jewish lobby historical influence compulsory voting special interest groups political influence election outcomes voter turnout organized interests policy making agricultural subsidies minority influence democratic process compulsory voting special interest groups influence on politics election outcomes voter turnout organized lobbying agricultural subsidies political power Jewish lobby electoral systems compulsory voting special interest groups electoral outcomes organized lobbying policy making agricultural subsidies voter turnout democratic processes political influence public will Jewish lobby electoral systems compulsory voting special interest groups electoral outcomes voter turnout lobbying political influence agriculture subsidies democracy voter organization Jewish lobby compulsory voting special interest groups electoral outcomes voter turnout organized lobbying agricultural subsidies political influence democratic processes voter apathy Jewish lobby American politics European politics election results public will logistical organization minority interests political power dynamics compulsory voting special interest groups political influence election outcomes voter turnout agriculture subsidies Jewish lobby American politics European politics organized voting logistical advantages minority influence policy making voter behavior democratic process electoral results"
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con02a	North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea unresolved conflicts international security UN genocide frozen conflicts Korea War Northeast Asia provocations missile launches UN Security Council peacekeeping historical conflicts regional powers peace maintenance conflict escalation international disputes North Korea unresolved conflict international peace security provocations missile launch frozen conflict United Nations genocide potential conflict million lives surrounding powers Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia Northeast Asia reaction spin out of control North Korea unresolved conflicts provocations missile launches United Nations genocide international disputes peacekeeping surrounding powers Imjin War Sino-Japanese War Korean War Northeast Asia reactions conflict escalation peace maintenance UN Charter preventive diplomacy North Korea conflict unresolved conflicts potential conflict escalation United Nations peacekeeping historical conflicts in Korea regional powers involvement frozen conflict resolution international disputes prevention UN Charter Article 1 Rwanda genocide peace maintenance security threats prevention diplomatic reactions conflict prevention strategies Northeast Asia stability military intervention risks global security implications North Korea conflict resolution United Nations frozen conflict potential conflict international disputes peace maintenance UN charter historical conflicts regional stability Asia powers humanitarian concerns North Korea conflict unresolved conflict provocations missile launches United Nations genocide international peace frozen conflict surrounding powers historical conflicts potential war Northeast Asia incident response UN Article 1 North Korea unresolved conflict provocation missile launch genocide United Nations peacekeeping frozen conflict international disputes surrounding powers historical conflicts security threats prevention of violence potential wars regional stability global implications North Korea unresolved conflict international peace United Nations genocide frozen conflict potential conflict surrounding powers historical conflicts peace maintenance security measures international disputes prevention of threats collective measures reaction to incidents escalation risk Northeast Asia global implications North Korea unresolved conflict international peace UN Security Council frozen conflict potential war surrounding powers historical conflicts peacekeeping humanitarian concerns diplomatic efforts regional stability global security conflict escalation preventative measures geopolitical tensions North Korea conflict resolution United Nations historical conflicts provocations international disputes frozen conflict global implications potential wars regional stability UN Security Council peacekeeping missions humanitarian concerns diplomatic efforts strategic alliances historical precedents nuclear proliferation human rights violations military interventions geopolitical tensions peace negotiations
test-politics-glghssi-pro01a	Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland history devolution political interests Union anniversary distinct identity legal system education system free care student tuition fees devolution success public opinion Scotland history devolution Scottish politics Scottish identity Union anniversary Scottish education system Scottish legal system devolution success Scottish social policies Scottish independence Scottish pride Scottish governance Scotland proud history devolution political interests Union birthdays distinct role identity tradition history legal systems education separate policy agenda free care elderly abolition student tuition fees doomsayers success approval Britons devolution scottish independence devolution Scottish history Scottish politics Scottish identity Scottish education system Scottish legal system Scottish policy agenda Scottish healthcare Scottish student fees Scottish independence Scottish Union Scottish traditions Scotland devolution political interests Union history distinct role legal systems education systems free care for the elderly student tuition fees polls support success Britain Border tradition Scotland history proud history devolution political interests Union birthday distinct role identity tradition legal system education system free care for elderly abolition student tuition fees doomsayers devolution success poll support Scotland history political interests different roles Union birthday distinct identity legal system education system devolution policy agenda free care student tuition fees success poll support Border traditions Scotland history proud heritage devolution political interests Union anniversary 300 years Scotland's distinct role legal system different from England education systems free care for elderly abolition student tuition fees devolution success poll support devolution Scottish history political interests Union Scotland distinct role legal systems education systems free care for elderly student tuition fees poll success doomsayers devolution success UK approval Scotland devolution political interests distinct role legal systems education systems free care for elderly student tuition fees doomsayers poll success Britons support devolution Scottish history Union anniversary
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade endangered species Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding conservation animal protection Africa stability international crime illegal ivory international terrorism environmental security illegal horn trade poaching-terrorism-link ivory-trade-terrorism animal-protection-terrorist-funding endangered-species-conservation wildlife-trade-terrorism al-shabaab-poaching lra-poaching janjaweed-illicit-trade wildlife-crime-terrorism anti-poaching-efforts-terrorism-prevention poaching terrorism endangered animals illegal wildlife trade Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding operational capability Africa stability ivory trade horn trade terrorist attacks Westgate siege Kenya international conservation Wildlife Protection Act anti-poaching laws ecotourism conservation efforts illegal wildlife trafficking UN conventions protected areas natural resources management community-based conservation poaching-terrorism-link animal-protection-terrorist-funding ivory-trade-terrorists endangered-species-protection wildlife-conservation-terrorism illegal-horn-trade-funding wildlife-trade-terrorism environmental-protection-terrorist-groups anti-poaching-terrorist-funding conservation-stability-africa poaching terrorism animal protection endangered species illegal trade Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding stability Africa relevance expansion phrases wildlife conservation funding terrorism illegal trade endangered species protection stability Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed attacks operational capability income poaching terrorism endangered animals illegal wildlife trade al-shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding ivory trade horn trade Westgate siege conservation stability poaching terrorism endangered animals illicit trade al-shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Westgate siege stability Africa funding sources illegal ivory trade illegal horn trade poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade endangered species Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed ivory trade horn trade funding animal protection stability Africa conservation anti-poaching measures international law environmental security policy reform illegal trafficking intelligence gathering law enforcement community involvement conflict reduction ecological impact economic development poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding endangered species wildlife conservation stability illegal ivory horn trade security conflict finance endangered animals terrorist groups wildlife protection illegal market environmental crime
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro05a	When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, developing countries labor standards global economy race to the bottom fair trade ethical labor trade rules international labor rights consumer preferences outsourcing developing countries labour standards race to the bottom fair trade global economy impact consumer preference ethical labour practices developed countries benefit poor labour conditions outsourcing international trade rules labour standards developing countries global economy competitiveness race to the bottom fair trade ethical labor consumer demand outsourcing international trade economic pressure worker rights global south global north trade rules international labor sustainable development labour standards developing countries competitive pressure global economy race to the bottom fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness outsourcing international trade rules global trade labor rights economic strain developed countries worker exploitation fair trade labels developing countries labour standards global economy competitive pressure race to the bottom fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness economic benefits labour rights international trade rules developing countries poor labour standards global economy race to the bottom fair trade ethical quality international labor rights trade rules consumer willingness pay more labor standards developed countries workers outsourced labor globally developing countries poor labour standards race to the bottom economic strain fair trade ethical quality international labor rights globally competitive consumer willingness labor standards development trade rules global developing countries poor labour standards competitive pressure race to the bottom economic strain fair trade ethical labour global economy consumer willingness higher labour standards international trade rules Labor Rights Forum developing countries poor labour standards global economy race to the bottom fair trade ethical labour consumer preferences international trade rules labor rights trade policies global South global North outsourcing economic competition developing countries poor labour standards race to the bottom economic strain fair trade labels ethical quality international labor rights global economy trade rules consumer willingness labour standards benefits
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con03a	The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. disclosure previous convictions jury character assassination acquittals past conduct prejudice sexual offences legal strategy evidence requirement jury verdicts The Economist disclosure previous convictions false characterization defendant motion dangerous acquittals past conduct court trials jury prejudice character blacken questionable behavior sexual interest in children formal proceedings studies jury verdicts conviction similar previous offence susceptibility The Economist disclosure previous convictions jury character assassination past conduct acquittals sexual offenses juror bias studies verdict prejudice evidence requirement legal ethics legal proceedings trial impact conviction influence jury susceptibility defendant rights criminal justice system legal reforms criminal behavior legal case management disclosure previous convictions jury characterization motion danger acquittals past conduct court trials jury prejudice sexual offenses evidence requirement study findings juror susceptibility legal ethics criminal justice system defendant character prejudiced verdicts legal precedents disclosure previous convictions jury characterization motion acquittals past conduct court trials defendant character prejudice sexual offences jury verdicts legal evidence studies juror susceptibility blacken character prejudiced verdict conviction likelihood The Economist relevance expansion phrases search performance defendant's character previous convictions jury bias acquittals past conduct sexual offences criminal trials evidence requirements jury susceptibility prejudiced verdicts disclosure previous convictions jury characterization dangerous motion acquittals past conduct court trials jury prejudice questionable behavior sexual interest in children formal proceedings conviction susceptibility studies jury verdicts prejudiced decision motivation for disclosure The Economist search efficacy expansion keywords disclosure convictions false characterization defendant motion dangerous court trials acquittals past conduct jury trials questionable behavior sexual interest children prosecution blacken character prejudice jury verdicts evidence formal proceedings studies susceptibility prejudice sexual offences search optimization legal terminology expansion keyword jury bias conviction acquittal conduct court trials characterization defendant prejudgment evidence studies verdict behavior sexual offenses precedent prosecution character vulnerability jury susceptibility information impact legal ethics juror fairness justice wrongful conviction legal proceedings legal strategy criminal law legal system juror psychology legal reform legal evidence legal implications judicial system legal procedure legal standards legal practices legal principles legal consequences legal outcomes legal arguments legal defense legal disclosure previous convictions jury characterization motion dangerous acquittals past conduct court trials jury prejudice sexual offences evidence requirement legal precedent studies juror susceptibility prejudiced verdicts blacken character undue influence legal ethics defendant rights trial fairness jury instruction legal reform
test-politics-dhwem-pro05a	PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs private military companies mercenary forces small wars weak states British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw security guarantees warlords ethnic conflict coup local mercenaries transportation costs instant readiness local politics geography customs information sharing mercenaries PMCs security forces small wars weak states foreign secretary Jack Straw The Economist coups ethnic conflicts warlords local mercenaries transportation costs instant readiness local politics geography customs information sharing PMCs mMercenary forces nation states small wars weak states British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw The Economist security guarantees warlords ethnic conflicts coups and counter-coups local recruitment transportation costs readiness knowledge of local politics geography customs mercenaries PMCs service provision nation states unity military security small wars weak states British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw legitimate role short term security warlords ethnic conflict coups local mercenaries recruitment transportation costs readiness knowledge local politics geography customs security force information sharing mercenaries PMCs nation states security short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coups local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs knowledge sharing PMCs mercenary forces small wars weak states security guarantees warlords ethnic conflicts local mercenaries transportation costs instant readiness local politics geography customs coup and counter-coup The Economist Jack Straw PMCs military contractors nation states mercenaries security forces small wars weak states British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw coups ethnic conflicts local recruits transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs PMCs mercenaries nation states security protection small wars weak states British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs ethnic conflicts warlords knowledge local politics geography customs recruitment economy short term security establishment conflict resolution PMC mercenary security small wars weak states British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw The Economist warlords ethnic conflict coups local recruitment transportation costs instant readiness local politics geography customs mercenaries PMCs security services small wars weak states ethnic conflicts warlords local recruitment military contractors The Economist government establishment conflict resolution strategic advantages military roles
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro01a	Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, elections honesty sham elections government suspicion trust China Zimbabwe voting registration results contract transparency comparison sham elections honesty in governance government transparency election manipulation public trust political legitimacy zimbabwean election China governance african politics election integrity voter registration fake elections democratic process election fraud elections honesty sham elections government suspicion trust Zimbabwe china votingManipulation people survey politicalSystem integrity electionResults registration Voting media publicPerception power contract democracy governance transparency dictatorship authoritarianism sham elections honest elections government trust poll manipulation election transparency voter registration fake democracy election results public trust zimbabwe elections chinese governance election legitimacy voting rights election manipulation electoral integrity elections sham elections honesty trust government suspicion Zimbabwe China trust levels international comparisons elections honesty sham elections government trust voting manipulation Zimbabwe China election transparency election registration civic engagement power dynamics political legitimacy elections honesty sham elections government trust people's trust China Zimbabwe Voting rights electoral manipulation public perception trust in government election results media coverage political legitimacy elections sham elections honesty government trust suspicion zimbabwe China trust levels contract between government and people world average trust elections honesty sham elections government suspicion trust China Zimbabwe VoteManipulation publictrust power authoritarianism democracy elections honesty sham elections government trust people's choice voting manipulation zimbabwe election results trust in government power dynamics
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con02a	Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power shifts Eastern influence geography politics island nation foreign policy rising powers China India UK position EU importance Sino-European relations US interests diplomatic visits strategic alliances East Asia geopolitical shifts island nations China India UK geography European Union Xi Jinping Sino-European relations US foreign policy international relations strategic alliances geostrategic importance global power dynamics geography influence power East Asia rising powers China India UK EU foreign policy leadership Xi Jinping United States island nation status European project international attention compensation constructive role ties alliance world-war-III global politics economic diplomacy geostrategy East Asia rising powers geographical influence on policy UK island nation status European project commitment UK-EU relationship China-UK relations US-European interest Xi Jinping state visit China-EU ties strategic realignment geopolitical shifts international attention转向东方 中美英三国关系 地缘政治变化 Power shifting Eastern influence geography impact nations foreign policies UK island status European project East Asia rising powers China India UK-EU relationship Xi Jinping China-EU ties US interest alliances geopolitical shifts geopolitics East Asia rising powers geographical influence foreign policies China India UK EU United States Xi Jinping David Cameron international relations strategic alliances economic ties regional power shifts East Asia rising powers geographical influence foreign policy UK's island status European project China India Xi Jinping EU Sino-European relations US alliance David Cameron geostrategic importance geopolitics East Asia China India UK geography European Union Xi Jinping United States foreign policy island nation China-EU relations Power dynamics Eastern shift geographical influence foreign policy island nation European project UK-China relations EU-China ties Xi Jinping China-EU relations US-Britain alliance geopolitical changes international attention rising powers China-UK relations strategic partnerships regional importance global realignment diplomatic relations economic interests territorial influence strategic positioning Geography influence power shift East Asia rising powers China India UK European Union foreign policy United States Xi Jinping David Cameron international attention
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con01a	Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism Estonia cyber attack 2007 Russia Tibet GhostNet China cyber retaliation cyber warfare individual citizens cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism Estonia Russia cyber attack Estonia 2007 GhostNet China cyber espionage state responsibility cyber warfare attribution cyber security international law cyber threats cyber defense cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism Estonia Russia cyber attacks on Estonia GhostNet China cyber espionage state responsibility cyberwarfare international relations cybercrime attribution challenges cyber defense cybersecurity state-sponsored attacks cyber security cyber conflict cyber threat cyber resilience cyber warfare cyber incident response non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia Tibetan authorities GhostNet retaliation cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism Estonia Russia GhostNet China cyber retaliation state responsibility cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism state involvement Estonia Russia cyber attack GhostNet China cyber security cyber warfare international relations cyber retaliation cybercrime cyber threat cyber defense cyber policy cyber strategy Cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities cyber security state responsibility cyber warfare international relations Cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia GhostNet China cyber warfare attribution state responsibility individual citizens cyber security cyber threats cyber conflict international relations cybercrime cyber defense cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism Estonia Russia GhostNet China cyber retaliation state responsibility non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism Estonia Russia Tibet Chinese authorities GhostNet cyber attacks retaliation cybersecurity international relations
test-society-asfhwapg-con01a	Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 patenting costs therapies affordability poor government laws people state taxes benefit Myriad ovarian cancer tests effectiveness diagnostics testing accessibility intellectual property DNA patenting diagnostics testing accessibility cost therapies poor government laws Myriad ovarian cancer patients tax public exclusive patent effectiveness second opinions intellectual property DNA patenting costs therapies affordability poor government laws public health taxpayer benefit population Myriad ovarian cancer patent rights exclusive testing diagnostics effectiveness accessibility legal rights dna intellectual property public policy healthcare costs patient rights medical patents patenting costs therapies affordability population benefits pay taxes government responsibility diagnostics pricing Myriad patents cancer testing exclusive rights patent accessibility dna intellectual property legal patents public health impact patenting costs therapies unaffordable poor government laws people state construct taxes benefit Myriad ovarian cancer tests exclusive patent accessibility diagnostics testing intellectual property patents effectiveness second opinions mutations patenting costs therapies unaffordable poor government laws population taxes benefit Myriad ovarian cancer patents exclusive rights diagnostics testing accessibility intellectual property DNA effectiveness second opinions patients patenting costs therapies affordability poor government laws public health state taxes benefits people Myriad company ovarian cancer patents diagnostics testing accessibility efficacy second opinions intellectual property DNA patenting costs therapies unaffordable poor government laws people state taxes construct benefit Myriad ovarian cancer patents tests efficacy accessibility diagnostics testing intellectual property exclusive second opinions mutations price patients patenting cost of therapies affordable healthcare government responsibility taxation public interest intellectual property diagnostic tests patient access Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer exclusive patents genetic testing pricing public laboratories second opinions legal challenges DNA patents patenting costs therapies accessibility poor government laws Myriad ovarian cancer patients taxpayer benefits population diagnostics testing exclusive patent effectiveness second opinions intellectual property DNA exclusive rights
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia democratic process social networks protest organization oppressive regimes Arab Spring online activism Western democracies government policies online petitions Avaaz social media impact political dissent Facebook democracy oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin online protests government intervention petitions Avaaz.org internet activism western democracies dissent protest organization social media impact on democracy democratic processes social media impact online activism Arab Spring oppressive regimes protest organization government intervention petition gathering Avaaz online petitions digital democracy western democracies citizen engagement social networks role digital activism Facebook democracy social networks oppressive regimes arab spring brazil turkey wisconsin online petitions Avaaz.org internet activism dissent protests government intervention megaphone for the will of the population offline organization protest organization unpopular policies irrefutable arguments activist tools online campaigning pro-democracy movements autocracies liberal democracies offline protests online safety organized protests digital democracy public opinion online mobilization global activism protest technology grassroots movements online dissent counter-government actions online organization democracy social networks protest organization Arab Spring oppressive regimes online activism Avaaz petition gathering western democracies government policy dissent expression digital communication political mobilization social media impact democracy social networks protest organization online petitions Arab Spring Western democracies political activism digital activism internet freedom mass mobilization social media impact government oversight public opinion online campaigning protest coordination digital communication civic engagement digital democracy virtual organizing political participation social media influence digital protest online dissent virtual activism political mobilization digital tools social media protests Facebook democracy social networks oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin petitions Avaaz online activism protests government intervention dissent Western democracies democratic process social networks protest organization Arab Spring online petitions Avaaz oppressive regimes western democracies mass mobilization government oversight digital activism democratic process social networks facebook protests online activism Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Western democracies online petitions Avaaz.org government oversight citizen engagement digital protest social media impact political mobilization virtual organizing digital activism protest coordination government intervention information dissemination civic participation Facebook democracy social networks Arab Spring protests online activism petitions digital activism social media democratic process authoritarian regimes Western democracies online organization political engagement"
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro04a	Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. pornography eroticism violence media incitement stereotypes indoctrination sex sells arousal entertainment psychological effects conditioning associations abuse pleasure addiction master-slave dialectic compulsive behavior Ted Bundy teenage exposure internet pornography Feminist Porn Award pornography violence media incitement stereotypes addiction arousal pleasure psychological effects conditioning abuse relationships compulsive behavior Ted Bundy internet exposure teenagers feminist porn sexual education pornography violence media stereotypes indoctrination sex sells arousal addiction psychological effects conditioning associations rape torture pleasure compulsive behavior master-slave dialectic Ted Bundy teenage exposure internetporn feminist pornography pornography eroticizes violence media incitement stereotypes indoctrination sex sells entertainment arousal pleasure psychological effects conditioning associations abuse pleasure personal relationships master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy pornography consumption young teenagers internet porn average age impact feminist porn award pornography violence media incitement stereotypes sex sells arousal psychological effects conditioning associations abuse pleasure master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers internet porn Feminist Porn Award pornography eroticises violence media inciting stereotypes indoctrination sex sells arousal entertainment pleasure psychological effect harmful associations audience rape torture viewer link addiction master-slave dialectic compulsive Ted Bundy teenagers internet exposure feminist porn award pornography violence media influence stereotypes sex sells arousal addiction psychological effects conditioning rape women portrayal torture biological excitement master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers internet porn age exposure feminist porn pornography violence media erotisation stereotypes indoctrination sex sells psychological effects arousal addiction master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers internet exposure feminist porn pornography violence media incitement stereotypes sex sells arousal psychological effects conditioning associations rape torture pleasure addiction compulsive behavior Ted Bundy internet exposure teenagers feminist porn AFA Journal pornography eroticises violence media inciting stereotypes indoctrination sex sells entertainment arousal psychological harm associations conditioned viewers abuse pleasure master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy exposure teenagers internet impact average age internet porn consumption influence gender roles consent normalization addiction ethics sexual education consent culture sexual health mental health society culture gender studies media literacy exploitation consent culture awareness sexual violence psychological trauma victim blaming
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro02a	Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Seychelles climate change relocation small countries land availability Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar island nations Seychelles climate change relocation options Kenyan land Tanzanian land Somalian land Madagascar land small island nations climate change impacts coastal erosion rising sea levels environmental refugees climate change relocation small countries land availability Seychelles Kenyan land climate refugees coastal nations island nations environmental displacement Africa land size climate change impacts relocation options small nation adaptation Kenyan land availability Seychelles geography African countries size comparison climate refugee solutions climate change relocation small nations land availability Seychelles Kenyan territory African countries environmental threats climate change impacts relocation options island nations vulnerability international land donation adaptive strategies for small states environmental displacement solutions Seychelles climate change relocation options Kenyan land availability Tanzanian land Somali land Madagascar land small nation displacement coastal erosion island nation adaptation climate change impacts relocation options island nation challenges land availability Seychelles geography African countries comparison climate change small countries relocation Seychelles Kenyan land African nations island nations environmental threats climate change relocation Seychelles small nations land availability Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar adaptation strategies
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con04a	Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 media coverage jury interviews witnesses sentencing public opinion trial by jury legal ethics courtroom cameras reliability of evidence potential bias public perception legal incentives media influence on justice system trial cancellation public support media circus media influence jury bias witness testimony trial fairness public opinion legal ethics journalism impact courtroom procedures cameras in court jury sentencing potential jurors potential witnesses legal system integrity trial by jury public perception criminal justice legal transparency memoirs of trials interviews with judges media coverage and trials trial cancellations due to media media coverage jury incentives witness testimony trial cancellation judiciary public perception jury sentencing media influence trial by jury courtroom cameras evidence reliability juror behavior public opinion O.J. Simpson media coverage trial jeopardy witness involvement juror incentives O. J. Simpson trial televised trials public perception legal ethics judicial interference courtroom cameras witness testimony juror bias media influence criminal sentencing trial by jury public support media circus media coverage jury integrity witness reliability public opinion incentive distortion courtroom privacy trial fairness journalistic ethics legal proceedings courtroom conduct jury influence media trial public perception jury sentencing judicial impartiality legal transparency media interference trial cancellation potential bias evidence reliability jury independence legal standards public interest jury rights media impact jury selection jury responsibilities legal systems media scrutiny legal ethics jury behavior media sensationalism legal journalism public involvement legal transparency legal accountability media law legal ethics legal principles legal consequences j media coverage trial jeopardy witness involvement juror interference courtroom television O. J. Simpson trial public perception trial by jury judicial integrity media circus witness testimony juror bias public support courtroom transparency media influence legal ethics jury sentencing witness interviews juror memoirs courtroom cameras judicial misconduct public opinion legal system reliability media sensationalism media coverage jury tampering public opinion incentive distortion trial by jury media influence courtroom transparency witness credibility juror interviews newspaper impact legal ethics judicial integrity cameras in court social perception evidence reliability public support criminal sentencing trial fairness jury sentencing power media trials public trials O. J. Simpson case media coverage jury interviews judiciary reliability public opinion trial by jury legal system media influence witness testimony juror bias courtroom cameras potential for bias public perception courtroom ethics legal integrity criminal justice media sensationalism jury sentencing public scrutiny legal proceedings evidence credibility jury independence courtroom conduct media impact on justice legal ethics legal standards media coverage jury incentives witnesses trial cancellation judiciary interviews televised trial O. J. Simpson pubic perception trial by jury cameras in court public support legal ethics legal proceedings social media influence media interference evidence reliability juror's verdict jury sentencing media coverage judicial integrity witness testimony juror bias public perception trial by jury televised trials media influence court proceedings legal ethics sentencing media circus witness interviews juror interviews public support trial outcomes
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con02a	The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 ignorance HIV prejudice workplace discrimination privacy AIDS medical fears casual transmission compulsory disclosure privacy rights co-worker reactions UK HIV-positive HIV discrimination workplace rights privacy rights medical unnecessary precautions stigma compulsory disclosure workplace safety employee confidentiality social consequences public health misconceptions ignorance AIDS sufferers HIV discrimination workplace privacy prejudice transmission fear UK co-workers medicalunnecessary casual reveal status institutionalise shunning compulsory community violent reactions families society privacyright leak out pebody2009 HIV discrimination workplace discrimination privacy rights stigma compulsory disclosure medical misinformation casual transmission fears workplace safety employee rights public health policies social ostracism occupational health anti-discrimination laws employee confidentiality workplace harassment public opinion on HIV workplace discrimination cases HIV positivity disclosure workplace bullying ignorance prejudice HIV workplace discrimination privacy disclosure AIDS co-worker reactions medical unnecessary precautions privacy rights community reactions HIV discrimination workplace rights privacy rights medical unnecessary precautions disclosure laws stigma against HIV workplace safety myths HIV-positive employee protection public perception of HIV HIV discrimination workplace rights privacy rights stigma discrimination laws medical misinformation employee protection public health misconceptions privacy breach occupational safety ignorance prejudice HIV workplace discrimination privacy disclosure stigma medicalunnecessary casualtransmission confidentiality rights socialfears institutionalisation risk measures co-workers disclosurecompulsion privacyloss societalreactions HIVdiscrimination UKstatistics HIVstatus preventionexaggeration HIV discrimination workplace discrimination privacy rights occupational health AIDS stigma compulsory disclosure medical necessity workplace safety public health policies employee rights HIV transmission privacy laws workplace bullying anti-discrimination measures risks ignorance prejudice HIV discrimination workers privacy fear casual transmission recommendations query expansion outcomes behavior UK society co-workers medicalunnecessary protection compulsion privacy rights community disclosure
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con02a	In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. Catholic Church life promotion Africa AIDS South America HIV condom use religious influence health responsibility sub-Saharan Africa UNAIDS report Catholic Church HIV AIDS Africa South America condom contraception religious influence public health responsibility survey UNAIDS Catholic Church life promotion African countries HIV AIDS condom use religious influence public health moral responsibility UNAIDS Catholic Church responsibility life promotion AIDS prevention HIV statistics sub-Saharan Africa condom usage religious influence public health moral responsibility contraception ban mortality reduction UNAIDS report Catholic Church responsibility promote life HIV AIDS sub-Saharan Africa condom contraception welfare power mortality UNAIDS Catholic Church life promotion AIDS prevention HIV spread condom use religious influence public health moral responsibility sub-Saharan Africa UNAIDS report Catholic Church life promotion AIDS HIV sub-Saharan Africa condom use UNAIDS moral responsibility contraception ban Catholic Church promotion of life AIDS HIV sub-Saharan Africa condom use power and responsibility barrier contraception UNAIDS global health sexual education moral authority public health policy Catholic Church HIV AIDS Africa South America condom contraception responsibility welfare power UNAIDS global report Catholic Church HIV prevention religious influence condom use moral responsibility AIDS statistics sub-Saharan Africa sexual education contraception bans
test-education-ughbuesbf-con01a	The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, costs gdp universities education funding OECD bankruptcy citizenship pensions healthcare sustainability entitlements costs gdp universities healthcare pensions OECD funding entitlement citizen rights education expenditure national wealth free education universal education higher education affordability costs gdp universal education pensions free university healthcare expenditure OECD entitlement citizenship primary education secondary education non-essential services bankruptcy universal free university education cost of free education GDP spending OECD education expenditure pay for universal healthcare pensions national bankruptcy essential vs non-essential services primary education access secondary education higher education entitlement costly services universities as non-essential cost GDP university education pensions OECD cost efficiency citizenship entitlement economic burden free education national wealth universal education healthcare funding education expenditure cost of education GDP expenditure OECD data university funding costly services essential vs non-essential primary education secondary education paying for education citizenship responsibilities fiscal sustainability universal education healthcare financing pensions free education debate OECD statistics higher education funding cost GDP universities healthcare pensions OECD free education entitlement citizen rights primary education secondary education higher education national wealth public spending student loans funding sustainability benefits bankruptcy affordability cost to state gdp allocation universal free education higher education expenses paying for education bankruptcy threat OECD data primary education secondary education university education non-essential services citizen rights GDP expenditure national wealth economic sustainability cost to state gdp spending universal education university education OECD data paying for education bankruptcy risk citizen entitlement primary education secondary education national wealth free education policy higher education funding student tuition public vs private education education expenditure priorities cost of education gdp expenditure pensions universal healthcare tertiary education funding education citizenship requirements primary education secondary education university education OECD statistics bankruptcy risks
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con02a	Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Rwandan prioritization economic development Rwandan democracy past wounds Rwandan government Rwanda's future Ubudehe program Rwandan freedom of speech Rwandan resource management Rwandan investor attraction Rwandan protest issues Rwandan labor rights Rwandan governance challenges Rwandan development programs Rwandan media restrictions Rwandan government efficiency Rwandan economic strategy Rwandan political freedoms Rwandan community engagement Rwandan policy implementation Rwandan public participation Rwandan government control Rwandan economic progress Rwandan civil liberties Rwandan economy economic development Rwandan government priority setting Rwanda democracy Rwandan history Rwandan politics Rwandan society Rwandan freedom of speech Rwandan press Rwandan investors Rwandan resource management Rwandan protests Rwandan labor rights Rwandan development programs Ubudehe Rwandan human rights Rwandan governance Rwandan civil liberties Rwandan press restrictions Rwandan economic growth Rwandan political priorities Rwandan government policies Rwandan citizens' engagement Rwandan economic transformation Rwandan public participation Rwandan state management Rwandan investor confidence R Rwandan democracy economic development Rwanda's vision priority setting government programs Ubudehe free speech restriction economic growth resource management investor confidence citizen engagement rights vs economy media freedom Rwanda's choice Spiegel.de nsworld.org economic development Rwandan priorities government development Ubudehe restricting free speech economic growth resource management investor confidence protests labor rights country sovereignty political freedom economic prosperity democracy development historical context Rwandan governance Rwandan prioritization economic development post-conflict recovery government programs Ubudehe free speech restrictions resource management freedom of press investor confidence protest suppression citizen engagement equality versus prosperity Rwandan economy economic development Rwanda government prioritization Ubudehe program freedom of speech restriction resource management investor attraction protest prevention citizen engagement political priorities development programs historical context emerging democracy Rwandan prioritization economic development Rwandan government freedom of speech Ubudehe program political debate Rwanda democracy Rwandan economy power dynamics Rwanda's Kagame government restrictions Rwanda development Rwanda rights vs economy Rwandan priorities economic development restricting free speech Ubudehe Rwandan government Rwanda's vision press freedom country development rights vs economy Rwandan democracy Horrific past impact Rwandan citizens' belief Rwandan investors' concerns Rwanda's choice Rwandan economy prioritizing development restricting free speech Ubudehe program Rwanda democracy Economic transformation Rwandan government Rights vs economy Rwanda's Kagame Rwandan economy priority setting democracy development Ubudehe program restricted speech economic transformation government policies Rwandan government economic freedom press freedom Rwanda development Rwandan vision economic prioritization public participation Rwandan governance Rwanda economy resource management investor confidence free speech Rwandan priorities Rwanda investment Rwanda rights Rwandan government policies Rwanda political development Rwanda economic development Rwandan political system Rwandan press freedom Rwandan economic priorities Rwandan community development Rwanda political economy Rwandan government strategies Rwandan
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con02a	The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 slippery_slope totalitarianism liberty_loss anti_terrorist_laws policing_powers historical_comparisons civil_liberties presumption_of_innocence habeas_corpus minority_victimization wartime_repressions historical_shame slippery_slope totalitarianism anti_terrorist_legislation policing_powers presumption_of_innocence habeas_corpus minority_groups historical_intelligence_overreaches civil liberties war_time_repressions us_history minority_victimization public_tolerance good_intentions_bad_outcomes slippery_slope totalitarianism liberty anti_terrorist_laws policing_powers historical_trends civil_liberties presumption_of_innocence habeas_corpus minority_victimization historical_persecution war_time_repression civil_rights_violations societal_tolerances minority_groups wartime_internment historical_shame slippery slope totalitarianism civil liberties anti-terrorist legislation policing powers historical precedents presumption of innocence habeas corpus minority rights Japanese-Americans World War II abuses of power public opinion tolerance levels minority persecution civil rights violations democratic erosion authoritarian tendencies loss of liberty slippery slope totalitarianism anti-terrorist legislation police power tolerance level minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Habeas Corpus japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression discrimination good intentions evil events security versus freedom principled stand loss individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place totalitarianism principled stand anti-terrorist legislation policing powers evil events historical precedents intentions japanese americans arab americans muslims rights presumption of innocence habeas corpus public tolerance minority groups persecution world war ii victimisation Jeffrey Rogers Hummel U.S. repression The Journal of Historical Review loss individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation policing powers evil events good intentions injustice public tolerance presumption of innocence habeas corpus abuses system minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression historical review Jeffrey Rogers Hummel historical shame slippery_slope totalitarian_wedge anti_terrorist_legislation policing_powers presumption_of_innocence habeas_corpus minority_groups civil_liberties historical_comparisons World_War_II persecution public_tolerance abuses_of_power slippery_slope totalitarian_wedge liberty_loss anti_terrorist_laws policing_powers historical_abuses presumption_of_innocence habeas_corpus minority_victimization world_war_ii_persecution civil_rights_violations good_intentions_bad_outcomes slippery_slope totalitarianism liberty_loss anti_terrorist_legislation policing_power historical_precedents civil_liberties presumption_of_innocence habeas_corpus minority_victimization war_internment public_tolerance ethical_dilemmas historical_shame civil_rights_abuses
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro02a	The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, justice accountability law prosecution offenders horrific_crimes powerful_individuals peace international_norms judiciaries atrocities forgiveness healing_process justice accountability legal proceedings powerful individuals international law atrocities forgiveness healing war crimes judicial systems prosecution norms Holocaust Nazi grudges just accountability powerful law prosecution atrocities forgiveness healing international norms judiciaries peace conviction grudges just method prosecuting offenders horrific crimes principled level accountability powerful individuals law above all international norms judicial conviction atrocities preventing grudges healing process just method prosecute offenders horrific crimes accountability powerful individuals law above power international norms judicial conviction atrocities prevent grudges healing process relevance expansion phrases search performance criminal accountability international norms justice system powerful individuals law enforcement forgiveness healing process prosecution atrocities legal standards historical crimes just method prosecuting offenders horrific crimes accountability powerful individuals international norms law courts conviction atrocities healing process forgiveness law enforcement justice system historical crimes legal accountability just punishment powerful accountable international norms atrocity trials legal healing forgiveness justice law court convictions historical accountability search optimization keyword expansion legal accountability prosecution international law judicial system crime forgiveness historical atrocities powerful individuals law enforcement justice system international norms Holocaust Nazi Germany war crimes peacekeeping legal standards criminal prosecution legal proceedings historical justice victim healing legal principles just method prosecute offenders horrific crimes powerful individuals accountability above the law international norms law courts atrocities forgiveness healing process
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights pubic space male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers conditions improvement Conferences information sharing activism Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights public space male breadwinner African Regional Domestic Workers Network community lawyers domestic workers Conferences information sharing worker conditions labour participation gender rights equality female empowerment cultural norms productive sphere reproductive sphere work rights power space male breadwinner community lawyers domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network Declaration worker conditions information sharing advocacy gender norms workplace equality Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights pUBLIC SPACE gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere reproductive sphere public space male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Declaration Conferences information sharing conditions improvement Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies equal rights productive sphere reproductive sphere community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights popular culture gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action Labour participation gender rights equal rights cultural ideologies productive sphere public space male breadwinner community lawyers domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network Conferences information sharing action Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights power dynamics male breadwinner community lawyers domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network gender norms public space equality workforce statistics organisations Declaration Conferences information sharing advocacy labour participation gender rights equal rights cultural ideologies productive sphere male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining chip cultural investment cultural diplomacy academic freedom speech rights graduates' rights prisoner of conscience political opposition university governance Western universities Singaporean government Yale University democratic speculation freedom of press international relations educational standards academic freedoms china higher education foreign policy campus politics intellectual property rights civic engagement civil liberties higher education policy bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights cultural diplomacy academic freedom prisoner of conscience political opposition Western universities Singaporean government yale graduates democratic speculation free press university life china education reform educational roots contemporary reform trends future challenges international relations civil liberties media freedom campus activism intellectual freedom higher education policy civic engagement press freedom global education standards civil society bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights cultural diplomacy academic freedom free speech prisoner of conscience political opposition university governance Western universities Singaporean government Yale graduates democratic speculation cultural exchange bargaining chip cultural investment legislation improvement rights secured cultural diplomacy academic freedom western universities prisoner of conscience political opposition free speech censorship university governance international standards democratic speculation educational reform political impact graduates' rights scholarship conditions geopolitical influence national security academic autonomy free press access political prisoner academic rights speech freedom university policy global education liberal arts higher education foreign investment trade-offs academic restrictions global standards university ethics civic engagement educational bargaining chip cultural investment legislation country relations academic freedom democratic speculation prisoner of conscience university operations Western universities free press speech rights Singaporean government Yale graduates bargaining chip cultural investment legislation improvement rights secured free speech academic freedom Western universities Singaporean government yale graduates lecturer Chia Thye Poh vincent cheng national library history society freedom of press democratic speculation prisoner of conscience political opposition university life educational roots reform trends future challenges bargaining chip cultural investment rights free speech academic freedom lecturer prisoner of conscience political opposition university life Singaporean government Yale graduates European educational reforms democratic speculation Western universities challenges bargaining chip cultural investment rights free speech Western universities Singaporean government academic freedoms Yale graduates prisoner of conscience political opposition university life academic freedom Western Europe educational reform twentieth century reform trends future challenges bargaining chip cultural investment legislation speech rights academic freedom prisoner of conscience political opposition university operations free press democratic speculation yale graduates western universities Singaporean government national library History Society of NUS chinese university exports cultural diplomacy international relations economic sanctions academic partnerships educational reforms student rights censorship higher education globalization liberal arts public discourse intellectual property global academic standards higher education policy student activism international law civil liberties free expression higher education administration academic autonomy educational bargaining chip cultural investment academic freedoms prisoner of conscience democratic speculation western universities yale graduates Singaporean government free press lecturer Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng national library HISTORY SOCIETY OF NUS
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro01a	People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. access to justice right to watch trials court transparency democratic proceedings mass media coverage judicial openness government accountability jurisprudence accessibility fairness in legal system judicial proceedings直播 open court policy judicial透明度 public gallery access media scrutiny democratic values judicial proceedings直播 public interest legal transparency jury selection process legal education courtroom technology legal reform justice system improvement trial observation rights legal aid public participation in justice系统 right to access justice court transparency democratic nations judicial proceedings public gallery access closed trials mass media coverage transparency in justice system fairness in justice system access to justice court transparency democratic principles public court proceedings judicial openness media coverage legal system reform legal education civic engagement judicial accountability access to justice right to watch court proceedings democratic nations transparent courts internet streaming court transparency judicial transparency pUBLIC GALLERY VIEWING media coverage government accountability court accessibility fairness in law legal transparency public interest open justice trial observation guantanamo bay access to justice court proceedings public gallery judicial transparency democratic nations government transparency closed trials Guantánamo Bay media coverage legal system equality before the law judicial openness judicial accessibility judicial fairness access to justice right to watch trials court transparency democratic nations media coverage government accountability judicial proceedings public gallery trial transparency Guantanamo Bay access to justice courtroom transparency public court proceedings democratic nations judicial openness media coverage legal system reform court accessibility public gallery rights legal proceedings直播 remote viewing courts judicial proceedings直播 open justice legal transparency courtroom livestreaming access to justice judicial transparency court proceedings public gallery democratic nations media coverage closed trials Guantánamo Bay legal rights legal accessibility judicial system reform access to justice court transparency public court proceedings democratic nations judicial proceedings legal rights media coverage open courts right to observe trial transparency judicial openness public gallery access legal system reform legal observation rights judicial accountability access to justice court transparency democratic nations media coverage closed trials public gallery access judicial proceedings直播 distant viewers work constraints
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con01a	Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . incentivize isps data capacity bandwidth sell more data provide bandwidth mobile devices net neutrality European Commission out-law.com pay for unused capacity legal news net neutrality measures incentives isps data_capacity bandwidth net_neutrality european_commission price_plans mobile_devices data_provision internet_service_providers pay_for_usage net_governance traffic_management quality_of_service bandwidth_utilization smartphones alternatives_to_traditional_services legal_regulations policy_making internet_access economic_incentives consumer_benefits technical_solutions market_strategies potential_revenue_models regulatory_environment Incentives ISPs data capacity bandwidth internet neutrality European Commission net neutrality mobile devices data usage price plans internet provision digital gluttons affordable internet network management legal regulations incentivize isps data capacity bandwidth mobile devices net neutrality European Commission low data use Skype legal measures pinsent masons Incentivise ISPs data capacity bandwidth sell more data provision resources European Commission net neutrality mobile devices legal news Pinsent Masons out-law.com search optimization keyword recommendation ISP incentives data capacity network neutrality bandwidth provision mobile data internet usage net neutrality measures European Commission data capacity bandwidth ISPs incentives net neutrality European Commission price plans data provision mobile devices Internet usage bandwidth control personalized pricing data capacity ISPs bandwidth data provision net neutrality European Commission data usage mobile devices internet service providers network neutrality data gluttons data dieters legal measures bandwidth management low data plans internet regulation incentivize ISPs data capacity bandwidth mobile devices net neutrality European Commission price plans data provision data gluttons dieters skype bandwidth control pay for unused capacity legal news incentives isps data capacity bandwidth mobile devices net neutrality european commission price plans bandwidth management data provision
test-international-aghwrem-pro03a	There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement positive influence natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework capitalism corruption US policy EU policy Myanmar government transparency human rights newly elected government democratic reform international relations economic sanctions policy incentives trade agreements diplomatic engagement conflict resolution economic development regional stability aid programs negotiations peacebuilding foreign investment rule of law good governance non-governmental organizations diplomatic initiatives regime diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement positive influence natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US policy EU policy Myanmar government constructive approach critical stance transparency human rights democratic reform state relations encouraging democracy diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework civilian government democratic reform US policy EU policy confidential engagement transparency human rights systematic violations elections accountability India-Myanmar relations Burma trade ties Burma gas deals China-Burma relations diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework corruption US policy EU policy Myanmar government human rights democratic reform confident engagement transparency accountability newly elected government elections diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework civilian government democratic reform transparency human rights confidentiality china elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US policy EU policy Myanmar government human rights transparency civilian government democratic reform elections accountability China influence diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy human rights corruption economic activity legal framework business framework confidence democratic reform state relations elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework civilian government democratic reform transparency human rights opportunity china burma myanmar us eu elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement positive influence natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US policy EU policy Myanmar government constructive engagement human rights democratic reform state relations elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US policy EU policy Myanmar government human rights democratic reform confidence-building measures elections accountability
test-society-simhbrasnba-con01a	We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. persecution asylum regime moral obligation refugees Jewish refugees Nazi Holocaust Dominican Republic refugee policy international policy genocide historical failures developed nations immigration human rights historical context moral responsibility persecution moral obligation asylum regime Jewish refugees Dominican Republic refugee policy historical failures holocaust nazism democratic countries wealth security globally persecution torture refugees moral obligation asylum regime historical context democratic countries jewish refugees nazism holocaust Dominican Republic genocide wealth security human rights international policy duty to help persecuted asylum regime principles global persecution moral obligation protection horrendous failing Nazi era refugee policy history Holocaust lessons developed nations refuge Jewish refugees Nazism Dominican Republic refugees persecution torture refugees morality asylum duty holocaust nazism jewish refugees Dominican Republic safe havens persecution duty to protect asylum regime moral obligation historical refugee policies Jewish refugees Nazism domestic policies human rights refugee protection global persecution wealth and security persecution asylum regime moral obligation refugee crisis Holocaust Jewish refugees Nazi Germany Dominican Republic immigration policy genocide refugee protection developed nations persecution reasons asylum seekers historical failures refugee history human rights global migration asylum seekers rights asylum regime moral obligation human rights jewish refugees nazism Dominican Republic refugeehosting countries turning away refugees historical failures in asylum persecution global persecution torture asylum regime moral obligation historical failures jewish refugees nazism dominican republic refugee policy human rights wealth security migration ethics persecution asylum regime moral obligation refugee crisis historical failures Holocaust Jewish refugees Nazi Germany Dominican Republic immigration policies humanitarian obligations global refugees persecuted individuals international law ethical responsibilities migration trends human rights violations global security developed nations refugee resettlement historical lessons contemporary challenges humanitarian aid refugee protection international cooperation
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con01a	"North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North_Korea irrational_regime strategic_threat great_powers United_States National_Security_Council Tonny_Vietor missile_test December_2012 Resolution_1874 international_sanctions provocations China Russia Asia US_bases missile_programme North_Korea international_sanctions ballistic_missile_technology irresponsible_behavior china russia Asia US_bases resolution_1874 provocative_actions DPRK strategic_threat power_defy_international_norms North_Korea irrational_regime strategic_threat great_powers international_sanctions ballistic_missile_technology Resolution_1874 provoke_actions China Russia Asia US_bases provocative_behavior DPRK bordering_countries missile_tests potential_targets international_norms nuclear_programme United_Nations_security_council diplomatic_engagement North Korea missile tests international sanctions on North Korea UN Resolution 1874 North Korea nuclear program China-Russia-North Korea relations Asian security threats North Korea provocations US-North Korea tensions BBC news analysis ballistic missile technology proliferation concerns North Korea international sanctions resolution 1874 irresponsible behavior ballistic missile technology provocative actions China Russia missile tests Asia US bases international norms National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor North Korea missile tests international sanctions on North Korea North Korea nuclear program impact of North Korea on China Russia reaction to North Korea Asia security concerns U.S. stance on North Korea international norms and North Korea BBC News articles on North Korea DPRK ballistic missile program risks posed by North Korea to regional stability North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test December 2012 Resolution 1874 defiance international sanctions provocations China Russia bordering countries Asia US bases missile program international norms North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers international sanctions Resolution 1874 defiance missile tests international norms provocative actions China Russia Asia US bases missile program international reaction missile programme North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers defiance international sanctions Resolution 1874 irresponsible behavior provocations missile tests bordering countries China Russia Asia US bases international norms North Korea sanctions international relations ballistic missile technology irresponsible behavior defy international norms provoke actions China Russia US bases international norms border issues potential threats Asia region diplomatic engagement missile tests Resolution 1874 United States National Security Council"
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con04a	Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, elections autocracy legislature political influence patronage status Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Arab Spring incumbency rate foreign investment law press freedom international impact elections autocracy predetermined legislature competitiveness patronage status Ashura Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Arab Spring incumbency local elections opposition parliament international impact economic reform press freedom association freedoms sham elections elections influence autocracy top job pre-determined elections legislative elections competitive elections patronage status Arab Spring incumbency rate local area elections opposition control international impact Aung San Suu Kyi NLD Burma foreign investment law liberalised press freedom of association election outcomes non-democratic regimes election reforms election impact elections autocracy legislature impact patronage incumbency Arab Spring Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma economic reform Foreign Investment Law press freedom international influence elections autocracy influence impact legislature competitiveness patronage status Arab Spring incumbency local elections opposition parliament government appointments Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Myanmar foreign investment press freedom economic reform elections autocracy predetermined legislature competitiveness patronage status Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Arab Spring incumbency local areas international impact economic reform Foreign Investment Law press freedom association elections autocracy legislature influence patronage status Arab Spring Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma economic reform foreign investment law press freedom international impact Sham elections elections influence autocracy predetermined elections legislative elections competitive elections patronage incumbency rate Arab world Arab Spring Aung San Su Kyi National League for Democracy Burma foreign investment law liberalisation press freedom parliamentary impact international relations election outcomes non-democratic regimes elections autocracy legislature predetermined arab spring incumbency NLD Burma economic reform political influence power patronage liberalization international impact voting mechanism democracy impact political structure political system election mechanism opposition country parliament foreign investment press freedom association election regime impact power liberalization regime changing political landscape election process representation political influence Sham elections election impact autocracy predetermined elections legislative elections competitive elections patronage incumbency rate Arab Spring Aung San Su Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Foreign Investment Law press freedom economic reform political impact
test-international-iiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats destruction animal protection agricultural expansion Africa endangered species West African lion conservation methods fencing human activity biodiversity loss natural habitats destruction animal protection strategies agricultural expansion impact endangered species conservation wildlife habitat preservation fencing for animal protection human-wildlife conflict West African lions environmental protection measures biodiversity loss sustainable agriculture wildlife corridors anti-poaching techniques conservation biology ecosystem management habitat fragmentation wildlife corridors implementation protected areas biodiversity conservation ecological impact assessment natural habitats destruction animal protection strategies agricultural expansion impacts endangered species conservation wildlife habitat loss human-wildlife conflict ecological preservation methods biodiversity protection measures environmental degradation wildlife corridors sustainable agriculture practices conservation biology protected areas management ecosystem services biodiversity hotspots wildlife corridor creation land use planning conservation policy environmental legislation wildlife monitoring ecological impact assessment sustainable development conservation ethics ecological footprint habitat fragmentation rewilding initiatives natural habitats destruction tougher protection measures endangered animals agricultural expansion West African lion fencing techniques conservation success human activity impact wildlife preservation environmental degradation Natural habitats destruction animal protection agricultural expansion Africa endangered species West African lion population decline fencing conservation success human activity impact tougher protection methods natural habitat destruction endangered animals African wildlife large scale agriculture cotton plantations human expansion population decline saving lions fencing off areas conservation efforts natural habitats animal protection endangered species agricultural expansion wildlife conservation environmental destruction West African lions fencing human activity biodiversity loss conservation efforts ecological impact natural habitats animal protection agricultural expansion endangered animals West African lions human activity fencing conservation efforts environmental destruction wildlife preservation biodiversity loss natural habitats animal protection local destruction agricultural expansion endangered species West African lions population decrease fencing conservation success human activity environmental degradation biodiversity loss wildlife preservation ecosystem disruption natural habitats endangered animals agricultural expansion environmental destruction West African lions conservation methods fencing human activity wildlife protection population decrease ecological balance biodiversity loss environmental impact wildlife corridors sustainable agriculture conservation success stories animal rights habitat preservation
test-international-iighbopcc-con01a	Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. sovereign rights state autonomy climate policy self-determined targets international cooperation border sovereignty environmental governance non-interference climate commitments independent monitoring enforcement authority sovereign rights state autonomy climate policy independence international climate relations self-determined targets monitoring enforcement sovereignty non-interference in domestic affairs climate change governance state sovereignty in environmental matters independent climate action sovereignty self-determination climate_policy international_relations state_rights non_intervention environmental_stewardship global_warming autonomy governance environmental_policy international_law climate_agreements self-regulation sovereign rights climate governance sustainable development national sovereignty international cooperation environmental policy climate justice self-determination global warming carbon emissions local control sovereign states climate change monitoring enforcement states rights international cooperation climate policy environmental sovereignty sovereign states rights climate change policy individual country targets monitoring climate commitments enforcement climate agreements country sovereignty in climate avoiding international interference climate change prevention states self-regulation climate action without coercion sovereignty climate change national targets self-regulation monitoring enforcement international interference environmental policy Sovereign states autonomy climate change self-determination monitoring enforcement international cooperation environmental policy nation-state sovereignty global warming independent commitments state responsibility border control self-regulation collective action individual nation's rights sovereign rights climate change policy state autonomy international cooperation environmental governance self-regulation border control climate enforcement sovereignty definition global climate action Sovereign rights environmental policy climate governance self-determination international cooperation national sovereignty climate justice autonomy carbon emissions global warming environmental protection independent monitoring policy independence
test-society-asfhwapg-con02a	"Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, patenting genome research therapeutics Human Genome Project moral issues Myriad Genetics BRCA 1 BRCA 2 gene patents scientific research public availability genetic testing ethical considerations intellectual property scientific discovery profit motive genetic screening biomedical research patent law genetic disorders healthcare access biotechnology industry genome research patenting therapeutics moral issues scientific collaboration genetic testing biomedical innovation public access genetic privacy intellectual property biotechnology healthcare equity gene patents biomedical ethics genetic disorders public health research funding scientific discovery biotech industry genomic medicine ethical considerations genetic screening biopharmaceuticals genetic research patient rights genetic discrimination gene therapy biotechnology regulations genetic counseling bioethics genetic modification pharmacogenomics biotechnology impact genetic testing accessibility genetic screening technology biotech ethics genetic testing cost biomedical research genetic testing patenting genome research moral issues scientific collaboration public access gene patents biotechnology biomedical research intellectual property genetic testing therapeutic development biotech industry open science scientific ethics genetic discrimination healthcare accessibility medical innovation genetic screening public health scientific cooperation gene therapy research funding scientific discovery patent law genetic research biomedical patents ethical considerations genetic engineering genomic medicine patent infringement genetic testing companies scientific sharing genetic privacy patent reform bioethics scientific transparency genetic counseling genetic disorders medical patents genomic data genetic information scientific misconduct patenting controversy research barriers genome research moral issues in patents copyright versus patents open access research patents and therapeutics myriad genetics breast cancer gene testing genetic screening patents potential of genome research collaborative research initiatives publicly available research profit-driven research federal patent rulings scientific progress hindered by patents ethical considerations in genomics patenting research therapeutics genome research Human Genome Project public availability morality profit Myriad Genetics BRCA 1 BRCA 2 gene patents ethical considerations scientific collaboration disease treatment genetic screening patenting genome research therapeutic benefits moral issues intellectual property gene patents Myriad Genetics BRCA genes public availability research investment genetic testing cost of treatment scientific discovery government funding ethical considerations biomedical innovation pharmaceutical industry open access science patenting genome research moral issues potential benefits therapeutics Human Genome Project publicly available information profit moral duty scientific advancement genetic patents scientific collaboration disease treatment cancer screening genetic testing federal appeals court patenting genome research therapeutic barriers human genome project public availability moral issues Myriad Genetics gene patents scientific collaboration affordable healthcare intellectual property genetic testing biomedical innovation ethical considerations open access research patenting genome research therapeutics human genome project Myriad Genetics BRCA genes intellectual property public access ethical considerations biomedical research genetic testing patent laws open science scientific collaboration patents genome research ethical considerations intellectual property genetic testing biomedical research open access public health scientific collaboration commercialization bioethics gene patents medical innovation biotechnology public domain research funding healthcare accessibility moral obligations genomic medicine pharmaceutical industry scientific discovery gene editing therapeutic development genetic disorders biobanking clinical trials genetic counseling genetic discrimination genetic testing companies gene sequencing personalized medicine genetic engineering biopiracy biosafety biotechnology regulations"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con04a	We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. society morality killing acceptability safeguard moral标准 borderline legislation ethical standards moral standards killing exceptions social norms absolute ethics capital punishment war ethics murder legality violent conflict public safety ethical boundaries morality society killing safety acceptability moral标准 伦理标准 边界划定 法律约束 安全威胁 moral standards societal norms ethical boundaries legal implications human rights peaceful resolution violence prevention moral absolutism ethical relativism legal enforcement social responsibility public safety moral relativism genocide prevention war ethics pacifism ethical dilemmas just war theory humanitarian law moral courage ethical governance society morality killing safety ethical standards line drawing legality consent public opinion recommending relevant expansion phrases elevate search performance society killing acceptable safety moral standard situations draw line fear overall impact killing morality societal norms safety ethical standards acceptable actions moral boundaries society morality killing acceptance safety boundaries legislation ethical standards ethical dilemmas killing social norms moral standards acceptability fear safety line drawing civil liberties potential abuses universal laws violence control societal impact policy-making public opinion law enforcement moral relativism society killing morality safety acceptability limits ethics legalization prohibition
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con02a	Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. cybersecurity digital forensics state-sponsored attacks attribution cyber warfare international law espionage evidence misinformation peacekeeping human rights cyber security digital forensics international cybersecurity state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber espionage attribution challenges cyber warfare cyber defense cybercrime digital trail cybersecurity measures cyber attacks溯源 国际网络安全 网络攻击责任认定 网络安全威胁 网络战 信息误导 国家间网络冲突 无谓战争 网络安全证据 网络战证据不足 cybersecurity digital forensics state sponsorship cyber espionage cyber warfare international relations cyber defense cyber attribution cyber threats cyber resilience cyber security cyber tactics cyber strategy cyber laws cyber policy cyber incidents cyber incidents analysis cyber attack vectors cyber attack sources cyber attack prevention cyber attack detection cyber attack response cyber attack mitigation cyber attack tracing cyber attack evidence cyber attack attribution cyber attack investigations cyber attack countermeasures cyber attack intelligence cyber attack analysis cyber attack reporting cyber attack statistics cyber attack case studies cyber attack examples cyber attack cyber attack tracing digital track hiding poorly protected computers state responsibility cyber warfare evidence traditional warfare evidence witness reports cyber attack accusations international peace threat human life loss Cyber attacks digital tracks poorly protected computers state responsibility traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses misinformation international peace cyber attacks tracking digital footprint international cyber conflicts state responsibility cyber espionage attribution challenges cyber warfare evidence misinformation in cyber attacks cyber attack sources cyber security threats cyber defense strategies cyber crime investigation cyber attack consequences international law and cyber attacks cyber security measures cyber attack prevention cyber attack detection cyber warfare tactics cyber attack attribution cyber attack mitigation cyber attack response cyber attack prevention strategies cyber attack case studies cyber security policies cyber security incidents cyber security technology cyber security risks cyber security vulnerabilities cyber security regulations cyber security compliance cyber security frameworks cyber security cyber attacks digital tracks poorly protected computers international evidence traditional warfare weapons used uniforms witness reports state lies accusations incomplete information misleading information international peace human life loss Cyber attacks digital tracks poorly protected computers international peace traditional warfare weapons uniforms witness reports state responsibility misinformation human life incomplete information cyber espionage cyber defense cyber security cyber conflict cyber warfare cyber attribution cyber sabotage cyber attacks digital tracks poorly protected computers international peace state responsibility incomplete information misleading information traditional warfare weapons uniforms witness reports cyber espionage cyber warfare state lies accusations human life loss cyber security digital forensics state responsibility international law cyber espionage cyber defense cybersecurity measures attribution challenge cyber warfare cybercrime evidence collection international relations cyber terrorism cyber resilience cyber policy cyber threat intelligence cyber incident response cyber ethics cyber strategy cyber diplomacy cyber regulations cyber safety cyber warfare tactics cyber attack prevention cyber attack detection cyber attack mitigation cyber attack analysis cyber attack response cyber attack investigation cyber attack simulation cyber attack training cyber attack reporting cyber attack tracking cyber attack trends cyber attack statistics cyber attack case studies
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro03a	A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. missiledefense mutuallyassureddestruction mad nucleararsenal secondstrike agissecsystem newstart strategicarmsreductiontreaty nucleardisarmament nuclearproliferation russia assocpressed missile defense systems nuclear arsenal deterrence theory Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear disarmament Aegis system new start treaty nuclear proliferation second-strike capability strategic arms reduction missiledefense mutuallyassureddestruction madstrategy nucleararsenal promotedisarmament secondstrike missileshield nuclearproliferation aegis armsreduction newstart treaty missile defense nuclear arsenal mutually assured destruction disarmament Aegis system New START strategic arms reduction nuclear proliferation second-strike capacity first-strike defense nuclear deterrence missile shield technology security assurances missile defense system nuclear disarmament missile defense deployment nuclear weapon elimination missile defense effectiveness nuclear threat reduction missile interception technology missile defense strategy missile defense agreement missile defense treaty missile defense upgrade missile defense cost missile defense benefits missile defense development missile defense deployment timeline missile defense system capabilities missile defense Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear arsenal disarmament Aegis system New START nuclear proliferation strategic arms reduction first-strike second-strike missile shield security nuclear weapons warheads defense system political pressure missile defense nuclear arsenal mutually assured destruction second-strike capacity strategic arms reduction new start treaty nuclear proliferation aegis system disarmament missile shield warheads security nuclear deterrent first-strike missile defense shield missile interception nuclear strategy missile defense system nuclear disarmament missile protection missile interception technology missile defense policy missile defense mutually assured destruction nuclear arsenal disarmament second-strike capacity nuclear proliferation aegis system new start treaty strategic arms reduction international security missile defense shield Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear arsenal nuclear disarmament Aegis system New START Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty nuclear proliferation second-strike capacity national missile defense system missile defense Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear arsenal disarmament Aegis system New START nuclear proliferation strategic arms reduction second-strike capacity missile defense system nuclear arsenal Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear disarmament Aegis system New START treaty nuclear proliferation Russia second-strike capacity strategic arms reduction Associated Press
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro03a	A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: graduated response copyright enforcement justice fairness internet censorship download site restriction fine punishment sanction behavior modification legal measures policy analysis copyright infringement digital rights graduated response copyright enforcement justice fairness internet censorship punishment tailored sanctions consumer behavior legal implications online piracy legislation analysis Barry Sookman graduated response copyright enforcement justice fairness internet sanctions digital rights legal punishment citizen behavior warning system payment fines online access restrictions graduated response copyright enforcement just punishment internet sanctions download site access fine tailored penalties consumer behavior change copyright legislation justice principles legislative fairness graduated response copyright enforcement three strikes consumer behavior fairness punishment justice internet access fine legislation graduated response copyright enforcement just punishment internet sanctions digitale rights management fair copyright legislation punishment fitting the crime consumer behavior change warning system copyright infringement penalties graduated response copyright enforcement legal sanctions punishment severity user behavior change internet access restriction fairness in law justice in copyright legislative enforcement graduated response copyright enforcement justice fairness punishment tailored sanction warnings internet access fine behavior change legislation graduated response copyright enforcement justice fairness internet censorship punishment tailored sanctions consumer behavior legislation analysis graduated response copyright legislation justice fairness punishment internet usage fine consumer behavior sanction warnings legislation analysis
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con01a	Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS economic development poverty reduction strong leadership business environment easy to do business investors human rights China censorship free speech government trust policy implementation economic growth focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy economic transformation knowledge economy service economy corruption prevention infrastructure improvement technology investment climate doing business ease freedom of speech press freedom human rights China economic progress censorship government trust economic development priorities focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology economic development business investment human rights violations censorship free speech government trust China economic progress focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption infrastructure technology easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech press human rights violations censorship government trust China economic development commitments focused leadership corruption conflicts poor infrastructure EDPRS economic development poverty reduction agriculture knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance infrastructure improvement technology business investment human rights censorship China development government trust economic progress Rwanda success focused leadership Africa corruption Rwanda EDPRS economic development political factors business environment infrastructure press freedom human rights focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS economic development policy application of policies business environment investment human rights press freedom government trust China economic progress censorship freedom of speech easy business Bewertung focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance censorship human rights free speech economic development government commitment business reform investors international finance focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS economic development policy implementation free speech press freedom human rights violations china government trust economic progress investor attraction infrastructure development technology advancement business reforms focused leadership Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure Rwanda EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy agriculture knowledge economy investment human rights press freedom government trust china economic progress
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con01a	Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. handguns self_defence deterrence criminal_deterrence power_balance firearms_training public_culture handgun_normalization panic_response criminal_mugging armed_resistance community_safety criminal_attacks gun_control firearm_laws police_response violent_crime reduced_victimization public_perception gun_culture crime_deterrence gun_rights gun_safety firearm_education law_abiding_citizens criminal_behavior gun_control_legislation gun_violence public_safety gun_registration firearm_regulation gun handguns deterrence criminal behavior gun control public safety firearms training community defense gun normalization violence prevention panic response self-defense guns deterrence crime police population fear training culture panic stabiliy assailants panics firearms handguns society criminals community arrests violence education normalization attacks power defense public risks handguns self_defence crime_deterrence power_balance sensible_handgun_use firearms_training panic_reactions mugging_prevention citizen_defence gun_normalisation deterrence_statistics Handguns self defence criminal deterrence firearm ownership public safety crime prevention armed resistance community defence firearm training public culture gun control panic responses violence prevention self defence crime deterrence armed resistance handgun legality public safety firearms training civilian disarmament criminal behavior victim panic societal normalization crime prevention gun control violent crime reduction firearm ownership rights public perception law enforcement criminal psychology defensive tactics gun culture community safety personal protection gun violence prevention public policy risk assessment criminal justice system gun safety education public health criminal behavior modification gun regulation public safety measures crime statistics gun violence reduction law abiding citizens criminal apprehension gun control debates crime prevention strategies gun violence prevention initiatives self-defense crime deterrence armed resistance public safety firearm training civilian gun ownership crime prevention panic prevention societal normalization criminal behavior legal handgun possession community security fear of death violent crime reduction armed negotiation crime statistics gun culture legal defense crime rates gun violence prevention civilian disarmament criminal psychology public perception gun rights crime deterrent effects crime prevention measures gun control debates law enforcement effectiveness self defence criminal deterrence gun control armed resistance public safety firearms training community empowerment gun culture panic prevention crime reduction handguns self defence deterrence crime reduction legal population fear danger training public safety violence panic accidents normalization police power dynamics armed resistance criminal behavior firearms education community safety gun control public opinion statistics crime prevention gun ownership legal firearms firearm training gun culture violent crimes handgun regulations societal impact gun laws firearm misuse gun control debate firearm safety gun violence criminal deterrence handgun legislation gun rights firearm education gun control measures self-defense deterrence crime handguns legality criminal behavior armed resistance firearm training public safety panic responses community norms
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con05a	In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 security transparency operations endangerment intelligence informants military WikiLeaks bloodshed soldiers Afghans information benefits opposition masking traitors operations disclosure military strategy 信息公开 情报安全 保密措施 间谍风险 战术泄露 security transparency military operations intelligence services WikiLeaks informant safety operational secrecy military strategy 信息公开风险 情报安全 军事行动保密 透明度与安全 伊拉克战争 情报泄露后果 transparency security operations intelligence services informants military strategy leaks confidentiality operations endangerment lives information wikileaks intelligence gathering warfare counterinsurgency confidentiality warfare operational security informant protection counterintelligence intelligence sharing security risks confidential information military ethics information warfare espionage information management security protocols intelligence analysis security vulnerabilities information dissemination military strategy information security security measures security threats information protection counterterrorism information control intelligence operations security concerns information security transparency endangerment operations intelligence informants interpreters military leaks WikiLeaks soldiers blood Afghan operations disclosure strategic secrecy informational warfare counterintelligence operational security tactical secrecy intelligence sharing informant protection operational risks military ethics strategic communication information warfare national security operational transparency intelligence gathering operational confidentiality strategic deception tactical transparency intelligence analysis operational planning security threats information security intelligence community operational security measures information dissemination strategic decision-making operational risks management intelligence operations security protocols operational integrity information control security studies security transparency operations endangerment intelligence informants military WikiLeaks soldiers Afghan confidentiality tactics information disclosure opposition operations secrecy military strategy informer protection mask ban security transparency endanger lives operations intelligence services informants interpreters masks WikiLeaks military tactics information opposition soldiers Afghan blood Chairman Joint Chiefs Mike Mullen Assange source good young families ban conflict scale openness damage states young Afghans release endangered disclosure strategic leaks ethical risks security transparency endangerment operations intelligence informants military WikiLeaks bloodshed soldiers Afghans 信息公开 对抗 秘密保护 情报泄露 生命危险 security transparency lives operations intelligence informants interpreters masks WikiLeaks military blood soldiers Afghan security transparency endangerment operations intelligence informants interpreters military WikiLeaks bloodshed young soldiers Afghan families security transparency endanger lives operations intelligence services informants interpreters WikiLeaks military tactics strategy information disclosure risks protection soldiers civilians conflict warfare transparencyrisks operationalsecrets militaryoperations intelligencegathering 信息公开风险 战术保密 军事行动安全性
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con02a	Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 symbolic reasons defense against tyranny state monopoly of power second amendment gun rights militia disarmament citizen's rights political resistance constitutional interpretation legal history United States Second Amendment symbolic arms militia theory gun control state power framer intent citizen's rights power balance tyranny prevention oral argument Justice Scalia arms infringement military monopoly individual liberty gun symbolism handguns militia destruction of militias power monopoly state violence right to bear arms symbolic gestures framers intention scalia argument gun control second amendment tyranny prevention citizen's power absolute state power symbolic reasons defense against state handgun legality militia protection firearms and state power disarmament fear citizen sovereignty state monopoly on violence right to bear arms historical context constitutional interpretation gun control debates handguns state monopoly of power symbolic reasons defense against state Justice Scalla Second Amendment militia tyranny disarmament citizens' rights state violence gun ownership symbolic gesture state subservience Second Amendment gun rights symbolic gesture state power citizen militia firearms ownership protection against tyranny constitutional interpretation Justice Scalia right to bear arms militia Second Amendment symbolic reason gun control state power citizens' rights defense against state historical context framers intent Justice Scalia disarmament absolute power people's sovereignty symbolic_reasons_handguns_defence_state_monopoly right_to_keep_and_bear_arms_militia federalist_papers_gun_control guns_and_state_power guns_as_symbolic_gesture framers_intent_second_amendment militia_destroyed_by_disarming powerful_state_and_citizen_rights guns_and_state_role_independence gun_control_and_state_power symbolic reasons defense against state handgun legality U.S. constitutional interpretation militia destruction firearms and state power citizen resistance state monopoly of violence right to bear arms historical context constitutional rights symbolic gestures political theory gun control firearms symbolism militia Second Amendment power dynamics gun control symbolic power framing argument legal justification tyranny weapon ownership citizen rights
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro03a	Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK policy abolition lobbying goodwill aid trade international disputes UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions anti-drug aid death penalty foreign & commonwealth office diplomatic strategy human rights policy international relations foreign policy objectives UN involvement capital punishment abolition trade agreements aid policies international disputes UN resources drug cases Vietnam executions Diplomatic efforts goodwill generation diplomatic relations analysis diplomatic strategy human rights policy international relations foreign policy death penalty UN involvement drug cases Vietnam executions Aid and trade diplomatic goodwill international disputes capital punishment controversy Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK policy abolition of capital punishment promoting human rights goodwill generation aid and trade international disputes UN resources drugs cases Vietnam death penalty UN anti-drug aid execution for drug offences Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK abolition lobbying goodwill aid trade international disputes UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions anti-drug aid Diplomatic strategies human rights advocacy foreign policy goals abolition campaigns international relations capital punishment debates UN involvement drug offenses international disputes aid implications trade benefits diplomatic goodwill political leverage global diplomacy policy implementation international cooperation legal systems comparison human rights promotion state sovereignty challenges international law ethical considerations diplomatic communications global ethics policy effectiveness humanitarian concerns diplomatic strategy human rights foreign policy capital punishment international relations UN resources trade agreements aid drug offenses international disputes national image diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK policy abolition foreign governments goodwill aid trade international disputes UN resources drug cases Vietnam executions UN anti-drug aid death penalty strategy diplomatic relations European states human rights issues foreign policy capital punishment abolition foreign governments goodwill aid trade international disputes UN resources drug cases Vietnam executions UN anti-drug aid death penalty human rights foreign policy capital punishment abolition diplomatic relations UN resources trade aid international disputes drugs cases Vietnam execution good guy controversy foreign governments goodwill strategy policy
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 banning religious symbols discrimination Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan Government societal interests uproar consequences religious symbols equality rally cries public safety cultural sensitivity ban symbol equality discrimination Sikhism Muslim veil CBC News public safety sacred symbols government policy religious symbols banning symbols discrimination social consequences government decisions sikh kirpan muslim veil public safety cultural sensitivity free speech religious freedom religious symbols banning religious symbols discrimination sikh kirpan muslim veil government policy social consequences uproar freedom of religion secularism public safety religious freedom ban backlash cultural sensitivity ban symbol equality discrimination society religious symbols government sikh kirpan muslim veil public safety cultural sensitivity consequences search performance relevant expansion phrases religious symbol discrimination ban symbol rallying cries veil Sikh Kirpan outsiders sacred symbol government interests society worries banning consequences religious freedom symbolic meaning search accuracy query expansion religious symbols discrimination Sikh Kirpan muslim veil government interests society banning consequences uproar sacred symbols public safety cultural sensitivity religious freedom legal implications contextual understanding pluralism search efficacy expansion keywords religious symbols discrimination Government decision societal impact banned items public safety symbolic importance religious freedom governmental policy public reaction multiculturalism equal treatment banned items consequences kirpan muslim veil rallies government trust symbolic bans search optimization meaningful expansion terms enhance query religious symbols discrimination banning symbols government interests societal impact uproar consequences Sikh Kirpan Quebec case ban religious symbols discrimination Muslim veil Government societal interests uproar consequences Sikh Kirpan public safety sacred symbols
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con01a	Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 cluster bombs effective weapons military strategy army tactics opposition arguments weapon alternatives conflict strategies ban consequences cluster bombs effectiveness cluster bombs military value cluster bombs strategic use alternative weapons to cluster bombs consequences of banning cluster bombs impact of cluster bombs on troop formations cluster bombs vs other aerial weapons cluster bomb replacement challenges cluster bombs strategic value military applications troop destruction armoured vehicles bombing aircraft weapon alternatives ban consequences military effectiveness cluster bomb strategic advantage cluster bomb military effectiveness cluster bomb vs alternative weapons cluster bomb large formations cluster bomb armoured vehicles cluster bomb damage efficiency cluster bomb ban alternatives cluster bomb cost comparison cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness troop formations armoured vehicles damage efficiency weapon replacement strategic impact ban alternatives cluster bombs effectiveness troop destruction armoured vehicle damage military strategy weapon replacement cluster munitions ban cluster bombs effective weapons troop formations armoured vehicles military value strategic importance replacement weapons opposition arguments weapon alternatives cluster bombs effective military weapon large troop formations armoured vehicles damage efficiency replacement weapons strategic value military tactics banning issues problematic alternatives cluster bombs effective against troops armoured vehicles damage military value strategic importance banning replacements niche role cost efficiency cluster bombs strategic value large formations troops armoured vehicles damage opposing force military value ban cluster bombs effective replacement problematic weapons
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women labor market physical health job market economic impact downturn career development psychological stress family impact intergenerational wellbeing social support employment opportunities unemployment benefits unemployment rate joblessness economic instability poverty healthcare access unemployment psychological effects Africa mental health unemployment social networks unemployment social capital unemployment physical health unemployment job market barriers unemployment family impact unemployment generational impact unemployment psychological impact mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women labor market physical health job market social networks skills vulnerable populations family impact intergenerational effects unemployment health impacts unemployment mental health unemployment social capital unemployment physical health unemployment family impact unemployment generation effect unemployment communication skills unemployment reentry job market unemployment depression unemployment anxiety unemployment suicide unemployment substance abuse unemployment social networks african unemployment unemployment women labor market unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa mental health families vulnerability women labor market social networks networking skills social capital physical health status downturn re-entrance job market unemployment health effects psychological impact of unemployment mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse social networks social capital vulnerability women labor market physical health job market access social networks benefits mental health awareness intergenerational impact unemployment support services unemployment health effects mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse social networks social capital women labor market physical health job market psychological impact family impact intergenerational effects unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women labor market physical health downward spiral job market entry psychological impact family impact intergenerational effects unemployment health effects Africa mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse social networks social capital women labor market physical health job market networking skills vulnerability unemployment health unemployment mental health unemployment social networks unemployment depression unemployment anxiety unemployment suicide unemployment substance abuse unemployment Africa unemployment women labor market unemployment social capital unemployment physical health unemployment job market unemployment family impact unemployment intergenerational impact
test-international-aghwrem-pro04a	Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. disengagement policy changes Myanmar sanctions economic impact political influence regional players NLD export restrictions developmental aid imports economic disparity ruling elite disengagement policy Myanmar economy sanctions impact NLD influence regional engagement political changes 2010-2011 reforms sanctions effectiveness working class economic disparity ruling elite export restrictions import restrictions developmental aid local manufacturers market dynamics economic alienation poverty increase disengagement policy change Myanmar sanctions economic impact political influence regional players NLD export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions economic disparity power dynamics local population working class small manufacturers political class US policies EU policies Thailand China national context Disengagement policy Myanmar politics economic sanctions NLD influence regional engagement sanctions impact working class economic disparity local manufacturers export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions ruling elite power disengagement policy change Myanmar sanctions economic impact political class working class trade restrictions aid export restrictions import restrictions economic disparity ruling elite NLD Thailand China local manufacturers consumers market access population impact power dynamics regional players search performance recommendation system relevant expansion phrases query analysis policy impact Myanmar disengagement sanctions arms embargoes NLD regional players economic disparity local population ruling elite market dynamics export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions working class economic class political influence geopolitical strategy disengagement Myanmar political change economic impact sanctions arms embargo NLD regional influence Thailand China population affected manufacturing working class economic disparity ruling elite disengagement policy Myanmar sanctions arms embargoes NLD regional players Thailand China economic disparity power ruling elite local population exporters developmental aid working class market access disengagement policy sanctions arms embargoes NLD Myanmar economic change political change regional influence US EU local manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions economic disparity ruling elite market access alienation disengagement Myanmar sanctions NLD economic impact political change regional players Thailand China working class population export restrictions developmental aid economic disparity ruling elite
test-society-simhbrasnba-con02a	The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum persecution international customary law human rights customary international law obligation to protect refugees refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum custodial obligations human rights international customary law forced return political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution customary international law signatories obligations refugee international law 1951 Convention asylum human rights persecution political asylum religious asylum ethnic asylum social asylum international customary law treaty obligations signatories human rights law protection against deportation Jastram Achiron refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum seekers persecution duties of signatories international human rights customary law boundaries of protection refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum persecution customary law human rights international law enforcement signatories obligations refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum persecution international customary law human rights obligation refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum persecution international human rights law customary law refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum persecution international customary law human rights law refugee rights international law 1951 Convention asylum persecution international customary law human rights treaty obligation refugee law international human rights 1951 convention asylum seekers customary law political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution forcible return humanitarian law signatories obligations international customary law [1] refugee protection
test-economy-egecegphw-pro02a	The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, economic_growth jobs_creation aviation_infrastructure tourism job_security airport_expansion transport_links airline_competition trade_opportunities Chinese_investment Indian_investment british_infrastructure recession_impact airport_sustainability business_attractiveness chongqing chengdu economy jobs tourism infrastructure british infrastructure recession growth aviation trade china india business opportunities investment third runway airport expansion transport links Heathrow expansion economic impact jobs creation tourism infrastructure investment British economy aviation industry job security new business opportunities China economy India economy trading partnerships economic growth recession effects airport expansion transport links economic recovery business travel trade opportunities airline connectivity airport infrastructure Southern England development trade routes city connections international trade expansion Heathrow economy job creation tourism infrastructure recession aviation trade China India business opportunities direct flights investment UK economic growth jobs creation infrastructure spending aviation industry tourism european airports British economy China India aviation connectivity business investment airport expansion Heathrow expansion economy jobs tourist trade London aviation infrastructure new business China India Chongqing Chengdu infrastructure spending recession business opportunities UK trade third runway BBC News The Times EEF Blog Heathrow expansion economy jobs tourism infrastructure aviation trade China India business opportunities recession investment transport links Heathrow expansion economic growth jobs creation tourist trade infrastructure spending business opportunities aviation infrastructure China India Chongqing Chengdu British economy airport expansion trade opportunities Heathrow expansion economic impact jobs creation tourist trade British infrastructure supply chain aviation infrastructure new business opportunities China India international trade airport expansion transport links infrastructure spending job security business travel trade routes economic growth travel industry recession aviation industry airport capacity regional economy business investment aviation connectivity airline industry economic competitiveness urban development airport expansion benefits trade relations global business travel economic_growth jobs_creation infrastructure_spending tourist_trade british_airlines airport_competition job_security aviation_infrastructure trade_opportunities Chongqing India economic_recession Chengdu British_EEFA aviation_business_connections European_airports
test-health-dhghwapgd-con01a	"Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: generic drugs safety brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects testing laws market competition developing world drug efficacy suicide risk medication safety generic drugs safety brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects testing laws market approval developing world drug safety chemical testing market flooding generic drugs safety brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects testing laws developing world market flooding costs knock-offs public health equivalence testing drug safety chemical testing suicide risk drug approval process medication safety pharmaceutical industry drug regulation drug efficacy health risks medicine quality drug counterfeiting drug effectiveness generic drugs safety issues brand name counterparts bioequivalence side effects test laws market competition developing world drug quality suicide risk pharmaceutical regulation generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence safety side effects market flooding developing world drug testing public health generic drugs safety brand name drugs effectiveness bioequivalence side effects testing laws developing world market flooding undocumented side effects generic drugs safety brand name drugs effectiveness bioequivalence side effects testing laws developing world market competition drug approval costs potential dangers generic drugs safety brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects testing laws market flooding developing world pharmaceutical regulation drug efficacy suicide risk medicine quality public health search optimization keyword expansion generic drugs bioequivalence safety concerns market flooding developing countries pharmaceutical testing side effects drug efficacy bioequivalence side effects testing laws market widening safety guarantees generic drugs brand name counterparts developing world drug efficacy chemical testing market flooding drug screening public health essential medicines drug approval drug safety drug cost pharmaceutical regulation"
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con01a	Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs suicide ethics life value justification sacrifice individual rights ethics morality self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs suicide justification life value euthanasia individual rights ethics morality duty ethics self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs suicide life value ethics moral philosophy decision making value judgment life importance individual rights ethical considerations self-preservation moral duty religious groups suicide justification life's value personal sacrifice internal decisions moral responsibility individual rights value assessment self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs suicide life's value individual rights ethical decisions self-preservation moral duty religious groups suicide life's value individual rights decision making ethical considerations self-preservation moral duty religious groups suicide justification life value ethics moral philosophy individual rights capabilities decision-making self-preservation moral duty religious groups suicide life value individual rights euthanasia ethics duty ethics life importance value judgment moral decision-making self-preservation moral duty religious groups suicide life's value ethics morality decision-making reversibility individual rights self-preservation moral duty religious groups suicide life value ethics individual rights duty ethics existentialism philosophy
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con02a	Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. open source security closed source vulnerabilities government software costs hacking risks ethical coding incentives software platform attacks national security threats source code accessibility open source vulnerabilities state security concerns hacker motivations software market competition shareholder interests software pricing strategies open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government software procurement hacking threats open source code government computer systems cybersecurity open source operating systems Linux BSD ethical coding software vulnerabilities hacker incentives open source security closed source motivation government software procurement hacker incentives software vulnerabilities ethical hacking state cybersecurity Linux security BSD security government IT spending shareholder responsibility customer needs Microsoft pricing strategy software licensing models cyber threats software platform adoption ethical coding cybersecurity measures open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government coffers hacking threats ubiquitous open source platforms OS security Linux BSD ethical coders spotting flaws open source software closed source software national security hackers government computer systems Linux BSD hacking vulnerabilities security threats economic incentives ethical coders flaws in programs open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations software pricing government computer systems hacking threats open source code software vulnerabilities ethical coders cybersecurity challenges open source software national security closed source software shareholders customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations software pricing government computer systems hacking open source code cybersecurity OS security Linux BSD hacker incentives code vulnerabilities ethical coding security flaws open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government software procurement cybersecurity threats open source code hacking state security security illusions software vulnerabilities ethical coding hacker incentives target reduction software platforms Linux BSD code accessibility open source software national security closed source software shareholder responsibility customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government coffers hacking government computer systems open source code security threats open source platforms Linux BSD ethical coders program flaws hacker incentives open source software national security closed source software shareholders customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government coffers hacking government computer systems open source code hackers security threats open source platforms Linux BSD ethical coders software flaws
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro04a	Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 mayors economic growth cities elections bureaucracy investment centralization power media profile chambers of commerce referendums local government national government public relations community representation urban development leadership decision making direct democracy urban governance mayors elected mayors city profile national profile international profile bureaucratic hurdles business investment chambers of commerce figurehead media profile centralisation power distribution local government economic growth political influence Mayors Association urban development civic leadership public relations community representation urban governance local economy city branding public sector reform political impact city marketing local authority community engagement public image city promotion local politics urban renewal community development city management local governance city improvement community relations local affairs city strategy city mayors economic growth political representation bureaucratic hurdles investment attraction local government centralisation chambers of commerce mayoral elections media coverage power decentralization elected mayors raise profile community representation national attention international recognition business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles chambers of commerce referendum support figurehead role single point of contact local government visibility centralization media profile collective action power decentralization public interest champion mayors economic growth civic leadership community representation bureaucratic hurdles investment attraction media profile chambers of commerce power decentralization political figures local government national government centralisation urban development referendums power dynamics political influence civic engagement search performance expansion phrases query refinement mayors city profile elected officials community representation national influence international visibility business negotiations investment attraction bureaucratic challenges chambers of commerce referendums figurehead business relations single point of contact local government centralisation media profile power distribution democratic decentralization search accuracy query expansion helpful terms enrichment mayors city profile elected mayors speak on behalf communities nationally internationally business investment bureaucratic hurdles chambers of commerce referrals political figurehead focal point local government centralisation national government power distribution media profile people interests economic growth political science power dynamics cities management government reform political reform political influence urban development community engagement political engagement policy making political leadership political impact political communication pol search efficacy expansion keywords mayors city profile national representation international recognition business negotiations investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles chambers of commerce referendums figurehead focal point business relations single point of contact local government centralisation media profile political power public interest city development mayoral benefits elected officials urban governance search optimization keyword expansion mayors city representation elected officials community advocacy business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic challenges chambers of commerce referendums figurehead business relations local government centralization media profile political power urban development mayoral roles community representation national advocacy international promotion business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic challenges chambers of commerce referendum outcomes city development centralized governance media attention local government reform municipal leadership economic growth strategies political influence civic engagement
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro02a	Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, nutrition education schools children breakfast universal education secondary school poverty global education school attendance child nutrition school nutrition universal education child nutrition programs secondary school attendance breakfast at school education policies global education statistics nutritional benefits childhood development education funding school meal programs poverty and education educational outcomes school nutrition universal education breakfast programs child nutrition secondary school attendance education policies school meals childhood nutrition global education educational outcomes nutrition programs school age children educational statistics food security child development school health 联合国儿童基金会 教育普及 school nutrition universal education breakfast program secondary school attendance child nutrition programs education policy school health initiatives global education childhood nutrition school meal programs educational outcomes nutrition policies food security in schools international education standards school meal benefits education statistics nutritional needs school age children public education child development school feeding programs education goals global health initiatives school nutrition universal education breakfast programs child attendance global education statistics secondary school enrollment nutrition policies educational efficiency school-age children food security child development education access school meal programs international education standards school nutrition universal education breakfast programs child nutrition educational outcomes secondary school attendance school-aged children global education trends nutritional benefits educational policy child development food security school meals international education standards childhood nutrition school health programs educational inequality nutritional interventions school feeding programs nutrition education schools breakfast children universal education age ranges secondary school global databases Unicef nutrition programs nutrition schools education universal children breakfast secondary school global databases Unicef poor countries age range attendance health development school nutrition universal education child nutrition programs breakfast at schools secondary school attendance global education statistics child education access nutritional benefits school meals program educational outcomes nutrition policies school health initiatives food security in schools nutrition breakfast schools education children secondary school universal education global databases Unicef nutrition programs school meals food security health outcomes child development
test-economy-epegiahsc-con01a	The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= FTAA developing nations farmers workers competition poverty reduction Bolivia Haiti American corporations disparities economic development globalization Latin America trade agreements FTAA negative impacts developing nations agriculture workers power imbalance multinational corporations socioeconomic disparity Latin America policy analysis trade agreements economic development poverty reduction FTAA negatives developing nations poverty development trade inequality Bolivia Haiti multinational corporations power discrimination agriculture workers economic competition opinion Latin America[1] Robinson Mary[1] FTAA developing nations industrial competition poverty reduction economic disparity multinational corporations South America trade agreements farmers workers economic development globalization resource inequality FTAA developing nations farmers workers competition impoverished nations American corporations small industries Bolivia Haiti disparities power resources economic sustainability multinational corporations development poverty reduction Latin America FTAA developing nations farmers workers impoverished nations competition multinational corporations Bolivia Haiti economic disparity development poverty reduction Latin America FTAA developing nations farmers workers competition rich companies developing industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity of power resource inequality national economy poverty reduction South America globalization impacts FTAA developing nations farmers workers competition impoverished American corporations Bolivia Haiti small industries economic disparity multinational corporations poverty reduction South America FTAA negative impacts developing nations farmers workers poverty reduction South America multinational corporations economic disparity power imbalance [1]Robinson free trade industries Bolivia Haiti FTAA developing nations economic disparity competition multinational corporations trade agreements poverty reduction South America developing industries resource imbalance
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con03a	Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war objective measurement Pentagon standard for cyber attack economic impact bloodless casus belli NATO Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justification unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack definition armed acts of aggression act of war objective measurement Pentagon bloodless casus belli economic impact NATO Georgia 2008 cyber attack assessment justification for war unnecessary violence large_scale_cyber_attack definition armed_acts_of_aggression act_of_war destruction violence loss_of_life bloodless_attacks economic_impact casus_belli measuring_impact nato_georgia_2008 pentagon_theoretical_framework justification_for_war unnecessary_violence large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life Pentagon standard bloodless economic impact casus belli impact measurement NATO Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse justifications unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack definition armed acts of aggression act of war objective measurement Pentagon damage equivalence bloodless economic impact casus belli NATO Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse justifications unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack definition armed acts of aggression act of war objective measurement Pentagon bloodless cyber attacks casus belli economic impact NATO cyber attack on Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions justification for war unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life Pentagon bloodless economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justifications unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack definition vague armed acts of aggression objective measurement bloodless economic impact casus belli NATO 2008 Georgia cyber attack theoretical framework unanswered questions Pentagon cyber warfare justification for war large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war objective measurement Pentagon standard economic impact bloodless casus belli NATO Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse justification unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack definition armed acts of aggression objective measurement bloodless casus belli economic impact Pentagon NATO Georgia cyber warfare theoretical framework justification for war unnecessary violence
test-international-iiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid advanced poaching techniques militarised wildlife protection rhinoceros conservation high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopter poaching endangered species protection wildlife enforcement Asian rhino horn trade WWF reports zapwing reports aerial surveillance training poaching techniques militarized wildlife protection rhinoceros conservation high-calibre rifles night vision technology poaching surveillance specialized ranger training aerial reconnaissance endangered species protection wildlife crime poaching trends poaching equipment rhino horn trade animal conservation efforts anti-poaching strategies poaching techniques military anti-poaching rhinoceros protection wildlife conservation strategies advanced poaching technology poaching equipment wildlife crime endangered species protection South African rangers militarized wildlife protection anti-poaching drones high-calibre rifles in poaching poaching in Africa rhino horn trade wildlife law enforcement aerial surveillance for poaching poaching hotspots poaching trends wildlife security measures advanced poaching techniques militarized wildlife protection specialized ranger training night vision scopes silencers high-calibre rifles rhinoceros conservation endangered species protection African wildlife poaching Asian rhino horn trade anti-poaching helicopter operations poaching advanced techniques militarized approach high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros South Africa Asian market medical properties specialized training aerial surveillance endangered animals advanced poaching techniques militarised approach to poaching rhinoceros poaching South African wildlife rangers night vision technology in poaching helicopter usage in poaching high-calibre rifles for poaching silencers in poaching operations rhino horn value rhino conservation efforts Asian markets for rhino horns poaching training for rangers aerial surveillance for poaching prevention poaching advanced poaching techniques militarized approach high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros protection South African rangers aerial surveillance endangered species conservation wildlife crime Asian market demand wildlife trafficking specialized training conservation strategies advanced poaching techniques militarised wildlife protection rhinoceros conservation international wildlife crime high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters endangered species protection rhino horn trade medical properties of rhino horn protected wildlife enforcement training for rangers aerial surveillance techniques search optimization keyword expansion advanced poaching militarized approach high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros protection wildlife crime endangered species South Africa specialized training aerial surveillance poaching methods Asian market medical properties conservation efforts anti-poaching measures wildlife trafficking advanced poaching techniques militarised wildlife protection high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers poaching helicopters rhinoceros conservation South African rangers aerial surveillance endangered species protection wildlife crime militarization medical properties of rhino horn international poaching threats
test-society-asfhwapg-con03a	"Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? patenting genes moral implications human life commodification genetic ownership ethical issues in genetics gene commercialization biotechnology ethics gene patents genetic material ownership human dignity genetic engineering morality gene auctions reproductive rights ethics biotech ethics genetic resources gene patenting debate genetic privacy genetic discrimination genetic modification ethics immoral ownership patenting genes commodification of life ethical genetics human dignity genetic auctions gene commercialization biotechnology ethics genetic patents gene bidding Ron's Angels egg and sperm markets patenting genes morality human dignity genetic ethics ownership of life gene commercialization biomedical ethics genetic discrimination human rights dna patenting ownership of life genetic patents commodification of genes moral implications human dignity biotechnology ethics gene auctions genetic engineering genetic discrimination bioethics gene patenting controversy patenting genes human life monetary value ethical issues gene patenting ownership of life dna fragments human rights bidding for genes eugenics Ron's Angels auctioning genes ethical issues gene patenting human dignity genetic engineering moral implications biotechnology genetic discrimination commodification of life biopiracy genetic privacy genetic ownership immoral ownership patenting genes human dignity genetic commodification ethical genetics biotechnology ethics gene auctions genetic resources biomedical ethics genetic discrimination human rights in genetics immoral patenting genetic commercialization human gene ownership ethical genetics gene bidding genetic auctions value of human life morality in biotechnology gene ethics genetic commodification human rights in genetics genetic property rights gene auctions biotechnology ethics gene pricing genetic material ownership genetic resource exploitation genetic asset valuation genetic market analysis gene patenting ethics immoral patenting genetic ownership human life commercialization ethics in genetics gene auctioning human dignity biotechnology morality gene commodification genetic resources moral implications biopiracy immoral patenting gene commercialization human life ownership genetic ethics gene auctioning biotechnology morality gene bidding genetic material ownership ethical gene patenting gene value monetization human dignity in genetics genetic resources commodification"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con03a	We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. morality ethics intuition rationality emotions killing moral instincts ethical theories cognitive dissonance morality ethical theories emotional reasoning cognitive dissonance ethical intuitionism consequentialism deontology moral psychology ethical dilemmas human instincts morality ethics intuition emotions right wrong killing morality theories cognitive dissonance emotional reasoning morality instincts ethical reasoning intuition moral feelings cognitive dissonance philosophical theories human emotions ethical judgments moral instincts right and wrong moral philosophy moral intuition moral psychology ethical considerations moral reasoning moral emotions moral cognition moral intuitions moral principles morality instincts ethics emotions argumentation intuition moral_dismissal killing wrongness moral intuition ethical reasoning moral feelings moral dismissals philosophical arguments instinctive morality morality against killing emotional morality morality intuition ethics instincts moral reasoning emotional responses cognitive dissonance philosophical arguments moral sentiments ethical theories moral intuition ethical reasoning right and wrong instinctive morality cognitive dissonance moral arguments emotional vs rational ethical theories moral feelings moral dismissals killing ethics moral instincts ethical theories moral reasoning intuition morality psychological aspects morality cognitive dissonance morality philosophical ethics moral emotions moral psychology moral intuition right vs wrong ethical dilemmas moral judgment morality and emotions moral philosophy moral feelings moral instincts psychology moral reasoning processes morality ethics intuition conscience emotional reasoning cognitive dissonance moral philosophy ethical theories emotional responses right and wrong moral instincts
test-society-simhbrasnba-con03a	We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. democratic nations freedom human rights justice oppression hypocrisy moral failing practical harm spreading democracy peaceful government authoritarian nations support change oppressive regimes democratic nations preaching protecting persecuted moral hypocrisy spreading democracy peaceful government authoritarian nations support risk standing up freedom change oppressive regimes moral failing practical harm democratic nations preaching freedom human rights justice oppression persecuted spreading democracy authoritarian nations moral failing practical harm peaceful government support incentives standing up best chance of change democratic nations moral failing protection of persecuted spread democracy peaceful government support for freedom risk everything stand up for freedom change oppressive regimes hypocrisy in democracy encouragement for opposition interests in spreading democracy moral responsibility practical harm of inaction support for activists incentives for standing up democratic values promotion of human rights global democracy encouraging social change moral leadership political oppression international support for freedom democratic nations freedom human rights justice oppression hypocrisy moral failing practical harm spreading democracy peaceful government support authoritarian nations change oppressive regimes practice preach freedom human rights justice oppression moral failing democratic nations protect persecuted support authoritarian nations change spread democracy peaceful government incentives stand up risk everything best chance democratic nations preach freedom human rights justice oppression protect persecuted hypocrisy moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian nations support change oppressive regimes risk stand up moral responsibility democratic nations moral failing human rights justice persecution authoritarian regimes spread democracy peaceful government support for freedom incentives for change democratic nations preach freedom human rights justice oppression persecuted moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian nations support change oppressive regimes democratic nations moral failing support for oppressed spreading democracy peaceful government authoritarian nations incentives for change global democracy human rights violations support systems international relations moral responsibility freedom movements persecution noble causes global stability international law civil liberties global citizenship diplomatic efforts human rights advocacy international community political oppression global ethics moral leadership democratic values humanitarian intervention
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con03a	New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. new technology trends rapid technological advancement climate control technologies emissions reduction methods renewable energy development coal power efficiency carbon removal technologies future technological impact technological innovation history historical technological inventions future environmental solutions sustainable technology clean energy advancements technological progress rate climate change interventions technological revolution climate change renewable energy emissions reduction coal power efficiency carbon removal technological progress climate prediction innovation in technology environmental intervention sustainability advancements technological revolution agricultural advancements steel industry impact antibiotics development microchip innovations technological acceleration future technological changes emissions reduction climate control technologies renewable energy progress carbon removal technologies cleaner coal power efficiency improvements competitive renewable energy atmospheric carbon capture renewable energy climate control technologies emissions abatement technological advancements coal power efficiency carbon removal sustainable development environmental impact future of technology green technology clean energy climate prediction technological revolution human innovation sustainable practices energy efficiency environmental solutions technological improvement rate search efficiency query expansion technology revolution agricultural technology steel technology antibiotics microchips technological improvement climate change emissions abatement renewable energy carbon removal efficiency coal power stations scalability climate prediction human intervention technological advancement Bradsher New York Times search optimization keyword expansion technology trends climate change solutions renewable energy advancements emission reduction innovation in coal power carbon removal technologies search accuracy technology improvement climate control emissions abatement renewable energy coal power efficiency carbon removal technological advancement environmental intervention sustainable technology climate prediction innovation impact clean coal technology energy transition technological revolution sustainability solutions technology revolution emissions abatement climate control renewable energy coal power efficiency carbon removal technological advancement climate prediction human intervention environmental sustainability search optimization keyword expansion technological advancements climate change mitigation renewable energy emissions reduction climate prediction sustainable technology innovation rate future technology trends clean coal technology carbon removal environmental intervention efficiency improvements search outcomes beneficial expansion terms supplement query new technology humanity revolutionized world monumental inventions agriculture steel antibiotics microchips improvement rate change prediction 2000 2050 1950 climate control emissions abatement severe predictions intervention small changes efficiency coal power stations renewable energy competitive scalable carbon atmosphere removal progress innovation future developments advancement reduction mitigation impact sustainable development environmental
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro04a	Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. missile defense strategic missile defense nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles missile shields diplomatic solutions United States Japan Australia Romania city-leveling power nuclear missiles war deterrent missile technology military technology international relations defense systems technological advancement conflict reduction nuclear disarmament missile interception missile defense systems military strategy missile defense capabilities global security missile defense implications missile defense technology trends missile defense technology nuclear weapons discriminating application future wars operational national missile defense system intercontinental ballistic missiles diplomatic solutions red button effect proliferation of missile defense technology United States Japan Australia Romania McMichael 2009 city-leveling power strategic missile defense missile shield technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles missile defense systems international security military strategy technological advancements war deterrence diplomatic solutions missile defense proliferation United States missile defense program Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile defense missile defense effectiveness nuclear war implications missile defense and conflict reduction missile defense and global security missile defense systems nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational national missile defense sino-uk missile defense cooperation diplomatic solutions red button theory military technology sharing city-leveling power proliferation of missile defense technology missile defense strategic missile defense nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational national missile defense diplomatic solutions technological advancement international relations military strategy security warfare global politics missile shield city-leveling war deterrence technological proliferation missile defense technology nuclear weapons discriminating application operational national missile defense system international conflict diplomatic solutions proliferation of missile defense systems city-leveling power red button scenario missile defense nuclear weapons diplomatic solutions city-leveling power proverbial red button operational national missile defense system international relations global security technological advancement war prevention strategic missile defense intercontinental ballistic missiles United States defense strategy Japan Australia Romania McMichael 2009 potential future wars deterrence theory missile defense strategic missile defense nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational national missile defense red button diplomatic solutions McMichael 2009 United States Japan Australia Romania city-leveling power missile defense nuclear weapons strategic defense international security warfare diplomatic solutions technology transfer global security national missile defense proliferation defense systems intercontinental ballistic missiles missile shield United States Japan Australia Romania potential conflicts red button finger over button city-leveling destructive power power dynamics diplomacy technology advancement military strategy defense policy geostrategy strategic missile defense nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational national missile defense diplomatic solutions technological advancement international security military strategy defense technology geopolitical implications missile shield technology nuclear disarmament military conflict technological proliferation military innovation arms race defense systems missile defense systems missile technology global security strategic stability military doctrine defense strategy international relations missile defense effectiveness missile defense capabilities
test-economy-egecegphw-pro03a	Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow London business travel airport expansion transport links civil aviation authority Gatwick Stansted M25 aviation capacity expansion location business travel airport infrastructure Civil Aviation Authority popularity demand transportation links m25 Gatwick Stansted population density environmental impact economic benefit opposition aviation capacity location business travel pickup bill airport expansion transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express Civil Aviation Authority demand analysis rivals Gatwick Stansted M25 aviation capacity opposition Heathrow location advantage business passenger convenience airport transport links M25 expansion challenge local airport dependency alternative airport feasibility civil aviation authority statistics business travel accessibility aviation capacity solution Heathrow London business travel airport location transport links Civil Aviation Authority Piccadilly line Heathrow Express mobile workforce infrastructure expansion population density aviation capacity airport alternatives M25 Gatwick Stansted demand analysis public transport airport opposition aviation policy search optimization keyword recommendation travel industry airport location business aviation transport infrastructure M25 Piccadilly line Heathrow Express competition analysis civil aviation authority expansion strategies airport opposition Heathrow London business travel airport expansion transport links Civil Aviation Authority Piccadilly line Heathrow Express migration concerns economic impact aviation capacity mobile workforce M25 expansion public opposition Heathrow location London business travel airport expansion benefits local passenger demand aviation transport links M25 expansion airport opposition search optimization meaningful expansion terms travel efficiency business passenger demand airport location analysis transport connectivity M25 expansion aviation capacity civil aviation authority airport opposition London airports comparison Heathrow expansion civil aviation authority business passengers London airports Gatwick Stansted transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express aviation capacity opposition to expansion
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro02a	Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at international cooperation justice system capital punishment extradition treaties human rights criminal justice policy Global North extradition laws judicial cooperation cross-border crime international justice cooperation capital punishment extradition global north crime policy US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights criminal justice reform international law human rights in criminal justice extradition clauses justice system collaboration international cooperation judicial assistance capital punishment extradition treaty human rights criminal justice policy international law geneva conventions north america european court international cooperation capital punishment extradition treaties criminal justice policy Global North jurisdiction concerns justice issues international assistance national borders cross-border crime fighting crime human rights considerations extradition laws legal frameworks capital punishment abolition cooperation clauses US-Mexico treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering case justice cooperation international crime extradition capital punishment global north criminal justice policy human rights US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights international cooperation capital punishment extradition treaty jurisdiction criminal justice policy Global North justice issues human rights cooperation clauses international laws extradite to jeopardy justice co-operation international justice cooperation extradition policy capital punishment human rights global north criminal justice reform US-Mexico treaty European Court of Human Rights cross-border crime justice cooperation international crime fighting crime capital punishment extradition policy Global North criminal justice cooperation policy US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom justice cooperation capital punishment international crime fighting crime extradition treaties criminal justice policy Global North exports cooperation extradite jeopardy US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom international justice extradition policy capital punishment criminal justice reform human rights treaties global cooperation extradition treaties justice systems legal cooperation international law extradition practices human rights violations penal policy cross-border crime judicial cooperation extradition agreements abolitionist movement criminal justice policy legal assistance international standards justice system compatibility extradition laws human rights protection legal interoperability international criminal justice extradition clauses justice system alignment cross-border justice human rights enforcement extradition reforms international legal framework
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 culture religion Muslim personal items religious book Christianity Bible symbolic clothing individuality cultural rights religious freedom uniform intrusion symbolism culture religion Islamic Christianity cultural practices religious symbols individuality uniform policy The Bible religious books personal items Muslim headscarf religious freedom secular laws culture religion Muslim Islamic Christian Bible religious symbols personal items individuality uniform cultural rights religious freedom secular discrimination diversity identity multiculturalism culture religion Muslim personal items cultural rights religious symbols individuality Christianity Bible uniform dissent religious books individual freedom secular cultural appropriation symbolic bans culture religion Muslim cultural practices religious symbols individuality The Bible Christianity personal items religious books uniform dissent The Guardian culture religion Muslim cultural practices religious symbols personal items The Bible Christianity individuality uniform dissent The Guardian culture religion Muslim cultural practices religious symbols individuality personal items The Bible Christianity Islam cultural rights religious freedom symbolic garments cultural sensitivity culture religion Islamic culture Christian culture religious symbols cultural practices religious books individuality secular uniform dissent cultural rights religious freedom cultural imposition culture religion Islamic symbols Christian symbols personal items religious freedom cultural practices individuality uniform dissent The Guardian culture religion Islamic Muslim Christian Bible cultural rights religious symbols individuality uniform dissent
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con02a	The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 cluster bombs international criminal prosecution ICC Security Council humanitarian law Western powers battlefield tactics military strategy disarmament human rights weapon proliferation cluster munitions international law UN resolutions cluster bombs international humanitarian law United States foreign policy arms control international criminal court security council military strategy humanitarian impact weapon proliferation ban feasibility cluster bombs international criminal prosecution ICC Security Council humanitarian law Western powers battlefield tactics military strategy arms control human rights China United States humanitarian impact international law weapons trade military deterrence weapon production cluster munitions UN disarmament ban effectiveness military ethics cluster bombs ban feasibility international criminal prosecution ICC cluster bomb use cluster bomb manufacturing Western powers Security Council humanitarian concerns battlefield tactics soldier safety cluster bombs ban feasibility international criminal prosecution ICC Security Council cluster bomb manufacturing Western powers battlefield use humanitarian concerns arms trade military strategy cluster bombs prevention battlefield international criminal prosecutions ICC Security Council manufacturing Western powers import retaliation humanitarian concerns cluster bombs feasibility international criminal court icc cluster bomb use battlefield military strategy humanitarian law security council western powers arms control international relations cluster munitions cluster bomblets ban effectiveness weapon manufacturing cluster bomb stockpiles cluster bomb export military deterrence human rights weapons proliferation cluster bomb disarmament international law cluster bomb treaties cluster bomb casualties cluster bombs ban feasibility international criminal prosecution ICC Security Council cluster bomb manufacturing Western powers battlefield use humanitarian concerns military strategy cluster munitions UN arms control humanitarian law military doctrine cluster bomb stockpiles disarmament efforts weapon proliferation military ethics international law cluster bomb incidents cluster bomb alternatives cluster bomb testing cluster bomb exports cluster bomb imports cluster bomb usage cluster bomb effectiveness cluster bomb disposal cluster bomb storage cluster bomb deployment cluster bomb training cluster bomb production cluster bomb regulations cluster bomb treaties cluster bomb inspections cluster bomb disarmament cluster bombs international criminal prosecution ICC Security Council weapon manufacturing battlefield use humanitarian law U.S. foreign policy military strategy humanitarian disarmament arms control international law cluster munitions UN Convention on Cluster Munitions NATO military ethics human rights weapon proliferation cluster bombs unfeasibility international law humanitarian concerns military strategy arms control ICC Security Council weapon proliferation retaliation battlefield tactics
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty sustainable livelihoods women employment Kenya jewellery income economic security healthcare education asset building loan access wage earnings gender equality rural development microfinance entrepreneurship jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty sustainable livelihoods women's employment Kenya jewellery design income generation economic security healthcare education asset building microfinance gender equality labor market social entrepreneurship economic empowerment development economics rural employment informal sector jobs livelihoods empowerment poverty capital assets financial capital loans wages gender equality workforce education healthcare financial security home-based businesses jewellery design Kenya empowerment economic independence poverty reduction sustainable development gendered economic roles female empowerment [1] [2] jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment sustainable livelihoods tackling poverty women work households healthcare education jewellery Kenya employment earning income financial security further readings Ellis et al 2010 further readings Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable poverty financial capital access employment women Kenya jewellery healthcare education economic security asset loan wages control household empowerment further readings Ellis Petty jobs livelihoods empowerment tackling poverty financial capital access to capital assets women's empowerment job security healthcare education employment from home designing jewellery Kenya further readings jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty sustainable development women's roles employment income generation Kenya jewelry design economic security healthcare education gender equality asset building long-term benefits workforce participation jobs livelihoods empowerment financial capital access to capital poverty reduction women's empowerment employment kenya jewellery design second wage healthcare education sustainable livelihoods workforce participation female employment personal control economic security development studies economics gender inequality social impact [1] Ellis 2010 petty 2013 jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty sustainable livelihoods employment women's rights economic security healthcare education Kenyan women jewelry design income generation asset building long-term solutions livelihoods money jobs empowerment sustainable livelihoods tackling poverty capital assets financial capital loans wages woman's control household poverty reduced burden financial security healthcare education employment earning income empowerment Kenya jewellery design further readings Ellis et al Petty
test-international-aghwrem-pro05a	Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. regional_stability ASEAN_countries foreign_investment Myanmar_government US_EU_policy diplomatic_rifts democratic_reforms international_community economic_partners political_alliances China_influence regional_stability ASEAN China_investment US_EU_policy Myanmar_government diplomatic_rifts democracy_improvement international_unified_viewpoint regional_stability ASEAN_countries China_investment foreign_policy democratic_processes diplomatic_alliances economic_relations political_partnerships international_communication diplomatic_rifts Myanmar_government united_front regional_factors foreign_investment US_policy EU_policy regional_stability ASEAN_countries Chinese_investment diplomatic_rifts US_EU_policy Myanmar_government_legitimacy international_united_front democratic_improvements ASEAN_members economic_relations political_partners foreign_investment_risks diplomatic_stability regional_factors alignment_of_positions Regional factors re-engagement Myanmar economic relations political relations ASEAN China foreign investment US EU diplomatic rifts regional stability international community democracy improvement united viewpoint regional_factors ASEAN China_investment US_EU_policy diplomatic_rifts regional_stability democracy_improvement international_unified_viewpoint regional_factors re_engagement Myanmar_economy political_relations ASEAN_countries China_investment US_policy EU_stance diplomatic_rifts regional_stability united_viewpoint democracy_improvement regional_factors ASEAN_countries China_investment US_EU_policy diplomatic_rifts Myanmar_government democratic_improvement ASEAN_alliance economic_relations political_partners international_unified_viewpoint regional_factors ASEAN China_investment diplomatic_rifts US_EU_policy Myanmar_government democracy_improvement economic_relations political_partners ASEAN_countries united_front regional_stability ASEAN China_investment US_EU_policy diplomatic_rifts Myanmar_government democracy_steps economic_partners international_united_viewpoint
test-health-dhghwapgd-con02a	"Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: patent rights licensing public domain innovation enterprising firms market successfully efficient production new drugs profit hard work patent protection release ideas societal benefit licensing system ownership retention productive capacities improve product patent expiration valuable assets patent protection licensing innovative firms public domain drug development market efficiency disclosure inventive around societal benefits patent protection licensing innovative firms drug development public domain market efficiency inventive around patent expiration societal benefit drug formulas intellectual property rights patent rights licensing market success innovative firms public domain drug development patent protection inventive around product improvement societal benefit patent rights licensing public domain innovative firms marketing drug development disclosure ownership productivity invention patent expiration societal benefits freedom to invent Google Pharm patent rights licensing innovation public domain patent protection drug development disclosure market efficiency productive capacities invent around societal benefits patent rights licensing innovative firms market success drug development public domain disclosure invent around patent expiration patent rights licensing innovative firms market success drug development public domain patent protection disclosure invent around societal benefit productive capacities patent rights firms public domain licensing innovative firms market successfully efficiently produce new drugs hard work slavery release ideas society system of licensing right of ownership rent ability productive capacities capitalize public domain disclosure ideas invent around product term patent expires valuable asset patent rights licensing innovative firms market success public domain drug development patent protection societal benefits disclosure product improvement invent around pharmaceutical industry"
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro01a	A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. school breakfast program equal education opportunities morning meal for students hunger in schools breakfast in classrooms nutrition for children school start time food insecurity solutions breakfast clubs healthy breakfast options morning routines school resources child nutrition programs equitable learning environment school breakfast program equal opportunities hunger in schools free breakfast for all education equity school nutrition childhood nutrition food insecurity school start time student success school breakfast program educational equality morning nutrition student success free breakfast for all food insecurity academic performance school meal initiatives equal opportunity in education breakfast in classrooms school breakfast program equal opportunities for students hunger in schools free breakfast for students start of the school day education equality food insecurity among students healthy breakfast for students school nutrition programs improving student outcomes school breakfast equal opportunities hungry children breakfast programs educational equality start of day food security school nutrition child welfare free breakfast academic performance school breakfast equality free breakfast program healthy breakfast options school nutrition initiatives equal educational opportunities hungry children childhood nutrition early morning school student well-being academic performanceboost food insecurity solutions breakfast in schools community support for schools equal rights for students improved concentration benefits of school breakfast food assistance programs for schools school breakfast equal opportunities start of day hunger in schools breakfast programs educational equality nutrition for students morning meal school meal programs food security in education school breakfast equal opportunities start to the day hungry children school nutrition breakfast for all educational equality morning start healthy breakfast student well-being school breakfast program equal opportunities food insecurity school nutrition childhood hunger free breakfast academic performance early education nutritious meals equity in education school breakfast benefits hunger in schools equal education opportunities free school breakfast programs child nutrition school start time food insecurity in schools mental health and breakfast academic performance and breakfast student well-being
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con02a	The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. consent moral integrity donor recipient sacrifice end-of-life care medical ethics patient rights euthanasia consent rights veto power clinical studies forced recipient sacrifice consent donation moral integrity right to veto donor choice receiver choice hastening death clinical studies forced reception sacrifice consent moral integrity right to veto donor choice receiver choice hastening death clinical studies ethical dilemmas sacrifice consent moral integrity end-of-life decisions patient autonomy donor rights receiving consent hastening death clinical studies sacrifice consent moral integrity survival donor recipient choice ethical dilemma clinical studies patient rights hastening death search performance query expansion ethical dilemma consent moral integrity donor rights recipient rights medical ethics organ donation patient autonomy consent violation end-of-life decisions sacrifice love healthcare ethics ethical choices patient rights consent in medicine organ transplantation end-of-life care forced reception sacrifice consent moral integrity right to veto donor choice receiver choice clinical studies hastening death sacrifice consent morality donor recipient ethical dilemmas life-saving intrusion decision-making rights veto clinical studies psychological impact ethical considerations search optimization keyword expansion moral integrity consent organ donation ethical dilemma recipient rights donor rights medical ethics consent in medicine patient autonomy ethical sacrifice quality of life end-of-life care ethical considerations medical ethics literature consent in medical procedures patient rights in medicine forced receipt sacrifice consent donor recipient moral integrity end-of-life decisions patient autonomy veto rights clinical studies hastening death
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con03a	Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, North Korea great powers business as usual situation stability regime survival provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan incident strategic studies international relations regime collapse Soviet Union security threats North Korea great powers business as usual situation stability collapse theory USSR support regime longevity provocations coercive diplomacy missile tests Cheonan incident South Korean corvette regime negotiation international attention North_Korea situation_unstable provocations biggest_incidents coercive_diplomacy missile_tests regime_stability sunken_corvette_Cheonan 2010_negotiations USSR_withdrawal_support Victor_Ch%C3%A1 Center_for_Strategic_and_International_Studies North Korea great powers business as usual situation stability regime collapse USSR support provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan incident negotiations strategic studies North Korea great powers business as usual situation stability regime collapse USSR support provocations coercive diplomacy Cheonan incident negotiations international attention North Korea great powers business as usual unstable situation commentators USSR withdrawal of support collapse regime stability provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan incident negotiations small actions harmful actions bigger incidents regime hanging on international attention North Korea great powers business as usual collapse USSR early 1990s regime stability provocations missile tests Cheonan incident coercive diplomacy negotiations strategic studies North Korea great powers business as usual situation stability regime collapse withdrawal of support USSR provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan incident negotiations regime survival international attention North Korea great powers business as usual unstable situation regime collapse USSR provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan incident South Korea negotiations international attention North Korea great powers business as usual situation stability regime collapse Soviet Union provocations coercive diplomacy South Korean corvette Cheonan negotiations missile tests international attention
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con03a	Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 closed source consumer needs software segmentation market reach Microsoft Windows 7 operating system versions monopoly desktop computers niche software open source alternatives development costs platform support software customization open source accessibility self-policing software stability Wikipedia editing anarchic communities IT security government IT needs closed source software benefits microsoft windows 7 monopoly effects open source vulnerabilities self-policing necessity anarchic communities risk of customization multiples platforms specialized software niche markets stability concerns government IT decisions software translation Windows versions programmer costs software package development market segmentation open source alternatives software customization risks defamation examples analogies to open source closed source software advantages market segmentation closed source monopolies Microsoft Windows 7 Linux open source software development costs niche software customization open source security community policing anarchic communities Wikipedia reliability government IT decisions software stability closed source software advantages market segmentation microsoft windows 7 software monopoly benefits open source software limitations niche software development Linux alternatives software stability open source security community policing wikipedia analogy government IT risks closed source software consumer needs market segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 monopoly desktop computers niche software open source alternatives development costs platform compatibility software customization open source accessibility community policing software stability Wikipedia user-generated content defamatory statements IT security government IT needs closed source software consumer needs market segmentation Windows 7 Microsoft monopoly Linux open source alternatives niche software programming costs software stability open source community Wikipedia self-policing defamatory statements anarchic communities closed source software consumer needs market segmentation Windows 7 Microsoft monopoly Linux open source alternatives niche software platform development open source community self-policing software stability Wikipedia anarchic community IT needs defamatory statements closed source software microsoft Windows 7 market segmentation operating system versions monopoly broken up open source alternatives programmer risks niche solutions open source software customization potential market access abuse self-policing anarchic community government IT needs wikipedia mob behavior defamation closed source software microsoft Windows 7 monopoly Linux open source software Windows versions programmer niche solutions market segmentation software customization anarchic community self-policing software stability public editing wikipedia abuse intentional wreckers government IT needs closed source software beneficial expansion terms search outcomes recommendation consumer needs software segmentation market reach Microsoft Windows 7 multiples versions monopoly Linux open source alternatives niche software platform development programmer costs software customization open source community police software stability Wikipedia self-policing anarchic community IT needs smart community intentional wreckers defamatory statements
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro01a	Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) right to die physician-assisted suicide quality of life autonomy euthanasia voluntary euthanasia suffering terminal illness patient rights end-of-life care choice in dying ethical considerations legal aspects moral philosophy suicide prevention palliative care human rights medical ethics case studies personal autonomy dignity in dying right to die physician assisted suicide quality of life autonomy Daniel James case Derek Humphrey assisted suicide euthanasia terminal illness psychological distress right to choose suffering end of life patient rights legal rights ethical considerations right to die suicide physician assisted suicide euthanasia quality of life dignity autonomy end of life capacity to consent pain management psychological distress human rights case law rugby accident physician involvement morality legislation right to life physician assisted suicide quality of life right to choose euthanasia dignity personal autonomy suffering right to die end of life legal rights decision making moral rights patient rights right to speech right to vote right to silence right to abstain Daniel James case Derek Humphry assisted suicide Elizabeth Stewart right to life right to die physician-assisted suicide quality of life autonomy suffering euthanasia decision-making personal rights right to choose right to speech right to vote physical pain psychological distress dignity individual freedom end-of-life choices right to life fundamental rights choice physician-assisted suicide quality of life personal decision autonomy right to die ethical considerations suffering right to speech right to vote Daniel James Derek Humphrey assisted suicide euthanasia terminal illness psychological distress physical pain right to life physician-assisted suicide quality of life autonomy suffering euthanasia dignity choice end-of-life rights personal decision voluntary medical ethics suffering patient rights terminal illness moral dilemma legal rights suicide consent ethical considerations right to life right to choose physician assisted suicide end of life choices quality of life suffering pain toleration of suffering autonomy inherent rights choice to die dignity assisted suicide pain management rarely harms others natural death inevitable outcome patient rights individual freedom social ethics legal rights ethical considerations right to die physician-assisted suicide quality of life autonomy suffering decision-making ethical considerations end-of-life choices euthanasia individual rights case studies medical ethics right to die physician assisted suicide quality of life euthanasia autonomy suffering decision making rights end of life voluntary termination personal choice legal rights moral rights dignity suicide terminal illness pain management ethical considerations patient rights medical ethics end-of-life care voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia voluntary death voluntary cessation assisted dying terminal conditions right to privacy voluntary termination of life
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro01a	Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . rehabilitation punishment retributive theory humanizing belief public safety victimization criminal justice system reoffending social justice enlightened society offender rights modern day criminal justice system rehabilitation vs retribution humanizing belief offender reform public safety victim protection enlightened society criminal justice reform prevention of reoffending ideological justification modern criminal justice poll results on sentencing criteria impact of London riots rights of prisoners reducing crime protecting individuals rehabilitation punishment deterrence retributive theory criminal justice social justice human rights public safety victimization crime prevention enlightened society offender rehabilitation retail crime riots youth crime capital punishment juvenile justice criminal recidivism legal philosophy criminal psychology ethical sentencing criminal justice reform alternatives to incarceration prison reform rehabilitation theory retributive justice criminal justice reform public safety victimization prevention offender rehabilitation desistance theory enlightenment approach ideological justification crime reduction polling data youth crime incarceration critique societal values legal philosophy offender rehabilitation programs criminology concepts punitive measures restorative justice reoffending rates criminal justice ethics legal systems comparison victim-offender dynamics penal policy analysis social justice human rights in punishment criminal behavior modification moral reasoning in law judicial discretion legal theory debate social control mechanisms rehabilitation punishment retributive theory humanising belief enlightened society criminial justice system reoffending safety of the public victimisation criminal justice reform ideological justification public opinion rehabilitation better ideological justification punishment desert theory enlightened society london riots youth offenders causes of crime victimisation public safety reoffending criminal justice system retributive justice modern criminal justice poll results enlightened approach rehabilitation punishment retributive theory humanizing belief enlightened society offender rights reoffending safety public opinion criminal justice system victimization modern day rehabilitation punishment deterrence criminal justice system retributive theory humanizing belief social justice public safety victimization recidivism offender treatment enlightened society modern justice system crime prevention public opinion criminal behavior analysis juvenile justice legal ideology crime causation rehabilitation retributive theory criminal justice system offender rights public safety victimization recidivism enlightenment ideological justification polling criminal reform juvenile justice societal impact rehabilitation punishment retributive theory criminal justice system public safety victimization offender reintegration delinquents riots crime prevention humanitarian justice correctional goals public opinion juvenile justice social reform
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro02a	The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens stolen guns criminal access child safety mass shootings firearm prevalence mental health gun violence public safety firearm regulations gun laws tragedy gun legislation gun safety gun rights gun control measures gun ownership gun policy gun accidents gun safety measures gun control gun violence firearm legislation accidental shootings mass shootings gun safety gun crime gun regulation gun laws gun rights firearm accidents gun bans gun advocacy gun legislation gun safety measures gun storage gun background checks gun registry gun restrictions gun prevention gun policy gun tragedies gun regulation debate gun control measures gun violence prevention gun safety education gun control statistics gun control gun violence firearm regulations accidental shootings mass shootings gun laws gun safety criminal access to firearms child safety locks gun ownership statistics gun control measures gun legislation gun crime firearm storage gun rights gun accidents gun control debate gun control mass shootings gun violence firearm legislation accidental shootings gun safety gun regulations public safety gun laws gun crime firearm accessibility gun ownership gun rights gun control measures gun control debate gun control effectiveness gun control policies gun deaths gun accidents gun control statistics gun control impact gun control benefits gun control drawbacks legal ownership accidental deaths law-abiding citizens stolen guns criminal possession firearm prevalence child access tragic accidents mass shootings mental health registered gun owners massacres gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens firearm prevalence criminal access child safety mass shootings gun violence public safety gun regulation mental health gun laws gun ownership firearm legislation gun control measures gun-related tragedies gun crime gun advocacy gun rights gun control effectiveness gun safety gun control debates gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens firearms prevalence criminal access child safety mass shootings mental health gun regulation public safety gun laws weapon theft tragedy prevention legal gun ownership accidental deaths law-abiding citizens gun theft criminal possession firearm prevalence child access tragic shootings mass killings registered gun owners mental health gun control public safety Columbine High School Hungerford Dunblaine gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens stolen guns criminal possession child access firearm prevalence mass shootings mental health registered gun owners tragic incidents gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens firearm prevalence stolen guns criminal access child safety gun violence mass shootings registered gun owners mental health public safety legislative actions gun regulations gun safety measures firearm legislation
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con06a	Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. utilitarianism moral obligation ethical theory consequentialism moral duty life-saving actions charitable donation ethical responsibility utilitarianism duty utilitarianism consequences moral obligations ethical dilemmas ethical responsibility ethical actions ethical praise moral philosophy utilitarianism criticism moral imperatives utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical theory consequence obligation duty altruism ethical dilemmas moral actions ethical implications moral responsibility ethical decision-making ethical justification ethical principles utilitarianism moral obligations ethical dilemmas philanthropy moral duties consequences ethical actions altruism ethical responsibility moral philosophy ethical egoism virtue ethics deontological ethics utilitarian calculus utilitarianism moral obligations ethical dilemmas altruism duty ethics cost-benefit analysis ethical responsibility moral philosophy moral imperatives ethical actions moral duty utilitarianism consequences utilitarianism examples moral obligations ethical dilemmas duty ethics moral philosophy cost-benefit analysis ethical responsibility moral actions moral duties utilitarianism moral obligation ethical dilemma consequence altruism duty ethical reasoning moral philosophy ethical actions ethical implications moral responsibility moral duty ethical consequences ethical theory ethical behavior moral ethics moral imperatives moral justification moral principles utilitarianism moral obligation ethical dilemma consequentialism philanthropy moral duty ethical responsibility charitable actions utilitarianism moral obligation ethical dilemmas duty charitable actions life-saving decisions moral praise ethical consistency utilitarianism moral obligation ethical decision-making consequences altruism moral philosophy ethics duty beneficence virtue ethics consequentialism
test-society-asfhwapg-con04a	A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , liability regime alternatives to patents gene patenting innovation pricing gene discovery rights for discovery use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system database access patent alternatives academic research commercial research public health intellectual property biotechnology biopiracy genetic materials sui generis research incentives liability regime alternative to patents gene patenting innovation stifling price increase no patents gene research free for all research incentives use now pay later GSR Genetic Sequence Rights patent system international database GSR fee public funding academic research commercial entities patenting alternatives sui generis rights liability regime gene patenting innovation pricing research funding alternative intellectual property genetic sequence rights sui generis public health patent system cost minimization international database academic research commercialization rights administration use fee genetic material functionality utility database accessibility payment system institutional research commercial entity utilization payback mechanism innovative licensing liability regime alternatives to patents gene patenting innovation price control research incentives use now pay later system Genetic Sequence Rights GSR sui generis patent system academic research commercial research public health intellectual property rights gene research access to genetic materials patenting biological materials international database patent fees institutional use commercial use genetic material research funding liability regime population patents innovation prices gene patents alternatives to patents research funding genetic sequence rights sui generis rights international patent system patent administration database access research fees public institutions commercial entities academic research biological materials public health liability regime alternative to patents gene patenting innovation incentives research funding intellectual property rights genetic sequence rights sui generis international patent system database accessibility academic research commercial applications pay-as-you-go system genetic material protection public health impact patenting biological materials liability regime patenting alternatives gene patenting innovation incentives research funding intellectual property rights GSR genetic sequence rights sui generis patent system reform academic research commercialization international patent system public health research genetic material disclosure requirements use fees institutional use exemptions biotechnology regulation liability regime alternatives to patents gene patenting innovation pricing rights for discovery use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system patenting biological materials public health research fair system commercial research academic research liability regime patent alternatives gene patenting innovation incentives pricing issues research funding intellectual property rights GSR sui generis rights public health research academic research commercialization international patent system database accessibility use fee patenting biological materials liability regime alternative to patents gene patenting innovation pricing research incentives use now pay later GSR Genetic Sequence Rights sui generis patenting biological materials public health academic research commercial research
test-economy-epegiahsc-con04a	FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA labor market direct competition lower salaries cut in benefits worker protections unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor FTAA labor market liberalization developed countries workers' rights trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor pay cuts benefits reduction unemployment FTAA labor market liberalization trade agreements job displacement workers' rights free trade negative economic impact NAFTA surplus labor working conditions trade agreements history labour economics trade policy impact FTAA labor market liberalization competitiveness salary disparity worker exploitation trade agreement impacts job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic policy trade unions labor rights globalization effects economic inequality job security free trade agreements labor market competition worker protections economic development trade barriers employment rates economic growth international labor standards trade negotiations trade liberalization economic justice labor market dynamics trade unions decline economic inequality trade dispute labor market flexibility economic policy analysis trade agreement history labor market competition effects FTAA labor market competition worker rights unemployment free trade NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor potential economic impact FTAA labour market liberalization competition with low-wage workers lower salaries reduced benefits worker rights job displacement free trade agreements NAFTA employer labor surplus working conditions economic policy trade agreements impact labor market competition globalization effects economic inequality trade agreement job loss FTAA labor market liberalization developed countries worker competition lower salaries reduced benefits job displacement free trade agreements NAFTA employment conditions surplus labor worker rights economic policy trade agreements impacts job market changes labor force competition trade liberalization economic consequences FTAA labor market liberalization developed countries worker exploitation lower salaries cut in benefits trade agreements economic competition job displacement working conditions surplus labor NAFTA free trade economic policy workers' rights unemployment FTAA labor market liberalization developed countries workers' rights lower salaries cut in benefits trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor trade paradox FTAA labour market liberalization competition with lower-wage workers reduced worker protections increased unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA impacts job displacement employer power working conditions surplus labour trade policy worker rights economic inequality globalization effects labour market flexibility trade unions wage stagnation economic competitiveness trade negotiations labour standards regional integration international labour relations economic development income disparity labour market dynamics economic sovereignty trade impact studies
test-politics-dhwem-pro02a	PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. outsourcing military cost efficiency mercenaries PMCs benefits military spending reduction troop comparison history arms race costs outsourcing military forces military mercenary cost analysis PMCs versus regular troops US army size reduction military spending reduction strategic cost efficiency government defense budget arms race history Soviet Union collapse PMC value for money mMercenary cost efficiency outsourcing military army downsizing war costs taxpayer savings military expenses arms race Soviet Union defense spending outsourcing military mercenaries efficiency cost savings in military downsizing army military expenses reduction private military companies alternative to regular troops military spending analysis historical military costs arms race consequences PMC economic efficiency military contracting cost analysis mercenary benefits army downsizing government spending war costs defense budget arms race soviet union economic savings PMC mercenaries value for money cost efficiency hiring expenses training costs housing pensions healthcare outsourcing US army 1991 Gulf War taxpayer savings arms races Soviet Union collapse PMCs military contracting cost efficiency mercenary benefits training costs housing pensions healthcare outsourcing troops US army size Gulf War taxpayer savings arms races Soviet Union military expenses PMC economic efficiency cost saving military contracting mercenaries budget reduction training costs housing healthcare pensions outsourcing US army Gulf War arms race Soviet Union taxpayer savings PMCs value for money military contractors cost efficiency outsource mercenaries army downsizing Gulf War PBS News Hour arms races Soviet Union PMC mercenaries cost efficiency outsourcing military contracting training costs housing expenses pensions healthcare days worked US army size reduction Gulf War arms races Soviet Union collapse
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con02a	Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. climate models greenhouse gases resiliency plant life species protection environmental changes anthropogenic effects Earth's resilience climate change impacts model accuracy ecological adaptability earth resiliency climate models accuracy greenhouse gases effects plant life increase species threatened anthropogenic climate change climate change mitigation continuous climate change life resiliency lemonick michael d Earth resiliency climate models accuracy greenhouse gases impacts plant life increase species protection anthropogenic effects climate change mitigation scientific complexity model variability environmental adaptability Earth's resiliency climate models accuracy greenhouse gases effects plant life increase species protection climate change mitigation anthropogenic impacts Earth's continuous change life adaptation Earth's resiliency climate models greenhouse gases plant life species protection climate change impacts anthropogenic effects climate variability historical resilience relevance expansion phrases search performance computerized climate models atmospheric GHGs resiliency plant life species threatened human destruction Earth continuous change anthropogenic lemonick michael d Earth's resiliency climate models accuracy greenhouse gases effects plant life increase species protection climate change mitigation anthropogenic impacts Earth's continuous climate change life adaptation Earth's resiliency climate models accuracy greenhouse gases effects plant life increase climate change mitigation species protection anthropogenic impacts continuous climate change life adaptation Earth's resiliency climate models limitations greenhouse gas effects plant life resilience climate change impacts species protection anthropogenic effects climate variability historical climate changes Earth resiliency climate models accuracy greenhouse gases impacts plant life adaptation species protection anthropogenic effects climate change mitigation continuous climate change life resiliency
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro01a	The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: unauthorized downloading intellectual property theft content industry pirate sites OCD Publishing Piracy of Digital Content unauthorized_downloading piracy content_protection intellectual_property rights_holders market_competition copyright_infringement online_content_industry pirate_sites commercial_viability OEC_Digitization_and_Preservation_of_Knowledge piracy_prevention policy_solutions unauthorized downloading copyright infringement intellectual property digital piracy content industry free download commercial viability unauthorized source parallel market protection measures OECD unauthorized downloading copyright protection intellectual property piracy free content commercial viability content industry market competition pirate sites online piracy paid downloads authorized websites rights holders piracy prevention copyright enforcement parallel market OECD publishing unauthorized downloading intellectual property theft content industry piracy OCD Piracy of Digital Content parallel market unauthorized downloading copyright protection intellectual property rights content industry piracy commercial viability parallel market digital content unauthorized downloading copyright infringement intellectual property state regulation piracy prevention commercial viability content industry parallel market unauthorized sources consumer behavior digital rights management unauthorized downloading copyright infringement intellectual property theft content industry piracy market competition commercial viability parallel market OECDe Publishing unauthorized downloading copyright protection intellectual property theft content industry piracy commercial viability OECD Piracy Digital Content unauthorized downloading intellectual property rights holders pirate sites commercial viability content industry OECD Piracy
test-international-iiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms cultural impact protection endangered species African wildlife cultural heritage mystic beliefs preservation efforts African elephant African lion coastal conservation tougher protection measures cultural significance endangered species cultural heritage African wildlife elephant symbolism lion conservation cultural significance animals mystical beliefs cultural impact endangered animals historical representation animals endangered species protection African cultural heritage African wildlife conservation African elephant mysticism African lion symbolism endangered animal significance conservation efforts cultural impact of extinction protected wildlife in Africa African cultural pride endangered animal preservation Endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions cultural impact protection identity University of California Los Angeles depiction coat of arms endangered animals africa cultural significance animals protection for endangered species African elephant mystic powers African lion symbolism cultural impact extinction wildlife conservation Africa historical significance lions cultural heritage endangered animals animal rights in Africa endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions cultural impact protection internet search expansion tougher measures University of California Los Angeles African culture coat of arms cultural heritage endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms identity extinction negative cultural impact protection University of California Los Angeles Coleman endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms cultural impact protection UC Berkeley University of California endangered animals cultural significance African elephants mystical powers African lions cultural symbolism cultural impact of animal extinction wildlife protection in Africa cultural heritage animals endangered species cultural value cultural importance of wildlife
test-education-egscphsrdt-con03a	Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. teacher-student trust student perception drug testing impact peer influence internet information drug use stereotypes school anti-drug policies educational trust dynamics student willingness to learn peer dependency information credibility teacher-student communication trust erosion drug education effectiveness random testing consequences student-teacher rapport drug testing frequency trust in authority student behavior modification peer networks reliability online drug information teacher-student bond student trust issues school establishment reputation student-teacher interactions drug use normalization peer support systems internet misinformation teacher authority impact student trust factors drug testing frequency effects peer versus teacher-student trust suspicion in classrooms impact of drug testing erosion of educational integrity peer influence on drug information internet drug resources anti-drug education effectiveness student perception of school trust in educators drug testing policies school drug enforcement student-teacher dynamics peer pressure and drug use online drug misinformation trust-building in education drug testing consequences teacher-student communication barriers internet drug content reliability student trust in information sources school culture and drug testing peer networks versus trusted adults internet as drug information source trust vs suspicion in learning environments drug education in tested schools student-teacher relationship teacher-student trust student perception anti-drug programs peer influence internet drug information school establishment role drug testing impact educational trust student-teacher dynamics information reliability peer pressure digital misinformation drug use culture school safety measures student autonomy trust erosion information credibility peer versus authority online drug resources student engagement trust in education drug test frequency student-teacher communication peer drug use digital detox educational integrity student behavior changes trust-based learning environments teacher-student confidentiality student privacy rights drug testing policies student trust factors teacher-student rapport peer teacher-student trust drug testing policies student perception peer influence internet drug information anti-drug campaigns trust destruction educational impact student willingness teacher effectiveness drug education student reliance school environment trust in authority information credibility peer pressure drug use attitudes school culture educational integrity student-teacher dynamics drug prevention strategies trust-based learning peer network influence internet safety educational trust student autonomy teacher credibility drug testing ethics teacher-student relationship suspicion trust information exchange peer influence internet illegal drugs anti-drugs message random drug tests policy school establishment trust destruction questionable information drug use perceptions teacher student relationship trust in education impact of suspicion information sharing between teachers and students peer influence on drug perception internet drug information reliability random drug testing policies educational integrity student trust erosion peer versus teacher guidance on drugs trust suspicion information sharing peer influence internet reliability school policies student behavior teacher credibility drug education peer pressure internet misinformation trust erosion drug testing impact student-teacher dynamics anti-drug campaigns teacher student trust school establishment suspicion information sharing education peer influence drugs internet drug information anti-drug policies drug use perception student trust erosion educational message impact school drug testing effectiveness teacher-student trust school drug testing policies student perception peer influence internet drug information educational integrity drug prevention programs random drug testing effects classroom dynamics trust erosion student-teacher communication anti-drug campaigns digital age education school culture impact adolescent drug use educational psychology drug education strategies student behavior monitoring teacher authority drug testing procedures student autonomy educational trust information credibility peer pressure digital literacy school climate adolescent development drug awareness teacher-student rapport educational technology student privacy drug education effectiveness peer support networks online misinformation school safety measures teacher-student trust suspicion information sharing peer influence internet sources anti-drug policies student behavior educational impact trust destruction drug testing frequency
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con03a	Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 security services public disorder risk management media relations public policy pandemics misinformation crisis communication terrorism public health government transparency panic prevention information control public misunderstanding official communication threat assessment media influence risk perception security services public disorder media misunderstandings risk perception terrorism public health pandemics panic management information release crisis communication security services public disorder risk communication media misunderstanding panic management terrorism prevention public health pandemic information government transparency crisis response information dissemination public policy public opinion risk perception media influence emergency management panic psychology information control threat assessment security services public disorder risk communication media influence public panic terrorism prevention pandemics information disclosure public health government transparency crisis management public misunderstanding media responsibility official communication strategy security services public disorder media misunderstanding risk assessment pandemics public health information release crisis management panic response official communication security services public disorder panic threat information media misunderstanding risk perception terrorism prevention pandemics public health information release crisis management disproportionate response security services public disorder panic threat reporting media misunderstanding risk perception terrorism foreign policy pandemics public health information release official communication swine flu WHO panic response security services public disorder panic prevention risk communication media misunderstanding terrorism pandemics public health information release crisis management proportionate response public awareness official communication panic psychology threat assessment security services public disorder panic risk communication media misunderstanding terrorism pandemics public health official information crisis management security services public disorder media misunderstanding risk communication pandemics information disclosure public panic terrorism crisis management official communication strategy
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con03a	This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 cluster bombs military funding improved reliability civilian damage technological advancements banning cluster bombs effective warfare unexploded bomblets disarm technology cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets disarmament civilian casualties military funding warfare effectiveness technological improvements cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets disarmament technology civilian damage warfare effectiveness military funding bomb reliability international ban cluster bomb improvements cluster bomb reliability bomblet explosions military funding disarmable bomblets cluster bomb efficiency civilian casualties war technology ban timing military strategy cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability disarmament civilian damage warfare ban technological improvements cluster bomb improvement military funding bomblet explosion disarm technology civilian damage warfare effectiveness ban premature cluster bombs U.S. military bomblet explosion military funding cluster bomb improvement civilian damage warfare effectiveness ban legislation disarm technology cluster bombs U.S. military bomblet technology ban cluster bombs military funding cluster bomb improvements civilian damage warfare effectiveness cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability disarmament civilian damage warfare ban technology improvements cluster bomb improvements cluster bomb reliability military funding bomblet explosion technology disarmable bomblets cluster bomb efficiency civilian casualties warfare effectiveness premature ban military technology advancements
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro02a	Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. mayors accountability councils elections municipal governance power committees democracy political participation elected mayor local services reelection political mandates Voter engagement decision making council leadership local politics city governance elected officials political accountability policy implementation local elections council composition council elections city councils local government reform power distribution council politics mayoral elections city mayor political systems local democracy local government structures council dynamics electoral reform local politics changes city governance changes local government accountability local democracy mayor accountability council accountability elected mayor power concentration local government reform mayor vs council committee decision-making political visibility re-election dynamics city governance committee inefficiency local democracy political participation power distribution mayoral mandate city politics mayoral_accountability council_accountability elected_mayor political_responsibility municipal_government election_system local_politics decision_making_process committee_system power_distribution political_participation local_services elections_effectiveness government_power public_engagement city_leadership political_committees policy_improvement re-election changing_government coalition_governance local_democracy political_accountability city_electorate political_engagement municipal_accountability electoral_systems local_government_reform accountable_govern mayor accountability council accountability mayoral election mayor mandate mayor re-election mayor visibility council leader recognition committee decision-making local governance reform elected mayor benefits mayor political participation mayor decision-making mayor campaign promises mayor re-election chances council coalition instability mayors electability accountability councils mayoral elections power concentration committee systems democratic participation local governance elected officials political visibility re-election failure accountability policy implementation city leadership committee responsibilities political mandates voter engagement political stability coalition governments local politics accountability mayors councils electoral mandate power concentration decision-making local government democratic participation committee system responsibility city leadership re-election voter engagement political visibility coalition politics policy implementation elected officials mayors councils accountability elections municipal power decision making committees local government political participation Votes transparency re-election municipal services city governance committee system elected officials local democracy coalitions political visibility political engagement city leadership political accountability public perception representative democracy political participation local politics city management city administration political influence political representation local elections political transparency political responsibility political accountability local governance city mayorship political systems political structure mayor/accountability elected mayor power concentration committee system local governance council accountability voter visibility political participation re-election risk city-wide mandate mayoral election streamlined decision-making elected leadership direct representation accountability improvement unpopular decisions failed policies [1] [2] [3] mayors accountability councils elections political accountability local government mayoral mandates electoral mandate decision-making committee systems local services power concentration political visibility voter engagement elected officials direct democracy effective governance local elections political participation civic engagement municipal reform council leadership council dynamics citizen engagement municipal accountability elected mayor advantages mayoral re-election committee accountability local politics city governance local democracy local elections benefits mayoral vs council local government reforms city management public trust decision making efficiency mayoral accountability council accountability local governance elected mayor political visibility direct representation municipal reform committee system power concentration public trust election frequency re-election likelihood [1] [2] [3]
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols banning hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap culture religion heritage racism hate scapegoat multiculturalism Europe Belgium banning religious symbols cultural heritage religious discrimination scapegoat religious freedom hate crimes racism hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap veil religious symbols controversy public space restrictions multiculturalism human rights social issues discrimination laws banning religious symbols culture religion heritage racism hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap scapegoat Belgium BBC News Europe banning religious symbols unfair targeting cultural heritage religious scapegoat hijab removal crucifix ban Jewish skullcap increasing hatred racism criticism banning religious symbols cultural heritage religious targeting scapegoat religious symbols controversy hijab ban crucifix ban Jewish skullcap religious freedoms increased hatred racism criticism country living conditions religious symbols banning cultural symbols impact of banning religious symbols racism cultural heritage religion and state freedom of expression scapegoat hijab Crucifix jewish skullcap belgium full veil ban hate crimes banning religious symbols cultural heritage racism hijab Crucifix jewish skullcap religious scapegoat hate within religious groups europe banning religious symbols religious symbols banning cultural symbols culture religion heritage hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap scapegoat hate crime racism country policy veil ban European politics religious symbols banning cultural symbols faireness issues scaregoat cultural heritage racism hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap veil ban europe religious targeting hatred religious groups social issues religious symbols banning cultural heritage hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap scaregoat hatred racism heritage culture religious targeting scapegoat search outcomes query expansion
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con02a	"This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec independence polling data Anglophone Quebecers Francophones secession voting rights referendum democracy population representation majority opinion Quebec independence referendums polling data democratic representation Anglophones Francophones majority opposition disenfranchisement sovereignty Canadian politics Quebec independence polling data francophone anglophone minority opinion democracy political representation referendum fairness Quebec sovereignty public opinion will of the people Quebec independence will of the people polling data Anglophone Quebecers Francophones democratic process disenfranchisement minority rights sovereignty movement search efficiency expand query Quebec secession Canada democratic representation polling data sovereignty Francophones Anglophones enfranchisement Quebec independence referendums Quebec sovereignty democratic representation Anglophone Quebecers francophones majority rule disenfranchisement minority rights polling data sovereignty movements search accuracy query expansion helpful terms Quebec independence polling data will of the people deprivation of rights Anglophone Quebecers Francophones minority opinion representative democracy voting rights public opinion Quebec sovereignty Quebec independence polling data Francophone population Anglophone Quebec minority rights referendum results democracy voting rights Quebec independence democratic representation majority rule referendums polling data Anglophones Francophones disenfranchisement minority rights Quebec independence referendums polling data democratic representation Anglophone Quebecers francophones majority rule minority rights sovereignty democratic principles enfranchisement political disenfranchisement"
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro01a	Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, televising justice broadcasting trials courtroom entertainment high profile trials media impact on courts celebrity court cases court reporting alternatives courtroom sketches written transcripts media ethics courtroom coverage juror bias public interest vs justice televised trials controversies televised trials courtroom entertainment media influence on justice high profile trials trial coverage legal reportage courtroom sketches written transcripts media ethics journalism standards judicial integrity public perception courtroom dynamics legal proceedings media presence trial transparency media sensationalism journalistic responsibility courtroom behavior media impact legal reporting methods televising justice broadcasting trials court entertainment televised high profile trials harm of televised trials celebrity interest in trials courtroom reportage no cameras in courts accurate court reports timely case reports courtroom sketches written transcripts Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell evidence impact of media on trials jurisprudence and media legal ethics and media justice system transparency courtroom journalism media coverage trials legal proceedings broadcasting televised trials courtroom entertainment media influence on justice high profile trials journalism ethics court reporting Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell ICC trials courtroom sketches written transcripts tawdry reporting televised trials court entertainment high profile trials courtroom sketches written transcripts media influence on justice media coverage of trials celebrity effect judicial integrity journalistic ethics courtroom reporting Naomi Campbell Charles Taylor trial International Criminal Court Sierra Leone Special Court Owen Bowcott televised trials justice entertainment court reporting courtroom sketches legal ethics media influence high profile trials celebrity testimony courtroom transparency broadcasting litigation legal journalism media coverage impact trial proceedings judicial integrity media ethics trial reporting methods public interest legal proceedings documentation media sensationalism televised trials courtroom entertainment media influence on justice high-profile trials courtroom sketch written transcripts journalism ethics broadcasting legal proceedings public interest vs justice media coverage of trials legal reporting techniques televised trials judicial integrity entertainment value high profile cases courtroom sketches Naomi Campbell Charles Taylor trial ICC trials jurisdictions without cameras legal reportage media influence on justice televised trials justice entertainment high profile trials freak show celebrity interest SCSL Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell evidence reporting courtroom sketches written transcripts jurisdictions no cameras accurate reportage tawdry manner Bowcott Owen televised trials jurisdictions courtroom sketches Naomi Campbell Celebrity interest legal reportage high profile trials SCSL Charles Taylor trial ICC trials media coverage journalistic ethics jury bias public opinion media sensationalism justice integrity entertainment factor Court reporting techniques media influence on trials
test-health-dhghwapgd-con03a	"The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: intellectual property patent rights developed countries property rights developed nations intangible goods drug development financial investment generic drugs tangible property economic principles pharmaceutical industry cost of innovation legal protections creative endeavors market stability economic justification drug formulas resource allocation business ethics legal principles innovation incentives intangible assets pharmaceutical costs intellectual property theft economic benefits legal enforcement scientific research economic theory corporate law market failure property infringement drug formulation economic policy innovation economics legal precedents economic incentives business strategy intellectual property rights economic analysis pharmaceutical intellectual property patent rights drug development intangible assets financial investment property rights economic principles pharmaceutical industry innovation costs intellectual property patent rights tangible goods intangible assets drug development financial investment property rights generic drugs Congress pharmaceutical industry cost of innovation intellectual property intangible assets patent rights property rights firm's intellectual endeavor drug development financial investment stability of markets intellectual property theft generic drugs intellectual property protection principles of property rights development costs of new drugs intellectual property valuation intellectual property laws intellectual property in pharmaceuticals intellectual property patent rights developed countries stable markets intangible goods financial investment property rights generic drugs congressional budget office pharmaceutical industry drug development costs intellectual property intangible assets patent rights property rights new drug development cost of drug development intellectual endeavor financial investment intellectual property theft pharmaceutical industry intellectual property property rights firm's intellectual endeavor physical property intangible good patent rights new drug formula financial investment generic drugs congressional budget office cost of developing a new drug intellectual property intangible assets patent rights property rights firm's identity drug development cost of innovation financial investment stable markets intellectual endeavor firm's property idea protection generics directing labor intangible goods philosophical justification developed countries physical property effort creation principle benefit real good intellectual property theft assignment rights necessity for firms property rights intellectual property patent rights developed countries intangible assets new drug development financial investment cost of innovation stable markets philosophical justification firm's identity capital investment idea protection stealing intellectual property generic drugs physical property intellectual endeavor drug formula effort to create financial survival intellectual property intangible assets patent rights property rights new drug development financial investment cost of innovation stable markets intellectual property theft firms' financial survival pharmaceutical industry"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con03a	"FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards outsourcing free trade agreements developed countries developing countries environmental ethics relocation economic competition globalization impact FTAA race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment company relocation outsourcing developing countries developed countries trade agreements globalization climate change economic impact international trade pollution nicole hassoun FTAA race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards outsourcing corporate relocation developed countries developing countries free trade agreements international trade economic globalization environmental degradation trade liberalization corporate social responsibility global supply chains trade policies sustainability economic competitiveness regulatory standards multinational corporations trade imbalance environmental regulations labor rights economic development trade barriers international cooperation trade negotiations trade impact trade conflict trade disputes trade sanctions trade benefits trade costs trade impacts on environment trade impacts on labor trade policy analysis trade economics trade environmental impact trade labor impact environmental impact race to the bottom labor standards outsourcing relocation developed countries developing countries free trade agreements corporate responsibility economic competition policy implications sustainability globalization trade liberalization economic development multinational corporations international trade ecological footprint green economy economic inequality corporate ethics environmental regulations labor laws global economy trade policies economic growth pollution corporate social responsibility trade imbalances economic justice climate change international cooperation economic competitiveness market forces trade relations global trade economic disparity FTAA race to the bottom environmental standards labor standards free trade developing countries developed countries foreign investment company relocation outsourcing jobs Environmental Ethics Hassoun Nicole FTAA environmental impact race to the bottom labor standards outsourcing economic competition environmental degradation trade agreements economic development corporate relocation global trade international standards sustainability economic inequality policy effects market dynamics corporate responsibility FTAA race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards outsourcing developed countries developing countries free trade impacts environmental ethics FTAA race to the bottom environmental standards labor standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsource jobs trade agreements environmental ethics economic competition international trade economic globalization [1]Hassoun Nicole FTAA race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards outsourcing job relocation free trade agreements developing countries developed countries corporate relocation environmental ethics Nicole Hassoun trade policies economic competition global trade impacts FTAA race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards outsourcing relocating jobs developed countries developing countries trade agreements environmental ethics economic competition globalization impact corporate responsibility international trade rules economic inequality ecological footprint sustainable development green economy corporate environmentalism trade liberalization policy recommendations economic policies trade negotiations global economics trade effects on environment"
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro02a	Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) terminal disease euthanasia assisted suicide hospice care organ failure mental decline pain management patient rights Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease court decision terminal disease euthanasia assisted suicide suffering dignity hospice palliative care legal perspectives physician-assisted death quality of life medical ethics patient rights suffering of terminally ill historical cases Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease terminal illness euthanasia assisted suicide medical ethics palliative care hospice quality of life suffering human rights patient choice legal debate terminal pain Lou Gehrig's disease Sue Rodriguez Canadian euthanasia history terminal disease suffering assisted suicide euthanasia humanity end-of-life care medical ethics pain management lou gehrig's disease sue rodriguez legal rights dignified death historic cases late stages terminal disease horrific future gradual decline organ failure artificial support mental destruction pain medication delirium dignity assisted suicide Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease euthanasia court refusal physician assistance suicide terminal disease late stages horrific future bodily decline organ failure artificial support mental destruction pain management dignity assisted dying euthanasia Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease suicide court decision terminal disease late stages organ failure artificial support mental decline pain management dignity in dying euthanasia Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease assisted suicide court decision terminal disease euthanasia humanity dignified death assisted suicide pain management organ failure mind destruction late stages suffering end-of-life care court decision suicide mortality morality medical ethics law and ethics terminal disease suffering end-of-life care artificial support pain management mind deterioration dignified death assisted suicide euthanasia historic cases Lou Gehrig's disease Sue Rodriguez terminal disease hospice care euthanasia physician-assisted suicide suffering dignity quality of life legal rights medical ethics patient choice chronic illness palliative care end-of-life terminal pain Lou Gehrig's disease Sue Rodriguez assisted dying
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con02a	"Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. unilateral democracy imposition multilateral international community UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights political colonialism effective democracy promotion suspicion unilateralism dangerous government democracy encouragement multilateral international community UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights suspicion political colonial participation process effective democracy promotion imposing democracy support respect unilateral dangerous burdensome government imposing democracy multilateral UN Democracy Fund international community civil society human rights participation people suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy unilateral action dangerous imposing democracy multilateral assistance international community civil society human rights UN Democracy Fund voice of civil society promote human rights participation in democratic process suspicion promoting democracy promoting democracy vs imposing democracy unilateral action dangerous burdensome multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights international community democracy promotion suspicion imposing democracy encouragement people support political colonial unilateral democracy multilateral international community civil society human rights UN Democracy Fund imposing democracy encouraging democracy suspicion people support political colonial participation process Democracy Fund voice of civil society Human Rights UNDEF Promoting Democracy Michael Doyle unilateral dangerous burdensome government impose democracy multilateral UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights international community encourage participation suspicion political colonial unilateral action dangerous burdensome multilateral assistance international community UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonialism suspicion Doyle Michael Promoting Democracy Huffington Post unilateral dangerous burdensome multilateral democracy UN Democracy Fund international community suspicion civil society human rights political imposing encouragement participation respect support unilateral action dangerous burdensome multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights international community democracy support political colonialism people support democratic process suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con05a	The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. trauma killing soldiers post-traumatic stress disorder atomic bomb guilt military psychological impact decision-making trauma killing military PTSD war veterans guilt atomic bomb development psychological impact decision-making lever pull trigger trauma killing emotional impact post-traumatic stress disorder war soldiers military psychology atomic bomb gUILT decision making moral trauma emotional impact killing trauma soldiers post-traumatic stress disorder atomic bomb development guilt military ethics civilian trauma decision making lever pulling war crimes psychological damage killing emotional damage post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers atomic bomb guilt decision making trauma mental health responsibility killing emotionally damaging post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war atomic bomb guilt traumatic experiences mental health impact responsibility guilt killing emotional damage post-traumatic stress disorder trauma mental health soldiers atomic bomb guilt ethical implications responsibility decision-making trauma post-traumatic stress disorder emotional damage soldiers war atomic bomb guilt decision making mental health responsibility lever pulling indirect involvement trauma killing soldiers PTSD military development atomic bomb guilt decision making emotional impact leverage pulling the trigger emotional trauma killing soldiers post-traumatic stress disorder atomic bomb guilt decision making trauma impact mental health
test-politics-dhwem-pro01a	PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. private military companies combat flexibility defense contracts conflict resolution security services logistical support international law warfare strategies military privatization non-governmental forces security operations peacekeeping missions military efficiency tactical reinforcements humanitarian roles military outsourcing Private military companies 21st century warfare contract warfare defense contractors military flexibility security contractors peacekeeping forces non-combat roles private security military efficiency conflict support humanitarian missions combat support security operations international security military logistics tactical flexibility strategic assets non-state actors armed services privatization private military companies 21st century warfare contract soldiers defense services military efficiency security contractors non-combat roles logistical support peacekeeping forces military flexibility hiring practices tactical reinforcements combat efficiency international law military ethics conflict zones private military companies flexible military solutions efficient combat support 21st century warfare contract military services rapid deployment forces specific mission contractors reinforcing traditional troops protecting assets non-combat roles security providers peacekeeping operations PMCs flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice reinforce troops specific missions security non-combative defensive peace-keepers invaders enemy private military companies combat efficiency security services defense contractors conflict flexibility military resources non-combat roles peacekeeping forces hiring procedures mission specificity troop reinforcement logistical support combat readiness operational efficiency international perceptions security measures private military companies flexibility in warfare efficient military tools 21st century conflicts short-term military solutions specific mission contractors reinforcing traditional forces protection of assets non-combat roles security services peace-keeping operations Private military companies flexible military strategy efficient conflict resolution 21st century warfare contract soldiers non-combat roles security contractors defense services military augmentation logistical support peacekeeping forces Private military companies flexible military tactics 21st century warfare contract soldiers security contractors defense services military efficiency rapid deployment niche missions combat roles peacekeeping operations non-combat functions strategic flexibility war support logistical protection international conflict military outsourcing security operations tactical assistance non-state actors defense industry military innovation private military companies combat efficiency defense contracts conflict zones security services military logistics non-state actors warfare tactics strategic flexibility international law security privatization military outsourcing peacekeeping operations combat roles defense industry war contractors military strategy operational flexibility conflict management security protocols tactical support non-combat missions
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro02a	Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . rehabilitation value social injustice prison reform criminality inequality recidivism family isolation effects statistics self-harm offender justice social networks inequity circumstances free will punishment equal opportunities employment confinement behavior correctional program incarceration criminology social mobility mental health violence reintegration public safety statistics gender differences rehabilitation value social inequity offender assistance prison reform criminal behavior prison isolation social networks employment discrimination self-harm circumstances and crime rehabilitation programs criminal networks equal freedom prison conditions unfortunate individuals social backgrounds offender rehabilitation inequality impact punishment equity correctional facilities mental health prison statistics recidivism prevention rehabilitation social inequity offender assistance prison reform criminality causes social networks employment discrimination prisoner self-harm incarceration impact social backgrounds prison programs rehabilitation effectiveness social justice criminal behavior prevention rehabilitation philosophy social equity in justice prisoner reintegration programs impact of incarceration on offenders criminal behavior prevention through rehabilitation benefits of rehabilitation over incarceration rehabilitation vs imprisonment social networks and recidivism psychological effects of prison correctional rehabilitation methods rehabilitation in women's prisons self-harm in prisons prison as crime school social inequality and crime criminal justice reform prison abolition and alternatives rehabilitation social inequity offender recognition criminality causes prison effectiveness social networks reoffending prevention prison conditions self-harm abuse prisoner reintegration rehabilitation social inequity offender assistance prison reform criminal behavior social networks employment challenges self-harm prison conditions rehabilitation social inequity offender assistance prison reform criminal behavior social networks employment discrimination self-harm prison conditions rehabilitation value social inequity criminality circumstances prison programs isolation social networks employability self-harm abuse punishment equality offender assistance prison reform criminology social justice incarceration impacts correctional facilities rehabilitation social inequity offender assistance prison reform social networks criminal recidivism prison conditions self-harm inmate abuse rehabilitation social inequity offender assistance prison reform social networks employment barriers self-harm prison conditions criminal recidivism prison education social justice
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro01a	The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, gun control gun violence firearm statistics homicide rates public safety second amendment gun deaths racial disparities gun legislation mass shootings gun control mass shootings firearm regulations gun violence public safety Second Amendment weapon bans homicide rates racial disparities crime prevention gun ownership police brutality suicide prevention civilian firearms policy solutions gun control laws gun control homicide rates public safety mass shootings firearm regulations social justice crime prevention Second Amendment gun violence racial disparities gun control mass shooting prevention firearm regulations gun violence public safety weapon ban homicide statistics societal impact lethal weapons crime reduction youth mortality racial disparities gun rights Second Amendment firearm accessibility law enforcement community safety suicide prevention public health policy analysis advocacy groups legislative measures safety education criminal justice system gun ownership civilian firearms gun laws violence prevention firearm legislation gun control debate gun safety gun control measures gun regulation gun control effectiveness gun control benefits gun control challenges gun control history search efficiency expand query gun control firearm statistics public safety homicide rates racial disparities societal impact weapon regulation crime prevention social justice data analysis gun control mass shootings firearm legislation homicide rates public safety Second Amendment gun violence policy changes youth mortality societal impact gun control homicide rates social safety weapon removal public health firearm legislation death statistics racial disparities violence prevention youth mortality policy impact search efficacy expansion keywords gun control societal safety lethal weapons homicide statistics African-American mortality public safety firearm removal death by gun social group mortality gun legislation gun violence prevention lethal devices youth homicide rates societal impact of guns gun control measures reducing gun deaths gun control homicide rates societal safety firearm regulations youth violence public safety gun deaths crime prevention weapon restrictions statistical analysis gun ownership minority mortality policy impact gun control mass shooting firearm regulations public safety homicide statistics youth mortality racial disparities gun violence Second Amendment policy solutions
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro02a	A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: graduated response deterrent effect ISP warning consumer behavior music piracy cost of infringement enforcement mechanisms legal sources punitive measures policy analysis internet law copyright enforcement economic incentives illegal downloading consumer awareness graduated response deterrent mechanism ISP warning consumer behavior copyright enforcement download deterrent effective enforcement strategic deterrence legal downloading scaring off casual downloaders increasing infringement costs promoting legal sources IFPI report OECD study Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response ISP warnings consumer behavior digital music report copyright enforcement file-sharing deterrent mechanisms disconnection threat economic incentives illegal downloading cost of infringement awareness raising consumer protection legal sources deterrent effectiveness unauthorized sources consumer psychology ISP deterrents digital rights management copyright infringement economic analysis consumer compliance legal downloads piracy deterrence ISP notifications consumer education digital copyright internet policing consumer choices legal vs illegal downloading economic disincentives ISP monitoring digital entertainment industry consumer attitudes digital content protection copyright law enforcement consumer behavior analysis digital market graduated response deterrent mechanism copyright enforcement ISP warnings illegal downloading consumer behavior music piracy disconnection threat enforcement costs research studies popularity of legal sources graduated response deterrent effect ISP warnings music consumers illegal downloading cost of infringement enforcement efficiency internet piracy consumer behavior legal sources graduated response deterrence research findings consumer behavior internet service provider warning system cost of infringement payment for downloads popular music downloads legal alternatives download warnings effective enforcement consumer awareness scaring off casual downloaders raising awareness expected cost friendly warning disconnection threat UK music consumption illegal file-sharing ISPs role in enforcement graduated response deterrence ISP warning cost of infringement legal downloading enforcement mechanism consumer behavior unauthorized sources music industry popularity of legal downloads copyright enforcement expected cost theory graduated response deterrent effective enforcement ISP warnings cost of infringement legal sources popularity of unauthorized downloads music consumers disconnection threat friendly warning internet piracy consumer behavior download monitoring legal awareness copyright enforcement research studies UK music industry illegal file-sharing graduated response deterrent effect ISP warnings music consumers cost of infringement legal sources copyright enforcement consumer behavior scaring off casual downloads effective deterrents payoffs for infringement reducing illegal downloading digital music report 2009 economic research on copyright issues pdf urls graduated response deterrent effect internet service provider consumer behavior music piracy cost effectiveness enforcement strategies legal downloading consumer awareness scaring off casual downloaders economic incentives
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con01a	Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' carbon markets emission trading climate policies environmental regulations greenhouse gases cap and trade carbon credits regulatory frameworks emission reductions abatement technologies carbon pricing environmental economics international cooperation policy effectiveness climate change mitigation carbon allowances carbon intensity environmental impact sustainable development environmental law economic instruments pollution control carbon neutrality global warming environmental sustainability green technology environmental protection carbon footprint environmental policy environmental standards carbon offsetting environmental compliance carbon regulation environmental assessment carbon monitoring environmental governance environmental monitoring carbon management environmental regulation environmental certification carbon reporting environmental Carbon markets EU ETS carbon trading scheme cap and trade emissions reduction climate change IPCC report abatement technologies greenhouse gases economic instruments environmental policy carbon allowances market mechanisms EU policies climate action regulatory framework carbon markets emissions trading cap and trade carbon allowances environmental regulations climate change policies emission reductions carbon credits greenhouse gas emissions carbon pricing sustainability initiatives carbon capture environmental economics policy analysis environmental law carbon footprint pollution trading carbon neutrality renewable energy environmental impact carbon offsetting regulatory compliance environmental protection carbon intensity carbon sequestration environmental standards climate policies environmental technology carbon footprint reduction climate finance carbon trading EU ETS emission reduction carbon market IPCC report abatement technologies emissions trading system climate action allowance reduction environmental policy carbon pricing green economy climate change mitigation carbon footprint carbon credits sustainable development environmental regulations carbon trading scheme carbon offsetting emissions cap market-based solutions environmental compliance carbon neutrality greenhouse gas emissions regulatory framework carbon trading benefits carbon trading challenges Carbon Trading EU ETS Market Mechanisms Emissions Caps Allowances Carbon Market Abatement Technologies IPCC Report Emissions Reduction Playing Field Borderless Rules Industries Carbon trading EU ETS emission allowances emission reduction abatement technologies climate change market mechanisms environmental policy carbon market IPCC report emissions trading environmental regulations green technology sustainable development carbon credits pollution control carbon pricing carbon footprint carbon offsetting environmental impact renewable energy greenhouse gas emissions climate mitigation carbon cap and trade Carbon trading EU ETS emission allowances climate action abatement technologies IPCC report emissions reduction carbon market environmental policies green technology sustainability carbon pricing environmental regulations market mechanisms environmental impact policy analysis carbon footprint regulatory compliance Carbon Trading Schemes EU ETS Allowances Market Mechanisms Domestic Emitters National Caps IPCC Report Abatement Technologies Emissions Reductions Playing Field Climate Action Carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction allowance trading climate policy IPCC report abatement technologies carbon markets environmental regulations green technology carbon pricing emission caps sustainable development carbon footprint environmental economics policy analysis climate change mitigation environmental impact carbon credits renewable energy greenhouse gas emissions regulatory compliance carbon trading schemes environmental policy carbon allowance carbon neutrality carbon tax clean technology emissions trading scheme carbon capture international environmental agreements carbon trading system carbon offset environmental sustainability environmental protection carbon trading platforms carbon trading regulations carbon trading benefits carbon trading carbon markets emissions trading EU emissions trading system carbon pricing cap and trade climate change mitigation IPCC report abatement technologies environmental policy greenhouse gas reductions regulatory compliance carbon allowance environmental economics sustainability practices international cooperation carbon footprint environmental regulations carbon neutrality carbon sequestration environmental impact green technology carbon offsetting environmental legislation
test-international-iiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ poaching terrorism endangered animals ivory trade horn trade terrorist funding Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Westgate siege Africa stability illegal wildlife trade conservation efforts poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade endangered species protection African stability Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed ivory trade horn trade terrorist financing conservation efforts ecological security international law enforcement wildlife crime environmental security poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade endangered species ivory trade horn trade terrorist financing Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Westgate siege Kenya stability tougher protection animal conservation illegal trade funding sources poaching-terrorism-link illegal-ivory-trade-funding animal-protection-measures terrorist-group-finance endangered-species-conservation wildlife-trade-crime Al-Shabaab-funding LRA-illicit-trade Janjaweed-income-sources wildlife-protection-stability anti-poaching-strategies wildlife-trade-regulation wildlife-trade-illegal-trade wildlife-trade-enforcement wildlife-trade-impact-terrorism poaching terrorism endangered animals illegal ivory trade Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Westgate siege ivory trade funding operational capability stability Africa poaching-terrorism-link ivory-trade-funding animal-protection-measures terrorist-financing-reduction wildlife-conservation-stability endangered-species-protection illicit-animal-trade Al-Shabaab-funding LRA-illicit-trade Janjaweed-income-sources Westgate-attack-funding anti-poaching-efforts-terrorism-prevention poaching terrorism endangered species funding Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed wildlife protection ivory trade horn trade illegal trade terrorist activities Africa stability conservation illegal funding wildlife crime Poaching terrorism endangered animals illicit trade Al-Shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Westgate siege stability ivory horn illegal funding protection operational capability [1] [2] poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade endangered species al-shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding capital instability Africa stability ivory horn conservation protection intelligence law enforcement regulation policy impact correlation reduction security conflict insurgency violation monitoring surveillance trade ban ecosystem habitat preservation community involvement education law enforcement criminal networks global impact region threat analysis counterterrorism ecological balance poaching terrorism illegal wildlife trade ivory trade horn trade al-shabaab Lord's Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed endangered species conservation funding instability Africa stability illegal trade terrorist financing ecoterrorism animal protection Wildlife Conservation environmental security
test-international-atiahblit-con04a	The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. MDGs Millennium Development Goals barriers progress criticism Africa Easterly education unrealistic unfair benchmarks investment targets MDGs MDG barriers MDG effectiveness MDG criticism MDG realism MDG fairness MDG benchmarks MDG progress in Africa MDG universal education MDG investment MDG appropriateness development goals poverty reduction goals sustainable development goals post-2015 development agenda MDGs millennium development goals criticism universaleducation benchmarks realism fairness Africa Easterly 2009 developmentbarriers internationalgoals povertyreduction economicgrowth inequality healthoutcomes infrastructure investmentstrategies educationtargets MDG expansion phrases MDG progress in Africa MDG criticism Easterly MDG realism debate MDG benchmarks fairness MDG universal education barriers MDG investment analysis MDG development challenges MDG barriers progress Africa criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks universal education investment targets Easterly MDG barriers progress Africa criticism realism fairness benchmarks progress acknowledgment education investment target appropriateness MDGs Millennium Development Goals development aid education targets Africa progress criticism development goals unrealistic benchmarks poverty reduction health indicators Easterly criticism aid effectiveness educational barriers investment inefficiency MDG barrier African progress criticism unrealistic goals unfair benchmarks progress acknowledgment Widespread education inappropriate targets MDGs development goals barriers to development education benchmarks African development Easterly criticism unrealistic goals fair development benchmarks progress measurement universal education challenges MDGs MDG criticism MDG effectiveness MDG benchmarks MDG progress MDG Africa MDG universal education MDG realism MDG fairness MDG limitations MDG investment MDG targets
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con03a	The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. DC handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment arm rights American constitution fairness state laws legal code citizen rights legal system legitimacy gun control legal code understanding law enforcement constitutional interpretation legal disputes DC handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment firearm rights state sovereignty federalism Second Amendment legal uniformity public perception legal legitimacy gun control D.C. laws constitutional interpretation legal confusion state rights legal code reliability citizen compliance DC handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional amendments American constitution firearm laws state legislation legal consistency legal code legitimacy gun control constitutional interpretation federalism legal confusion civic trust legal systems gun rights constitutional rights federal law state sovereignty legal uniformity DC handgun ban inconsistency legislation U.S. constitution amendment process legal uniformity citizen rights legal legitimacy public perception constitutional interpretation federalism gun control legal code confusion legal system legitimacy constitutional amendments state sovereignty legal uniformity issues gun ownership rights legal clarity constitutional principles legislative uniformity legal consistency constitutional interpretation challenges legal code reliability legal code validity legal code enforcement legal code fairness legal system credibility legal system effectiveness legal system confusion legal system legitimacy concerns legal system reliability legal system validity legal system enforcement legal system fairness legal system DC handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment firearm rights state legislation American constitution fair legal system legal code legitimacy public perception legal system confusion gun control federalism legal compliance DC handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment bear arms American constitution even field minor differences state-specific needs legal code legitimacy legal system confusion reporting crimes law enforcement trust constitutional interpretation federalism Second Amendment gun control legal compliance DC Handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment gun rights American constitution even field legal code citizen's rights law enforcement legal system public perception legitimacy of law legal code understanding reporting crimes law violation legal system trust DC Handgun ban inconsistency legislation constitutional amendments federalism Second Amendment judicial review legal uniformity state sovereignty gun control legal legitimacy public trust law enforcement constitutional interpretation federalism critique legal ambiguity citizen rights firearm regulation constitutional challenges DC handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment Second Amendment gun control legal uniformity citizen rights federalism state-specific laws constitutional interpretation legal perception legal legitimacy gun legislation American constitution legal disputes legal confusion legal compliance DC handgun ban inconsistency U.S. legislation constitutional amendment federal law state rights gun control constitutional interpretation legal code consistency citizen trust legal system legitimacy law enforcement challenges constitutional fairness state-specific laws
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con04a	Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 transparency conflict nationalism military media power balance international relations perception management hegemony relative power coalitions overstretch transparency nationalism military expansion relative power conflict perception management international relations hegemony media influence coalition formation overstretch transparency conflict nationalist population interest groups international relations balance of power media influence relative power perception management hegemony world war power dynamics military build-up information warfare diplomatic strategy national security political stability strategic deception public opinion sovereignty geopolitical tensions transparency conflict nationalism interest groups media balance of power relative power hegemony perception management international relations theory transparency conflict nationalist population military action interest groups relative power hegemony international relations perception management balance of power information warfare strategic communication military expansion diplomatic leverage public opinion government control media influence historical precedents transparency conflict nationalist population government action international relations power dynamics media influence relative power hegemony perception management transparency conflict nationalist population military action interest groups coalitions overstretch balance of power relative power hegemony perception management relative strength media influence international relations theory government influence historical examples military build-up strategic advantage geopolitical strategy diplomatic tactics transparency conflict nationalism military action interest groups media influence relative power perception management international relations theory hegemony balance of power information warfare transparency conflict nationalism military action interest groups power dynamics international relations perception management hegemony relative power transparency conflict nationalism interest groups relative power media influence international relations military expansion perception management hegemony
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro03a	Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. directly-elected mayors best candidates talented individuals political affiliation party politics innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving loyal hacks polls community national office dynamic candidates solve problems manage big organisations independence London Boris Johnson Ken Livingstone Birmingham Liam Byrne direct election mayoral elections local governance political reform electoral reform elected officials community needs poll results political parties independent candidates political influence council management stepping stones national politics dynamic candidates problem solvers organizational management London Mayor Boris Johnson Ken Livingstone Birmingham Mayor Liam Byrne directly-elected-mayors talent-based-politics political-stepping-stone local-governance-reform public-opinion-on-councillors party-affiliation-issues effective-local-leadership mayoral-elections birmingham-mayor-election ken-livingstone boris-johnson dynamic-political-candidates indie-mayoral-candidates poll-results-for-mayoral-elections directly elected mayors political party affiliation independent candidates talented leaders local governance effective management poll results community needs council loyalty national politics London Mayor Boris Johnson Ken Livingstone Birmingham Mayor Liam Byrne Elected mayors talent selection political parties independent candidates innovative management poll results community needs stepping stone national office dynamic leadership political affiliations Birmingham mayor Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne elected mayors talent political affiliation party hacks innovative management polls community needs council stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem solving big organizations London Mayor Boris Johnson Ken Livingstone Birmingham mayor Liam Byrne direct election mayoral elections elective mayors political parties independent candidates local governance community needs polling data city mayors council leadership elected officials political affiliations talent recruitment public perception stepping stones national politics innovative management solving problems large organization leadership dynamic candidates local party dynamics direct election mayors talent political affiliation innovative management community needs poll results stepping stone national politics dynamic candidates problem solving big organizations independent candidates London Mayor Boris Johnson Ken Livingstone Birmingham Mayor Liam Byrne election reform mayoral elections direct election political innovation public perception council effectiveness talent retention political parties independent candidates community needs voter turnout [1] BBC News Liam Byrne Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Lam Byrne poll data stepping stone national politics direct election mayoral elections political reform public perception talented candidates independent candidates poll results city mayors local governance political affiliation stepping stone national politics problem solvers big organization management party hacks innovative leadership effective governance community needs elected officials electoral reform local politics competitive elections dynamic candidates
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols bans on veils intervention in religion muslim veil private choice ostracism Belgium burdens on individuality privacy rights cultural symbolism religious symbols individual choice intervention in religion privacy rights Muslim veil Belgium veil ban criticism of veil ban religious freedom personal symbols cultural practices public space restrictions privacy intrusion religious symbols intervention in religion bans on religious symbols Muslim veil ostracism privacy individual choice cultural practices religious freedom international criticism religious symbols individual choice intervention in religion privacy rights full Muslim veil Belgian veil ban criticism of religious bans freedom of expression cultural identity personal privacy individuality versus conformity religious practices state intervention symbolic clothing public space restrictions minority rights freedom of religion religious symbols bans individual choice intervention privacy Muslim veil ostracism Belgium religious symbols individual choice privacy rights cultural practices Muslim veil bans on clothing religious freedom privacy intrusion personal symbols public space restrictions religious symbols intervention in religion privacy rights individual choice banning religious symbols Belgium full veil ban muslim veil conflict between public and private religious freedom religious symbols intervention in religion private choice bans on headwear muslim veil ostracism individual rights privacy confined to home interventions in cultural practices wear religious symbols European bans on veils religious symbols personal choices individual rights intervention in religion privacy Muslim veil bans ostracism freedom of expression religious symbols bans on veils intervention in religion privacy individuality Muslim veil ostracism Belgium
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro01a	The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, illegal settlements international community israel palestinians West Bank conflict future state application of law peace process violent resistance ground facts confidence demographics territorial claims legal enforcement promises opinion peace negotiations grievances occupation security diplomacy united nations us policy european union middle east peace land disputes illegal settlements international law Palestinian confidence ground realities negotiating process violent resistance facts on the ground international community promises Israeli perspective legal implications peace negotiations territorial claims humanitarian concerns occupation impact diplomatic pressure peace process challenges settler violence legal enforcement colonialism accusations UN involvement human rights violations security concerns political influence regional stability economic impacts social justice humanitarian crisis diplomatic tensions illegal settlements international community palestinian state israeli occupation land rights West Bank settlement expansion population transfer Palestinian confidence violence International Law facts on the ground negotiating process violent resistance faith in law grievances illegal settlements international community palestinian state israeli occupation land claims West Bank settlement expansion Palestinian confidence international law violent resistance facts on the ground negotiating process Israeli actions Urgency grievances geopolitical impact international pressure legal implications Settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank illegal construction confidence demographics facts on the ground violent resistance international law negotiating process Israeli expansion faith in international promises grievances territorial claims illegal settlements international community palestinian state israeli occupation settlement expansion confidence in international law violent resistance facts on the ground negotiating process grievances Settlements international community illegal Palestinian state annexation territorial claims confidence International Law violent resistance facts on the ground peace process Israeli-Palestinian conflict Settlements international community illegal territory Palestinian state confidence demise negotiating process violent resistance facts on the ground international law illegal settlements international community West Bank Palestinian state land claims confidence violence international law facts on the ground grievances negotiating process illegal settlements international community palestinian state West Bank confidence demolition violent resistance facts on the ground negotiating process faith in international law Israeli actions population expansion land claims territorial disputes United States European Union peace process grievances
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con01a	"Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec independence economic viability financial dependence equalization payments have-not provinces Canadian government support quality of life economic indicators country sustainability secession consequences prosperity report Van Praet economic_independence Quebec_financial_dependence Canada_equalization_program independent_country_economy quality_of_life_impact economic_viability_analysis separatist_movement_concerns regional_economic_relationships Quebec economy independence Canadian economy financial dependence equalization payments economic viability quality of life separatism Canadian government support economic indicators have-not provinces have provinces financial dependence economic viability independent economy equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators quality of life economic crash credibility government support Quebec independence economic viability financial dependence equalization payments Alberta have-not provinces quality of life economic crash Canadian government support economic indicators prosperity report Quebec independence economic viability financial dependence equalization payments have-not provinces economic sustainability quality of life Canadian government support secession impact economic viability independence Quebec Canada equalization payments have-not provinces financial dependence quality of life economy secession credibility government support independent Quebec economic viability Quebec economy financial dependence Canada economy equalization payments prosperity report Van Praet financial stability quality of life sustaining economy country independence economic indicators economic viability financial dependence independence risks Quebec economy equalization payments have-not provinces quality of life economic sustainability Canadian government support secession impacts independent Quebec economic viability financial dependence Alberta equalization payments prosperity report quality of life Canadian government sustainability"
test-economy-egecegphw-pro01a	Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, airport capacity expansion benefits passenger delays runway limitations airport competition economic impact air travel connectivity aviation infrastructure airport efficiency airport扩建 航空容量 航班延误 跑道限制 机场竞争 经济效益 空中交通连接 航空基础设施 机场效率 机场扩建 airport capacity expansion plans Heathrow airport competition in aviation airport infrastructure air travel demand economic impact flight capacity comparison airport congestion aviation industry growth airport扩建 空港擴建 航空交通增长 expansion capacity Heathrow airport competition Frankfurt Paris Madrid runway traffic economicimpact connectivity infrastructure growth passengerdelay marketshare efficiency comparison expansionplans aviation economics transport policy demand capacityutilization trafficmanagement infrastructuredevelopment internationalflight transportpolicy airtrafficcontrol airportcapacity expansioncosts economicbenefits airportdevelopment airportcapacityanalysis airtransport airspaceusage airtraffic passengerexperience airportinfrastructure aviationindustry airpolicymaking airtravel transportinfrastructure airportoperations air expansion capacity issues airport expansion Heathrow capacity competing airports runway expansion airport competitiveness economic impact airport congestion passenger delays airport infrastructure aviation capacity airline industry airport rivalries economic growth airport development transport infrastructure airport planning aviation economics airport management Heathrow capacity expansion plans airport competitiveness passenger delays flight capacity comparison economic impact airport infrastructure London aviation Continental rivals airport expansion benefits Heathrow expansion capacity issues London airports Hub airport capacity Paris airports airline competitiveness Heathrow economics British aviation industry Frankfurt airport capacity Amsterdam airport comparison airport capacity costs airports_capacity expansion_needs passenger_delays competition_rivals economic_impact runway_capacity aviation_competition airport_expansion hub_airport flight_capacity economic_loss airport_renovation travel_convenience airport_infrastructure transport_economics expansion Heathrow capacity competition rivals airports runways economy connectivity passenger delays infrastructure growth UK aviation market efficiency expansion benefits economic impact Heathrow_capacity airport_expansion aviation_competition passenger_delays airport_infrastructure economic_impact air_travel runway_capacity UK_airports European_airports Heathrow capacity expansion benefits airport competitiveness hub capacity economic impact airline passenger demand airport infrastructure aviation industry growth runway expansion UK airport policy European airport comparison
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro07a	Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - legalization economics taxation revenue tobacco drug treatment policy UK finance junkies sociology health effectiveness public funding comparison analysis potential government budget legalizing drugs tax revenue from drugs drug legalization economic impact of drug legalization treatment funding from drug taxes tobacco tax comparison illegal drug market public spending on addiction UK drug policy taxation of illegal substances legalize_drugs tax_revenue tobacco taxation policy treatment junkies drug_laws revenue_funding economic_analysis public_policy UK_tax_revenue drug_legalization tax_funding government_spending legal drug taxation tobacco tax revenue drug legalization economic benefits of legal drugs tax funding for treatment junkie treatment costs tax justification for drug legalization legalizing drugs impact on revenue tax revenue comparison drugs vs tobacco public spending on addiction legal drugs tax revenue tobacco taxation tax funding treatment costs junkies population health public spending narcotics law economic analysis drug legalization revenue generation tax policy public health fiscal policy government revenue substance abuse treatment drug taxation UK drug policy healthcare financing tax justification legalize drugs tax revenue tobacco tax tax justification drug treatment fund treatment junkies taxpayer money relevant phrases query expansion legalize drugs tax revenue tobacco taxation money laundering treatment funding junkie treatment poppy farming cannabis legalization drug decriminalization economic impact of drug legalization legalize drugs tax revenue tobacco tax UK drug legalization drug treatment funding junkies tax justification beneficial expansion keywords legalize drugs tax revenue drug legalization tobacco tax UK drug policy tax funding public health revenue enhancement junkie treatment fiscal policy drug taxation tax justification public spending legalize drugs tax revenue tobacco tax revenue funding treatment costs junkie treatment policy analysis public health economic benefits
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con01a	Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. open source confusion open source cost analysis open source vs closed source government IT support open source reliability consultancy firm profits software support contracts IT solution expenses open source accessibility closed source features open source cost open source misconceptions open source support microsoft reliability open source vs closed source government IT costs support contracts software features open source limitations closed source alternatives consultancy firm profits open source vs proprietary cost of open source software government IT support open source limitations closed source advantages software support contracts consultancy firm profits open source accessibility software features comparison open source vs closed source cost of support government IT community support expensive support packages total cost of ownership open source confusion software features closed source alternatives accessibility issues open source software closed source software government IT technical support support packages total cost consultancy firms sticker price accessibility features open source confusion open source cost analysis open source vs closed source government IT challenges open source support expenses open source software limitations closed source advantages consultancy firm roles software support contracts open source accessibility closed source features open source software free software cost analysis government IT technical support community development consultancy firms support contracts software features sticker price total cost closed source software open source software cost free software confusion cost of support community support reliance government IT decisions expensive support packages consultancy firm profits sticker price illusion software accessibility closed source alternatives comparison open source software cost free software confusion cost of support community support reliance government IT decision-making expensive support packages consultancy firm profits sticker price illusion software accessibility closed source alternatives open source confusion cost of open source long-term expenses government IT Microsoft support open source support community development software features closed source alternatives total cost of ownership consultancy firm profits software sticker price IT solution expenses
test-health-dhghwapgd-con04a	"Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: drug patent laws intellectual property research and development economic incentives pharmaceutical industry innovation competition market share prisoner's dilemma fixed costs marginal costs biotechnology empirical analysis dynamic industry drug patent law intellectual property rights research and development pharmaceutical industry innovation incentives patent protection competition market share cost recovery pharmaceutical innovation patent system prisoner's dilemma fixed costs marginal costs dynamic industry progressive products biotechnology patents empirical analysis industry investment consumer benefits drug development patent enforcement competitive advantage profit motive economic disincentives public health impact scientific research pharmaceutical R&D patent infringement industry profitability drug pricing medical advancements technology licensing robust drug patent laws intellectual property rights pharmaceutical industry investment research and development costs patent protection importance innovation incentives prisoners' dilemma disease treatment advancement pharmaceutical firm competition patent system benefits drug development intellectual property rights economic incentives pharmaceutical industry research investment innovation incentives patent protection competitive advantage medical advancements cost recovery biotechnology patents industry competition market exclusivity prisoner's dilemma healthcare innovation profit motive R&D funding intellectual property law pharmaceutical patents dynamic industries drug patent laws intellectual property research and development economic incentives pharmaceutical industry innovation market competition fixed costs marginal costs prisoners' dilemma consumer benefits patent protection investment in new products medical biotechnology dynamic industry progressive products copycat competitors R&D costs public health long-term implications patent protection drug development research investment innovation incentives intellectual property pharmaceutical industry fixed costs marginal costs competitive advantage market share prisoners' dilemma public health long-term benefits drug patents intellectual property research investment innovation incentives pharmaceutical industry fixed costs marginal costs market competition prisoner's dilemma medical biotechnology patent enforcement consumer benefits dynamic economy patent_laws investment_innovation drug_development research_cost fear_theft intellectual_property rights market_share prisoners_dilemma innovation_incentives pharmaceutical_industry social_benefits profit_motivation cost_of_research competitive_advantage diseases_cures marginal_costs industry_innovation firms_competition robust drug patent laws intellectual property protection research and development economic incentives pharmaceutical industry innovation patent enforcement competition prisoner's dilemma public health cost recovery fixed costs marginal costs biotechnology empirical analysis dynamic industry market share profit maximization invent around gradual improvements consumer benefits prisoner's paradox long-term consequences disease treatment industry structure patent system economic disincentives innovation incentives pharmaceutical patents legal protections drug development costs copycat competition market dynamics innovation incentives public policy technological advancement industry innovation drug pricing healthcare sector drug patent laws research and development intellectual property innovation incentives pharmaceutical industry profit motivation patent protection fixed costs marginal costs prisoners' dilemma dynamic industries consumer benefits competitive innovation health outcomes disease treatment market share intellectual endeavors investment risks copycat competition R&D expenses industry standards legal protections economic disincentives scientific advancements"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con02a	The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... FTAA South American agriculture US farm subsidies agricultural surpluses developing markets free trade negotiations competitive disadvantage economic impact farming efficiency trade agreements economic policies market access subsidized farming developing countries agricultural exports trade imbalances economic inequalities FTAA South American agriculture US farm subsidies competitive advantage economic impact agricultural subsidies free trade agreements market access developing countries trade imbalance agricultural surplus price competition farmer efficiency economic disparity trade negotiations globalization effects FTAA south american agriculture US farm subsidies great agricultural surpluses developing markets cost of production business failure international trade farm efficiency free trade negotiations Panama City Miami FTAA South American Agriculture US farm subsidies agricultural surpluses developing markets price competition free trade negotiations farmer business sustainability economic efficiency FTAA South American Agriculture US agricultural subsidies free trade negotiations Brazil Argentina developing markets economic competition farmers subsidy elimination[1] Panama Miami free trade headquarters[1] FTAA subsidies agriculture competitiveness South American farmers market prices development trade negotiations economic impact FTAA South American Agriculture US agricultural subsidies free trade negotiation economic impact subsidized farming market competition government policy economic inequality American farmers developing markets surplus production cost of production trade agreement negotiation outcomes policy analysis agricultural efficiency Brazil Argentina trade barriers market access global economics free trade zones trade imbalance FTAA South American Agriculture US farm subsidies agricultural surpluses developing markets price competition efficiency in production free trade negotiations economic impact trade imbalances farmer business sustainability FTAA South American agriculture US farm subsidies competitive disadvantage developing markets trade negotiations agricultural efficiency free trade impacts Panamanian free trade ambitions FTAA South American agriculture US farming subsidies competitive disadvantage free trade negotiations agricultural surpluses developing markets price dumping farmer business sustainability
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro03a	"Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) suicide prevention mental health awareness assisted suicide family impact suicide prevention strategies terminally ill patients legalizing euthanasia psychological support cry for help public awareness parental awareness suicide cases analysis Megan Meier case terminal illness communication legal issues in suicide coping with loss suicide prevention family impact legalized euthanasia mental health awareness cry for help police investigation tERMINAL ILLNESS suicide prevention resources grief counseling patient autonomy end-of-life care psychological support assisted suicide ethics suicide prevention mental health awareness terminally ill patients assisted suicide ethics family support suicide prevention resources psychological impact public awareness end-of-life care confidentiality issues legal implications support groups grief counseling medical ethics patient autonomy terminal illness symptoms social isolation depression treatment legalizing euthanasia quality of life hospice care patient rights emotional support psychiatric care coping strategies suicide risk factors communication between patients and families suicide awareness assisted suicide family impact legalizing euthanasia terminal illness mental health support confidentiality concerns public investigations psychological trauma end-of-life discussions ethical considerations patient autonomy medical ethics compassionate care grief counseling support groups suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact awareness Megan Meier assisted suicide legalisation open process terminal illness patient decision family involvement guilt communication terminal care suicide prevention cry for help family impact Megan Meier assisted suicide legalisation open dialogue terminally ill terminal illness police investigation awareness mental health support guilt decision-making patient rights end-of-life care psychological impact public discussion ethical considerations healthcare policy suicide awareness assisted suicide family impact Megan Meier legalizing euthanasia terminally ill patients psychological support public mourning confidentiality medical ethics suicide prevention family impact legalized assisted suicide mental health awareness open communication grief support cry for help terminal illness disease disclosure patient autonomy police investigation mental health stigma suicide prevention family impact assisted suicide police investigations terminal illness guilt recrimination mental health cry for help loneliness desperation public process legalization patient autonomy confronting illness communication treatment options suicide prevention mental health awareness legalizing assisted suicide family support terminally ill patients cry for help police investigations suicide cases analysis psychological impact awareness campaigns open communication end-of-life care"
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con01a	"Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democracy nature imposition legitimacy foreign governance independence Iraq Afghanistan United States legitimacy democracy promotion forced democracy democracy nature imposition legitimacy government people foreign Iraq Afghanistan United States governance independence legitimacy promotion imposition challenges democracy imposition legitimacy foreign influence government structure independent governance Iraq Afghanistan United States democracy promotion democratic principles legitimacy in governance foreign intervention government independence imposed democracy criticism Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy legitimacy issues Doyle Michael democracy nature imposition legitimacy foreign government populace iraqi afghanistan united states promotion legality democratic government legitimacy foreign imposition governance Iraq Afghanistan United States democracy promotion democracy nature imposition government people legitimacy foreign reliance independence governance Iraq Afghanistan United States foreign imposition democratic legitimacy government independence Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy United States influence imposed democracy popular sovereignty governance effectiveness legitimacy crisis democracy nature imposition legitimacy governance foreign influence Iraq Afghanistan United States political independence search outcomes recommendation beneficial expansion terms supplement query democracy nature imposed government people legitimacy foreign imposed status forcing reliance independent governance Iraq Afghanistan United States legitimacy exacerbate"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Mitt Romney bomber warheads rail-mobile ICBMs treaty limitations strategic nuclear warheads 不平衡条约 unilateral reductions 世界和平 New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage US nuclear reduction Mitt Romney nuclear weapons loopholes rail-mobile ICBMs strategic offensive arms nuclear disarmament balance of power world peace New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage loopholes bombers missiles rail-mobile ICBMs unequal treaty world peace Mitt Romney START treaty tactical nuclear advantage loopholes in treaties Mitt Romney rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads unequal treaty balance of power world peace unilateral reductions New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage loopholes Mitt Romney bomber warhead rail-mobile ICBM treaty limitations strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage loopholes unilateral reductions balance of power Mitt Romney missile bombers rail-mobile ICBMs unequal treaty nuclear weapon limits New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage loopholes military balance world peace Mitt Romney bombers cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs unequal treaty unilateral reductions New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage loopholes multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs START treaty Tactical nuclear advantage Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits unilateral reductions balance of power world peace New START treaty criticism nuclear arms control Russia advantages US disadvantages Mitt Romney arguments treaty loopholes rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear weapons treaty inequality New START treaty limitations nuclear weapon limits Russia US nuclear strategy Mitt Romney strategic nuclear warheads rail-mobile ICBMs bomber programs nuclear cruise missiles treaty inequality international peace"
test-international-ehbfe-con01a	Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ federalism EU stability nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations minority rights European integration majoritarian principle constitutional democracy federalism EU stability nationalism populism xenophobia European integration Gaullist majoritarian principle constitutional democracy minorities European state federalism eu stability nationalism populism xenophobia gaullism europe of nations minority rights dominant groups federal state integration constitutional democracy federalism EU stability nationalism populism xenophobia European integration constitutional democracy majoritarian principle minorities European state Gaullist Europe federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobia Gaullist Europe majoritarian principle minority rights european integration federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe constitutional democracy majoritarian principle minority rights federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe constitutional democracies minority rights European integration federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobia Europe of Nations Gaullist minority rights majoritarian principle European integration federalism EU stability nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist integration majoritarian原则 minorities European state constitutional democracy federalism EU stability nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations majoritarian principle minority rights
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction war crimes international criminal court child soldiers stigma reintegration humanitarian law conflict chronic war normal life treatment centres DDR ICC prosecution humanitarian assistance child rights stigmatization peace process armed conflicts conflict zones victimisation institutional care rehabilitation programs diplomatic criticism child soldiers recruitment war-time participation peace-time consequences judicial bias universal justice child protection conflict prevention transitional justice child welfare judicial discretion juvenile justice international law humanitarian intervention peacebuilding child psychology child soldiers demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation ICC stigma reintegration post-conflict reconstruction chronic war humanitarian law child soldiers and war crimes international community conflict situations DDR process Sierra Leone Colombia Liberian child soldiers prosecutions universal concepts compassion justice ICRC UNICEF non-liberal regimes armed conflicts child protection victimisation reparation transitional justice human rights child soldiers focus prosecution criticism international criminal court child development psychological trauma institutional care family-based care foster care social exclusion child soldier recruitment disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers stigma retribution ICC humanitarian law rehabilitation chronic war conflict zones juvenile justice reentry trauma rehabilitation centers institutional care international law transitional justice child protection conflict transformation victim blaming peacebuilding psychological care child soldiers' rights judicial discretion conflict dynamics social exclusion youth policy criminal justice transitional justice mechanisms peacekeeping human rights legal frameworks international human rights law peace studies child welfare reintegration programs military psychology child development demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction chronic war child soldiers war crimes international criminal court stigma reintegration DDR trauma chronic engagement recovery humanitarian law prosecution global report stigmatization conflict situations international community child protection combatants treatment centres ICC democratic states non-liberal regimes child-soldier focus demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation war crimes child soldiers ICC stigma post-conflict reconstruction chronic war reintegration conflict humanitarian law international community diplomacy prosecutions DDR psychological care social exclusion reparation education institutional care transitional justice peacebuilding victimisation protection child rights criminal justice peacekeeping enforcement international law human rights rehabilitation programs stigma reduction family-based care victim support legal frameworks conflict prevention peace processes justice systems judicial processes criminal justice reform community engagement victim participation international relations peace demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction chronic war stigma reintegration child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict situations humanitarian law prosecutions universal concepts compassion justice diplomatic criticism Liberian child soldiers Sierra Leone child soldiers Colombian child combatants international community DDR process chronic engagement chronic war experiences child soldiers as war criminals child soldiers branding sentencing guidelines reformed education conflict participation war-time choices peace-time consequences stigmatization family-based care youth homes youth protection facilities conflict-related abuses non-liberal regimes search accuracy query expansion demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war post-conflict reconstruction Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DDR chronic engagement habituation normal life child soldiers war crimes life imprisonment treatment centres stigma reintegration rehabilitation conflict participation stigmatization former child soldiers international community ICC humanitarian law child soldiers global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers child-soldier focus prosecution abuses Liberian conflict Sierra Leone conflict chronic war post-conflict transitional justice reintegration search efficacy expansion keywords demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war post-conflict reconstruction Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) child soldiers war crimes International Criminal Court (ICC) stigma reintegration chronic engagement combat recovery conflict situations universal concepts justice prosecutions global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers humanitarian law conflict resolution social exclusion war-time choices peace-time damages victim blaming child combatants family-based care institutional care fear disclosure prosecutions recruitment use of child soldiers serious crimes search results optimizing meaningful expansion terms enhancing query removing barriers demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war engagement post-conflict reconstruction Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DDR recovery process habituation normal life former child soldiers treatment centres Sierra Leone branding war criminals stigma International Criminal Court ICC sentencing guidelines war crimes life imprisonment rehabilitation participation in conflict crime peace-time uninjured casualties stigmatization families youth homes youth protection facilities fostering family-based care institutional care fear demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war child soldiers war crimes ICC stigma reintegration post-conflict reconstruction humanitarian law conflict situations DDR treatment centres international community victimisation prosecution universal concepts justice compassion armed conflicts humanitarian law stigma reintegration programs conflict zones victim-blaming retribution social exclusion youth homes youth protection family-based care institutional care demobilisation programs child soldiers conflict dynamics post-conflict transitional justice child rights international humanitarian law child protection psychological care war experiences
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro03a	The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. end-of-life-care autonomy euthanasia legislative-intervention personal-rights moral-ethics criminal-sanctions medical-ethics patient-autonomy legal-reform doctor-patient-relations human-rights compassion-fatigue legal-implications terminal-care quality-of-death dignity-death bioethics patient-choice personal autonomy right to die assisted suicide legal sanctions state intervention end-of-life care trauma criminalization individual rights legislative approach personal decisions public policy ethical considerations legal reforms physician-assisted suicide emotional impact family grief medical ethics human rights suicide prevention legal complexities personal autonomy end-of-life-care assisted-suicide legal-ethics criminal-sanction individual-rights state-intervention trauma-support medical-ethics legislative-reform personal choice state interference assisted suicide legislative role individual rights criminal sanctions trauma loss autonomy death penalty moral responsibility personal choice state intervention assisted suicide legal sanction emotional impact individual rights legislative role personal autonomy criminalization terminal illness family trauma public policy end-of-life care moral considerations personal decisions state intervention assisted suicide right to die legal implications individual rights emotional trauma legislative role criminal sanctions personal relationships loss and grief personal autonomy state intervention right to die legislative role criminal sanctions individual rights personal decisions emotional trauma end-of-life care family grief assisted suicide ethical considerations public policy moral responsibility personal autonomy right to die state intervention criminal sanctions ethical considerations assisted suicide legal reform trauma relationship dynamics decision to die personal choice state interference assisted suicide legislators tragic circumstances painful experience criminal sanction end of life trauma legal role respect autonomy complex situations formal state intervention loss of loved ones abuse prevention natural causes personal autonomy right to die state intervention legislative approach end-of-life care ethical considerations criminal sanctions emotional trauma individual rights public policy assisted suicide legal reforms moral responsibility patient autonomy physician-assisted dying terminal illness palliative care family impact societal norms
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con02a	"In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 sovereignty economic control taxation political risk euro currency surrendering Brussels democracy EU committees financial affairs Britain Euroscepticism kenneth clarke sovereignty surrender economic_control taxing_and_spending european_committees Euro Brussels scepticism political_impact EU Britain currency money_policy national_interest surrendering sovereignty economic affairs democracy taxing and spending power to run economy european committees EU scepticism Britain euro application europhiles surrender sovereignty economic affairs Britain EU supervision taxation interest rates European committees scepticism currency financial affairs single currency sceptical European Union Brussels Europhiles control over economy Kenneth Clarke democracy surrendering sovereignty economic affairs Brussels democracy EU committees taxing and spending integration risks scepticism European committees Kenneth Clarke Europhiles surrendering sovereignty economic affairs EU control taxing and spending political sovereignty Britain's economy European committees socialist euroscepticism Europhiles sovereignty issues Euro risks surrendering sovereignty economic affairs diktat Britain EU committees taxing and spending euro currency interest rates skeptical European committees political control British democracy Kenneth Clarke surrendering sovereignty economic affairs EU dictatorship taxing and spending european committees single currency Britain Europhiles safeguarding democracy interest rates control surrender sovereignty economic affairs Brussels control EU committees taxation authority interest rates democracy Euro adoption Britain Euroscepticism surrendering sovereignty economic affairs democracy European committees taxing and spending EU support scepticism interest rates currency union Britain's economy Brussels control"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro03a	Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 free labor market policy unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe xenophobia poverty rebuilding sense of unity citizens inequalities country borders migration free movement international relations economic integration ethnic division history impact political construction regional unity labor migration ethnic unity free labor market policies Africa colonial history border construction ethnic groups mobility unity xenophobia poverty disparities cross-border movement Cogneau 2012 free labor market policies unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe political construction xenophobia poverty rebuilding inequalities cross-border movement Cogneau free labour market policies unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups freedom of movement border divisions Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe people xenophobia poverty disparities Cogneau free labour market policies Africa colonial history national borders ethnic groups Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe people freedom of movement xenophobia poverty unity citizenship Cogneau free labor market policy recommendations Africa colonial history border divisions Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe people xenophobia inequality unity citizenship motivation economic integration free labor market policy unity Africa colonial history border ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe political construction xenophobia poverty equality migration regional integration cross-border movement ethnic divisions history inequalities cultural unity labour market integration ethnic conflicts free labour market policy unity Africa colonial history border construction ethnic groups Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe people freedom of movement xenophobia inequalities poverty reduction citizen motivation boundary impact labor market unity Cogneau free labour market policies ethnic groups Africa colonial history border divisions xenophobia economic unity migration inequalities poverty reconstruction unity citizenship regional integration cross-border movement workforce mobility Cogneau 2012 free labour market policies Africa colonial history border construction ethnic groups dagomba akposso konkomba ewe peoples freedom of movement xenophobia poverty inequalities Cogneau
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con01a	"Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. 2006 South Ossetia referendum legitimacy of referendums conflict conditions illegitimacy in elections European integration Council of Europe Russia's role in South Ossetia corruption in voting voter safety international human rights legitimacy of independence referendums electoral fairness conflict zones voting Georgia-South Ossetia conflict 2006 South Ossetia referendum legitimacy of referendums conflict conditions election manipulation international response Russian influence Georgia-South Ossetia conflict human rights violations Council of Europe David Bakradze Eurasia Daily Monitor 2006 South Ossetia referendum conflict conditions legitimacy of elections Georgia-South Ossetia conflict Russian involvement European Union stance Council of Europe human rights referendum corruption international monitoring voter safety election integrity conflict referendums international law sovereignty disputes voter coercion election legality geopolitical tensions 2006 South Ossetia referendum conflict conditions illegitimacy of elections Georgian-Russian conflict European integration Council of Europe legitimacy of referendums voter safety Russian influence referendum corruption international watchdogs election results skewing 2006 South Ossetia referendum illegitimacy conflict conditions election results voter safety David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe Russia's influence referendum validity 2006 South Ossetia referendum illegitimacy conflict conditions election skewing European integration Council of Europe Russia involvement legitimacy voter safety referendums under conflict David Bakradze Georgia-South Ossetia conflict 2006 South Ossetia referendum illegitimacy of referendums conflict conditions election skewing David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe Russian involvement legitimacy of elections voter safety European human rights referendum corruption international watchdogs 2006 South Ossetia referendum conflict conditions legitimacy of elections Russian involvement illegitimacy voter safety European integration human rights Council of Europe referendum fairness international oversight conflict corruption election skewing David Bakradze 2006 South Ossetia referendum legitimacy conflict conditions illegitimacy Georgia-South Ossetia conflict European Union Council of Europe Russian involvement David Bakradze human rights elections monitoring illegitimacy referendum 2006 South Ossetia conflict Georgia elections voter safety Council of Europe Russia international recognition Vladimir Socor David Bakradze legitimate elections Radio Free Europe Open Democracy Eurasia Daily Monitor"
test-international-iwiaghbss-con01a	Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, refugee state tourism dependency tuna fishing economic dependence host country commitment resource allocation territory rebuilding financial burden refugee state economic dependency tourism industry tuna fishing host country burden territorial disputes development challenges resource allocation migration policy Seychelles economy refugee policy tourism industry Seychelles economy fishing dependency international aid resource allocation population resettlement host country burden migration challenges dependency risks refugee state resource allocation host country burden economic dependency tourism industry tuna fishing employment rates territorial limitations international aid resettlement challenges sovereignty issues economic rebuilding dependency on islands migration policies refugee state tourism tuna fishing employment resource dependence economic rebuild host country commitment Seychelles economy refugee state resource allocation tourism dependence tuna fishing industry economic rebuild host country burden territorial commitment refugee policy tourism dependency fishing economy island nations economic drain international relations resource allocation territory displacement host countries refugee state economic dependency tourism fishing territory transfer country rebuilding resource allocation host country burden refugee resettlement refugee policy tourism industry fishing economy territory displacement country dependency economic impact host country burden resource allocation population resettlement developing nations seychelles overview world bank refugee policy territorial dependencies economic impact host country burden tourism industry fishing industry resource allocation international law humanitarian aid resettlement challenges
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con05a	Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors moral义务 voluntary死亡 euthanasia organ捐赠 individual权利 医疗道德 自愿性 complicity 生命权 doctors moral义务 organ donation euthanasia individual自主权 physician协助 自愿意愿 moral complicity doctors moral obligation euthanasia organ donation voluntary death autonomy ethical dilemma physician-assisted suicide medical ethics moral responsibility consent voluntary euthanasia patient rights doctor's conscience doctors moral obligation suicide euthanasia individual autonomy voluntary complicity ethical dilemma organ donation physician assistance moral burden Doctors moral burden suicide voluntary euthanasia individual autonomy donation killing just complicity doctors moral obligation euthanasia organ donation individual autonomy medical ethics voluntary decision complicity preserving life ethical dilemma doctors moral burden suicide euthanasia individual autonomy voluntary complicity organ donation morality medical ethics doctors moral义务 suicide organ donation euthanasia individual权利 complicity voluntary意愿 physician道德责任 doctors moral义务 euthanasia organ donation voluntary complicity individual rights moral burden organ donation euthanasia moral burden doctor autonomy voluntary death medical ethics personal responsibility killing vs donation euthanasia debate [1] Tremblay
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro06a	The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, law hypocrisy tobacco legality alcohol harm drug policy multicriteria analysis country drug laws [1]Professor David Nutt legalization tobacco alcohol policy hypocrisy drug laws cost-benefit analysis population health multicriteria decision analysis law hypocrisy drug policy alcohol regulation tobacco legalization societal impact drug legalization public health criminal justice drug classification Professor David Nutt multicriteria decision analysis maximize search utility relevant expansion phrases query expansion law hypocrisy drug legalization tobacco alcohol comparison societal impact drug policy public health drug classification alcohol vs drugs drug law criticism drug harm analysis multidisciplinary drug evaluation legal substance debate Professor David Nutt research drug policy reform societal norms and law substance use regulation drug legislation public opinion on drug law law hypocrisy drug policy tobacco alcohol societal impact legal system choice Professor David Nutt multicriteria decision analysis law hypocrisy drug policy critique alcohol versus drugs public health ethics tobacco legalization drug legalization harm reduction drug classification societal impact legal inconsistency hypocrisy drug policy alcohol harm tobacco legality societal impact drug legalization choice freedom multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt law hypocrisy tobacco legality alcohol legal consequences multicriteria decision analysis drug policy UK Professor David Nutt drug harms law hypocrisy drugs tobacco alcohol societal impact legalization choice public policy UK study drug classification harm analysis decision-making addiction health consequences Professor David Nutt hypocrisy drug policy alcohol impact tobacco regulation public health legalization multicriteria decision analysis societal harm choice freedom
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro03a	Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycott Euro_2012 Diplomacy Ukraine Yanukovych sanctions Europe diplomatic_complaints rights_concerns political_benefits boycott Euro 2012 diplomatic response Ukraine government criticism rights concerns Yanukovych European Union sanctions diplomatic approval Beijing Olympics boycott Euro_2012 diplomacy Ukraine Yanukovych rights proportional reform sanctions European_Union Beijing_Olympics diplomatic_responses Boycotting Euro_2012 diplomacy proportional relevant_expansion_phrases rights_concerns Ukraine Yanukovych European_Union diplomatic_responses sanctions coming_out_party political_benefits Versailles_Palace Syria high_profile_visits British_Museum Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Ukraine Yanukovych European Union sanctions verbal complaints human rights search performance relevant expansion phrases boycott Euro 2012 diplomatic responses Europe Ukraine relations Yanukovych human rights political benefits European Union sanctions coming out party international approval proportional actions public relations international events symbolic gestures reform opportunities global diplomacy boycott Euro 2012 diplomacy Ukraine rights concerns Yanukovych sanctions European Union diplomatic responses coming out party political benefits Boycott Euro_2012 Diplomacy Ukraine Regime Criticism Proportional High_profile_events China_Olympics Verbal_complaints Sanctions Yanukovych Rights_concerns Boycott Euro_2012 Diplomacy Ukraine regime criticism rights proportionality sanctions European_Union diplomatic_responses Beijing_Olympics Yanukovych Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Ukraine regime approval sanctions European Union Yanukovych human rights
test-international-iiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African economies poverty economic underdevelopment civil war debt budget deficit endangered species tax revenue expenditure priorities Tanzania socioeconomic challenges African economies budget constraints civil war impact debt burdens poverty issues economic development challenges wildlife conservation funding budget deficit international aid priorities environmental policy limitations African economies poverty debt civil war endangered species budget deficit Tanzania development challenges endangered animals conservation economic underdevelopment preserving wildlife limited resources priority spending globalization impacts African economies budget deficits civil wars economic development endangered species global debt limited resources poverty wildlife conservation African countries money budget protection endangered animals civil war debts poverty economic underdevelopment Tanzania revenue expenditure budget deficit African economies budget constraints civil war impact economic development challenges debt burdens poverty effects wildlife conservation funding budget deficits resource allocation priorities endangered species protection global development issues African development budget constraints endangered species civil conflict debt burden poverty economic challenges wildlife conservation budget deficit global economics African development budget constraints endangered species civil war impact economic challenges debt burden poverty budget deficit Tanzania finance African economies budget constraints civil war debt poverty economic development endangered species wildlife conservation budget deficit Tanzania finance African economies budget constraints civil war impact economic development endangered species conservation financial prioritization global debt poverty effects budget deficit wildlife protection costs
test-international-aglhrilhb-con01a	Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace Justice Prosecutions Reconciliation Amnesty Truth and Reconciliation Commissions South Sudan Atrocities Conflict Stability Indictment Future atrocities Healing peace justice tradeoffs truth and reconciliation commissions amnesties for storytelling conflict resolution versus prosecution South Sudan conflict prevention of future atrocities healing post-conflict societies importance of stability over justice Peace justice reconciliation prosecutions amnesties truth and reconciliation commissions South Sudan conflict atrocities healing stability indictments ceasefire opposition Deustche Welle allafrica.com Peace more important than justice truth and reconciliation commissions amnesties prosecutions vs reconciliation conflict in south sudan preventing future atrocities healing after conflict peacekeeping human rights violations international law conflict resolution transitional justice Peace Justice Prosecutions Reconciliation Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Amensties Conflict Atrocities South Sudan Ceasefire Deutche Welle Allafrica Peace justice tradeoffs reconciliation processes amnesty effectiveness truth and reconciliation commissions conflict resolution methods preventing future atrocities South Sudan conflict indicted criminals ceasefire breaches peacebuilding strategies peace justice reconciliation truth and reconciliation commissions amnesties prosecutions South Sudan conflict atrocities stability healing Peace Justice Prosecutions Reconciliation Amnesty Truth and Reconciliation Commissions South Sudan Atrocities Stability Conflict Healing Indictment Peace justice reconciliation amnesties truth and reconciliation commissions South Sudan conflict atrocities stability indictments healing Peace Justice Prosecutions Reconciliation Amnesty Truth and Reconciliation Commissions South Sudan Atrocities Stability Conflict Resolution Human Rights War Crimes Indictment Healing Peacebuilding Transitional Justice
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance unresolved_issues quick_fix poverty loan_access entrepreneurship political_stability economic_environment short_term_solutions interest_rates education_impact IOE 2011 microfinance poverty loans economic development political stability interest rates entrepreneurship education short-term solutions long-term impacts financial inclusion IOE investment returns microfinance poverty loan investment political stability economic environment interest rates entrepreneurialism short-term solutions education debt IOE economic development sustainable development social impact loan repayment financial services community loans microcredit financial inclusion economic climate long-term interests primary education credit financial literacy loan accessibility microfinance quick fix solutions political environment economic stability loan interest rates short-termism impact on education primary school attendance silver bullet entrepreneurialism investment returns loan repayment individual interests community development microfinance failures long-term interests microfinance short-term solutions economic environment political stability loan interest rates primary education entrepreneurialism quick returns long-term interests financial sustainability access to capital loan repayment microfinance failures investment incentives debt traps poverty alleviation social impact financial inclusion economic development community empowerment interest rates loan defaults education financing microcredit financial literacy creditworthiness financial services market failure policy interventions financial exclusion gender disparities rural finance financial technology microfinance institutions financial regulation microfinance unresolved issues quick-fix solutions poverty alleviation loan accessibility entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism interest rates loan repayment primary education long-term interests investment incentives microfinance failures loan interest rates microfinance limitations microfinance benefits community development financial inclusion sustainable development economic empowerment social impact financial literacy loan defaults microfinance success stories microfinance challenges microfinance poverty loans entrepreneurship political stability economic environment interest rates short-termism education investment quick return silver bullet loan repayment primary school attendance IOE microfinance unresolved issues quick-fix solutions poor loan investment entrepreneurialism stable political environment economic climate short-termism interest rates primary school attendance long-term interests silver bullet microfinance failures individual investment quick return loan repayment financial sustainability educational impact economic empowerment poverty alleviation financial inclusion debt traps social entrepreneurship development economics IOE 2011 study microfinance poverty loans entrepreneurship interest rates political stability economic environment investment quick return primary education long-term interests short-termism silver bullet IOE sustainable development microfinance poverty loans entrepreneurship political stability economic environment interest rates investment short-term solutions education loan repayment long-term interests sustainable development microcredit financial inclusion social impact IOE economic empowerment debt sustainability community development financial literacy market failure
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro01a	Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). hosting benefits national pride sporting events impact Olympics benefits city hosting community unity sporting success public opinion hosting international events influence host country advantages event legacy public support hosting feel-good factor international sporting events buzz Olympics World Football Cup Rugby World Cup political impact national pride national unity sportsmanship civic engagement government strategies Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane immigrant heritage cultural diversity public opinion feel-good factor international sporting events hosting benefits national pride Olympic hosting sports success national unity government strategies hosting impact public opinion bid campaigns city hosting sporting achievements public support national image community bonding sports diplomacy event legacy economic benefits feel-good factor international sporting events buzz Paris World Football Cup 2002 Olympics Sydney Rugby World Cup England Rugby Union Team Zinedine Zidane Paris 2012 bid national pride national unity Parisians hosting Olympics vote for hosting Olympics Hosting buzz international sporting events Paris World Football Cup Sydney Olympics England Rugby Union Team Rugby World Cup Zinedine Zidane Paris 2012 bid national pride national unity bid process public opinion hosting feel-good factor international sporting events Olympic Games national pride national unity sporting success Paris World Football Cup 2002 Olympics 2003 Rugby World Cup Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane hosting Olympics city hosting Olympic bid public support national pride boost sporting event impact community cohesion hosting buzz international sporting events Paris World Football Cup Sydney Olympics England Rugby Union Team Rugby World Cup Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane immigrant national pride national unity Parisians Londoners 2012 Olympics feel-good factor international sporting events promotes national pride Rugby World Cup Paris World Football Cup 2002 Olympics England Rugby Union Team 2003 2012 Olympics bid Zinedine Zidane immigrant Parisians Londoners hosting benefits national pride sporting events impact international competitions city bids public support hosting advantages community unity Olympics benefits event legacy sports influence hosting economic impact hosting benefits national pride sporting events impact Olympics unity public opinion hosting international sports influence feel-good factor examples Olympic hosting success public support hosting
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro03a	"The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 capitalism economic freedom personal liberty individual rights western democracy american dream equality opportunity political freedom presidential achievement overcoming adversity liberalism paternalism fairness advancement libertarianism history of capitalism liberty theory capitalism individual freedom western democracy American dream James Truslow Adams Barack Obama opportunity social mobility race presidency equal opportunity personal choice liberty government interference mature citizenship paternalism capitalist society personal freedom individual rights liberty Western democracy mature citizenship freedom from interference paternalistic coercion American dream equal opportunity initial opportunity reaching full potential James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class race achieving presidency fair chance seizing opportunities capitalist society economic freedom personal liberty individual rights mature citizenship paternalism Western democracy American dream equality of opportunity political liberty inalienable rights individual choice fairness in society President Barack Obama social mobility racial equality economic success political freedom liberty and fraternity entrepreneurship market economy freedom from interference political ideology liberal democracy capitalist society freedom individual rights liberties personal freedom mature adult citizens paternalistic coercion American dream equal opportunity Berlin James Truslow Adams Barack Obama United States fair chance transcend social class race presidency capitalist society personal freedom individual rights Western democracy freedom from interference mature citizenship paternalistic coercion Berlin 1958 American dream equal opportunity full potential James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class race presidency fair chance opportunity transcendence capitalist society personal freedom individual rights liberty interference mature citizenship choice future creation paternalistic coercion state American dream equal opportunity potential realization James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class race presidency fair chance capitalist society personal freedom individual rights Western democracy freedom from interference mature citizenship American dream equal opportunity initial opportunity opportunity achievement social class transcendence race equality presidential achievement fair chance external coercion James Truslow Adams Barack Obama success fortunate circumstances capitalist society personal freedom individual rights mature citizenship paternalistic coercion American dream equal opportunity Barack Obama social class race presidential achievement fair chance opportunity seizing external coercion James Truslow Adams individual liberty capitalist society personal freedom individual rights democracy liberty paternalism state intervention American dream equal opportunity social mobility political economy historical examples individual choice freedom of interference presidential achievements"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty nuclear capabilities david ganz jinsa atrophying arsenal military modernization russian advantage missile defense restraining development strategic arms deterrence missile defense capabilities tactical weapons bilatertal consultative commission missile defense interceptors unilateral statements BCC presidential authority congressional approval cost grounds international security israeli perspective nuclear strategy missile defense restrictions obama administration russian concerns nuclear proliferation defense effectiveness arms reduction nonstrategic weapons missile defense treaty soviet legacy nuclear disarmament new START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying nuclear arsenal missile defense systems missile delivery systems nuclear modernization Russian tactical weapons strategic arms missile defense treaty restrictions BCC missile defense interceptor conversion missile defense testing restrictions treaty withdrawal rights Russian strategic advantage new star treaty us nuclear capabilities david ganz jinsa atrophying modernization cost congress russia strategic nonstrategic tactical missile defense interference reduction missile defence options preamble interrelationship ICBM SLBM launchers BCC Bilatral Consultative Commission Vietnam arms modernization cost restrictions unilateral statement tactics defense arms treaty bilateral consultative commission deterrence missile defense program new start treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying nuclear arsenal missile defense systems missile delivery systems nuclear modernization Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic weapons tactical weapons strategic arms missile defense treaty defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev New START treaty nuclear capabilities U.S. David Ganz JINSA atrophying arsenal weapons enterprise reductions modernization Russia nonstrategic weapons tactical weapons deterrence missile defense options Obama Administration Kremlin ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission missile defense interceptors Bill Kristol Missile Defense Agency New START treaty nuclear capabilities relevant expansion phrases deterrence Russian advantage missile defense systems military modernization congressional approval strategic arms presidential decisions missile launchers intercontinental ballistic missiles SLBM missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission unilateral statements tactical weapons nonstrategic weapons missile defense options atrophying arsenal cost considerations jewish institute national security missile defense capabilities viability and effectiveness missile defense program defensive arms offensive arms effective deterrence New START flaws Heritage Foundation P New START treaty nuclear capabilities U.S. nuclear arsenal missile defense systems missile delivery systems deterrence Russian nuclear advantage missile defense options interrelationship between offensive and defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal cost grounds modernization restrictions missile defense capabilities reduction of missile defense options tactical nuclear weapons strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors unilateral statements extraordinary events Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive New START treaty nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying arsenal capital modernization Russia nonstrategic weapons missile defense restrictions interrelationship clause Bilat Consultative Commision missile defense interceptors unilateral statement New START treaty nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA U.S. nuclear arsenal cost grounds nuclear modernization Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic weapons strategic arms missile defense options Bilatirnal Consultative Commission unilateral statement treaty restrictions military analysis policy criticism New START treaty nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying arsenal weapon modernization Russian advantage missile defense interrelationship defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilaternal Consultative Commission deterrence military strategy nuclear modernization cost grounds presidential authority missile defense restrictions restriction enforcement withdrawal rights unilateral statements Bilaternal Consultative Commission oversight tactical weapons strategic arms missile defense interceptor conversion misile defense testing restrictions Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For"
test-international-ehbfe-con02a	"Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ inequalities federal system Europe economic downturn minority states United States of Europe cooperation economic power fair share decentralization economic progress centralism regional powers taxation legislation education policies citizen complaints EUObserver contributive inequalities federal system economic downturn European federation citizen complaints economic progress centralism decentralization power distribution economic power regional autonomy study findings federal system economic interdependence economic downturn collective benefit induced cooperation regional powers centralized vs decentralized economic progress policy harmonization membership complaints economic disparities EU policy implementation regional autonomy federal system economic downturn collective benefit minority member states European federation induced cooperation punishment mechanism economically powerful participants citizens complaints regional powers economic progress centralized governance decentralization impact federal system economic downturn costs distributed powers regional autonomy economic progress policy cooperation incentives European Union membership benefits inequalities decentralization centralization economic interdependence policy adoption minority states federal policies EU federation power distribution economic reliance cooperative failure citizen complaints study findings policy effectiveness elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases query analysis search optimization semantic understanding policy recommendations inequalities amplification federal system economic policies harmful impacts minority member states economic downturn risk propagation economic interdependence cooperation failures induced contributions punishment threats European federation citizen complaints economic contribution membership disparities economic power distribution regional powers centralized governance economic progress decentralization benefits economic studies regional autonomy EU economy federal system economic downturn citizen complaints equal contribution regional powers economic progress centralized states European federation policy adoption minority states economic interdependence federal system economic downturn United States of Europe member states cost sharing minority states economic inequality power distribution regional autonomy centralized governance decentralization economic progress study findings policy adoption collective benefits economic interdependence threats to cooperation inducements to cooperate economic power European federation regional taxation legislation authority education policies economic weaker status citizen complaints regional responsibilities regional economies country development EUObserver search optimization expansion terms suggest meaningful inequalities formal federal system Europe policies harmful minority economic downturn United States Europe member states cooperation contribute economically powerful citizens complaints fair share costs decentralized economic progress centralization regions powers responsibilities taxation legislation education policies centralised development citizens study EUObserver search outcomes beneficial expansion terms contributive inequalities formal federal system European federation economic downturn minority member states United States of Europe regional powers decentralization economic progress centralisation regional taxation legislative responsibilities education policies economic development citizen complaints fair share regional autonomy economic power decentralized economies"
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con01a	The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists scientific proof physics political process court cases scientists discredited cranks religious faith observable reality science and religion compatibility Intelligent Design scientific theory validation scientific community evolution creationism consensus biologists observable reality laws of physics court cases religion faith compatibility discredited cranks scientific truth scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality religion court cases education politics evidence scientists cross-examination compatibility faith theory truth disciplines laws of physics subatomic level discredited cranks intelligent design fullness of life scientific community overwhelming rejection Creationism evolution acceptance biologist consensus thoroughly proven theory political resistance court cases discredited cranks observable reality science and religion compatibility scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality religion court cases politics scientific theory discredited cross-examination faith compatibility scientific truth scientific community overwhelming rejection creationism evolution acceptance biologist consensus evolution proven scientific theories subatomic level school politics court cases discredited cranks religious scientists observable reality science and faith compatibility creationism falsehood scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality religious faith court cases political process science education intelligent design cross-examination observable laws subatomic level 150 years scientific method discredited cranks religion and science compatibility scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality religious faith court cases political process scientific truth observable laws subatomic level cross-examination intelligent design compatibility observable evidence scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists evidence religion politics education court cases observable reality faith compatibility scientific method empirical evidence discredited theories natural selection biological processes public beliefs law review intelligent design scientific community evolution Creationism consensus biology evidence religion science politics education law faith observable reality court cases
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, opportunity exploitation vulnerability government stability public health disclosure leadership succession military coups power transfer external threats internal threats Guinea 2008 coup prevention effective communication succession planning health secrecy leadership illness political succession government vulnerability coup d'état hidden illness power transfer military intervention public information political stability leadership succession internal threats external threats Guinea coup 2008 Guinea politics 2008 rivalry leadership vulnerability political succession government stability military coups transparency health confidentiality political opportunism leadership transfer democratic process crisis management political security leadership transition public information political succession planning health disclosure political instability leadership health coup d'état leadership succession political risk health misinformation political opportunity government response public health political crisis leadership health impact political transparency government communication health and politics leadership illness political timing government secrecy political opportunity cost leadership health management political trust leadership health disclosure political vulnerability health and governance illness opportunity leadership succession government vulnerability external threats internal threats public misinformation smooth transition political coup leadership health secrecy power transfer appointed successor military loyalty government stability public announcement electoral timeline political instability leadership succession planning health misreporting military takeovers political crises management leadership health management government transparency political succession crisis communication leadership succession challenges vulnerability leadership illness political succession misinformation government stability external threats internal threats public health secrecy leadership death military coup political power transition leadership misappropriation national security governmental transparency democratic process electoral delay illness leadership vulnerability government response external threats internal threats information control political succession military coups public health leadership change political stability secret leadership illness government secrecy political succession planning leadership health public misinformation political maneuvering crisis management leadership transition political power dynamics health disclosure leadership succession political opportunity governance vulnerability illness vulnerability government threats secrecy succession leadership coup military Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare illness leadership vulnerability opportunity misuse rival political strategy government weakness external threats internal threats public health secrecy power transition smooth succession election delay military coup appointed successor loyalty enforcement leadership health disclosure critical period exploitation political stability risk Guinea 2008 coup vulnerability government internal threats external threats succession coup democracy health secrets power transfer leadership illness political stability military takeovers elections loyalty checks secret leadership death guinea 2008 political crisis rival tactics vulnerability opportunity analysis government stability public health disclosure power transition coup d'état leadership succession secretive information external threats internal threats political manipulation health secrecy effective communication military intervention power transfer appointed successor quick succession election timeline smooth transition coups illness impact political instability security risks health status disclosure leadership health public relations information control political crisis management
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro02a	Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. medical ethics end-of-life care quality of life lifespan extension aging chemotherapy palliative care gerontology evolutionary biology public health bioethics chronic illness terminal conditions suffering dignity euthanasia suicide cancer treatment longevity senescence human evolution mortality medical intervention suffering autonomy healthcare ethics terminal illness pain management neurodegeneration ethical dilemmas medical advancements lifespan optimization biogerontology survival rates terminality geriatrics medical progress aging population end-stage disease medical futility terminal conditions management pall medical ethics longevity quality of life end-of-life care cancer treatment euthanasia aging suicide life extension inflammation nutrition disease prevention elderly care pain management morality biomedical interventions medical ethics lifespan extension quality of life end-of-life care cancer treatment physician-assisted suicide aging population chronic diseases palliative care bioethics public health policy mortality rates primate evolution terminal illness longevity pain management dementia gerontology public opinion healthcare resources ethical dilemmas biotechnology aging research oncology euthanasia debate medical advancement geriatric care medical science control death suicide euthanasia quality of life cancer patient chemotherapy aging lifespan diseases infection inflammation nutrition physical pain memory loss ethical considerations moral good longevity human evolution primate comparison terminal conditions quality of death end of life options medical science death control suicide euthanasia quality of life longevity cancer treatment chemotherapy aging lifespan evolution inflammation nutrition physical pain memory loss moral considerations end-of-life options medical science control death suicide euthanasia quality of life longevity cancer treatment chemotherapy dignity in death aging diseases lifespan extension moral implications quality versus quantity aging population physical pain memory loss terminal conditions end-of-life care medical science death control suicide euthanasia life extension quality of life cancer treatment chemotherapy end of life aging pain management memory loss human evolution primates lifespan inflammation nutrition disease management moral ethics palliative care medical science control death suicide euthanasia quality of life quantity of life cancer patient chemotherapy end of life medical intervention worth living physical pain memory loss aging diseases inflammation nutrition evolutionary biology ethical considerations longevity mortality human evolution primate comparison medical ethics terminal condition moral good suffering palliative care dignity quality of death top of their game natural option aging process public health healthcare policy bioethics gerontology lifespan extension medical advancement patient autonomy end-of-life care oncology neuro medical ethics euthanasia quality of life cancer treatment chemotherapy suicide death aging pain management lifespan evolution nutrition inflammation medical science advances disease progression end-of-life care medical ethics end-of-life care quality of life longevity aging euthanasia chemotherapy pain management cognitive decline human evolution lifespan extension moral implications terminal conditions physician-assisted dying palliative care cancer treatment gerontology senescence
test-international-miasimyhw-pro04a	Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. free labour market migration management policy introduction border controls HIV/AIDS social health informal migration Southern Africa bilateral ties migrant rights healthcare access formal documentation data collection evidence-based policy trade efficiency Human Rights Watch free labour market migration management policies for migration southern africa regional framework HIV/AIDS border controls informal migration bilateral ties national government data collection travel documentation migrant identity healthcare rights migrant health deportation fear accessibility free labour market migration management policies international migration Southern Africa border control HIV/AIDS informal migration bilateral ties health benefits data collection migrant rights healthcare access formal identity documented migration evidence-based policy trade efficiency Human Rights Watch travel documents regional framework free labour market migration management informal migration policy introduction travel documents Southern Africa regional framework bilateral ties health benefits HIV/AIDS trade efficiency undocumented migrants right to healthcare healthcare access deportation fear formal health treatment data collection migration data information gathering migrant identity trade efficiency border controls slow processes evidence-based policies migration rights human rights vulnerability analysis regional cooperation healthcare accessibility migrant protection healthcare documentation medical treatment legal migration informal economy labour mobility regulatory frameworks migrant free labour market migration management policy introduction border controls HIV/AIDS migrant health travel documents data collection Southern Africa national governments trade efficiency bilateral ties healthcare rights evidence gathering identity documentation deportation fear human rights free labour market migration management policy introduction informal migration regional framework bilateral ties Southern Africa HIV/AIDS truck drivers border controls health benefits migrant identification migration data collection trade efficiency undocumented migrants right to healthcare healthcare accessibility deportation fear human rights free labour market migration management policy introduction informal migration Southern Africa regional framework HIV/AIDS border controls data collection migrant health right to healthcare documented migration trade efficiency bilateral ties evidence-based policy human rights free labour market migration management informal migration policies for migration benefits of managing migration health benefits of efficient border controls HIV/AIDS prevention benefits of data collection on migration migrant health rights formal health care access documented migration regional migration frameworks bilateral ties national government data collection trade efficiency human rights in migration context free labour market migration management policy introduction informal migration Southern Africa regional framework bilateral ties HIV/AIDS health benefits data collection identity provision trade efficiency undocumented migrants right to healthcare healthcare access deportation fear formal health treatment human rights Human Rights Watch free labour market migration management policy introduction border controls HIV/AIDS treatment access migrant rights healthcare documentation Southern Africa bilateral ties informal migration regional framework trade efficiency data collection
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural relativism armed conflict ICC jurisdiction child soldiers cultural assumptions conflict zones Africa central Asia legal norms cultural construction military participation survival strategy neo-colonialism international community UN troops peacekeepers rules of engagement humanitarian assistance cultural relativism ICC jurisdiction armed conflict child soldiers cultural construction international criminal court jurisprudence military participation duress neo-colonialism humanitarian law peacekeeping civilian protection state sovereignty legal norms war crimes leniency conflict zones local governance UN peacekeeping child recruitment survival strategies aggression defense cultural relativism ICC armed conflict child soldiers jurisdiction international criminal court military recruitment war crimes developing nations conflict zones humanitarian law neo-colonialism peacekeeping civilian protection local governance international community legal norms warfare ethics vulnerability duress leniency state sovereignty military strategy conflict dynamics cultural relativism armed conflict ICC child soldiers cultural assumptions international jurisdiction military recruitment conflict zones legal norms duress neo-colonialism peacekeeping humanitarian law vulnerable communities local law-making UN troops conflict dynamics survival strategies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers conflict zones judicial defences international community UN troops neo-colonialism child military participation cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers conflict zones cultural assumptions international law jurisprudence humanitarian law child recruitment military participation survival strategy neo-colonialism international community UN troops conflict dynamics legal standards military tactics civilian protection investigative body conflict zones chain of command aggression defense mechanisms jurisprudential frameworks child soldier defenses leniency international oversight conflict escalation military strategies civilian impact war crimes international justice legal enforcement conflict resolution international norms legal relativism military recruitment cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers legal assumptions conflict zones Africa central Asia cultural relativism defense ICC prosecution child soldier systematic use legal norms cultural context armed conflict developing nations international community UN troops peacekeeping western nations neo-colonialism international law child military participation survival strategy terrorism cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers legal norms international community UN troops neo-colonialism peacekeeping survival strategies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural assumptions military organization civilian protection ICC prosecutors systematic use duress defense vulnerable communities lenient sentencing developing nations international oversight UN troops peacekeeping neo-colonialism expert body survival strategies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers conflict zones international community UN troops neo-colonialism survival strategy
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con02a	A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia economic viability population size landlocked state military aid Russia independence subsistence farming GDP Georgia economic dependency de facto independence separatist customs duties railroad access Vladimir Socor Shaun Walker Daria Vaisman BBC News Eurasia Daily Monitor Open Democracy The Christian Science Monitor South Ossetian economy South Ossetia population South Ossetia independence landlocked states economic viability poverty dependency on Russia Roki Tunnel GDP per capita subsistence farming South Ossetia conflict with Georgia de facto independence international recognition separatist region geopolitical status South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economic dependence Russian aid poverty independence de facto independence economic viability subsistence farming Roki Tunnel autonomy GDP smallest states international recognition conflict with Georgia military support South Ossetian state viability small population impact landlocked state challenges economic dependency Russian influence South Ossetia GDP poverty subsistence farming Roki Tunnel economics small state autonomy post-war economic struggle South Ossetia economic viability landlocked population size dependency on Russia GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel international recognition wartime economic impact Poverty separatism South Ossetian economy South Ossetia independence South Ossetia population South Ossetia geopolitical status South Ossetia poverty South Ossetia autonomy South Ossetia landlocked South Ossetia GDP South Ossetia dependency South Ossetia conflict with Georgia South Ossetia Roki Tunnel South Ossetia Russian aid South Ossetia viability small population landlocked poverty economic dependency Russia independence de facto independence subsistence farming Roki Tunnel GDP autonomy conflict with Georgia economic aid international recognition South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economic dependency Russian aid poor economy subsistence farming Roki Tunnel de facto independence conflict with Georgia small state low GDP South Ossetian state unviable state factors making South Ossetia unviable small population landlocked state poor economy dependency on Russia GDP per capita economic necessities for autonomy subsistence farming Roki Tunnel military aid de facto independence conflict with Georgia economic assets smallest states population size poverty independence challenges South Ossetia independence economic viability landlocked population size dependency Russia subsistence farming GDP military aid de facto independence conflict history international recognition autonomy challenges
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con01a	"For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" Britain Euro join currency economic mistakes history jobs unemployment international finance interest rates tabloid press propaganda Browne exchange rate mechanism economic policy international economics Britain Euro job loss unemployment historical precedent interest rates currency union economic integration Anthony Browne EUR英镑汇率 exchange rate mechanism 1992欧洲货币危机 single_currency britain_economy jobs_threat euro_unemployment exchange_rate_mechanism business_bankruptcy historical_mistakes anti_eu_propaganda tabloid_press economic_conditions international_economics interest_rates maximize search utility relevant expansion phrases Britain single currency job loss EU economic conditions Anthony Browne Euro Join British economy damage one size fits all interest rates unemployment historical mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism business bankruptcies unemployment doubled avoid repetition British tabloid press Euro launch date 2000 1999 1992 search efficiency expand query valuable terms Britain single currency job loss EU economic conditions Anthony Browne Euro join debate British economy one size fits all interest rates unemployment historical mistakes exchange rate mechanism business bankruptcy economic history relevance expansion phrases search performance Britain single currency job loss EU economic conditions Anthony Browne Euro British economy interest rates unemployment historical evidence Exchange Rate Mechanism business bankruptcy British economy single currency job loss Euro launch unemployment exchange rate mechanism business bankruptcy historical mistakes interest rates EU economic conditions Britain single currency economic conditions job loss Anthony Browne The Euro one size fits all interest rates British economy propaganda British tabloid press evidence unemployment Euro launch 1999 2000 Euroland 10 percent UK six percent past experience Exchange Rate Mechanism bankruptcy unemployment 1992 historical mistakes Euro membership job destruction inappropriate interest rates British economy Euro unemployment anti-EU propaganda Britain job loss Exchange Rate Mechanism bankruptcies in UK economic history analysis Eurozone interest rates Anthony Browne economic conditions jobs anti-EU propaganda British economy Euro unemployment mistakes of history interest rates bankruptcies Exchange Rate Mechanism"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con02a	Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, truth recovery reconciliation justice TRC South Africa Gacaca courts genocide confession prison sentence reduction apology for crimes human rights abuses disclosure criminal incentives justice mechanisms healing process reconciliation initiatives truth commissions reconciliatory justice human rights abuses Gacaca courts Rwandan genocide confession rewards apologies and reconciliation south african trc justice mechanisms healing processes punishment and truth torture trials Truth commissions reconciliation South Africa TRC gacaca courts Rwanda genocide confession rewards prison sentences apology significance human rights abuses criminal motivations justice incentives healing processes truth disclosure reconciliation justice legal reforms Truth and reconciliation TRC prosecution incentives gacaca courts confession rewards genocide apology human rights abuses criminal motivations justice processes healing through truth Prosecutions Truth Healing process Hiding crimes Lying Crimes motivations Prison sentences TRC South Africa Gacaca courts Human rights abuses Reconciliation Confession Genocide Apologies re relevant expansion phrases prosecutions truth healing incentives lies TRC South Africa human rights abuses Gacaca courts Rwanda confession rewards prison sentences reduced reconciliation justice apology promotion genocides confessed reconciliatory justice lessons TRC effectiveness justice trade-offs truth prosecutions healing incentives lying prison reconciliation TRC South Africa Gacaca courts human rights abuses confession genocide apologies justice reconciliation process South African TRC Rwandan Gacaca courts confessions prison sentences reconciliation justice truth and reconciliation criminal motivations disclosure justice mechanisms reparations legal reforms transitional justice social healing Prosecutions truth healing TRC South Africa Rwandan Gacaca confession rewards reconciliation justice human rights abuses genocide confession apology promotion trading truth justice Prosecutions truth healing incentives lying prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Gacaca courts reconciliation confession prison sentences genocide apologies justice reconciliation justice South African TRC Rwandan Gacaca TRC effectiveness reconciliation mechanisms Prosecutions Truth healing TRC South Africa Rwandan Gacaca confession rewards apologies reconciliation human rights abuses reconciliatory justice genocide confession truth trade-offs
test-international-iwiaghbss-con02a	New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, disaster refugees country formation historical parallels israel palestine colonialism migration sovereignty conflict land purchase Holocaust Pipes Daniel disaster refugees new countries island nations Palestine Israel Holocaust colonialism migration sovereignty conflict Pipes daniel disaster refugees country formation island nations migration history palestine israel holocaust impact colonialism middle east conflict land purchase history sovereignty disputes New countries disaster refugees island nations homeland abandonment historical parallels mass migration land purchase Holocaust Palestine-Israel conflict colonialism sovereignty disputes disaster refugees country formation historical parallels israel palestine land purchase colonialism migration sovereignty conflict relocate refugees historical precedents land purchase conflict origins sovereignty issues mass migration colonialism impact Jewish settlement Palestinian response WWII aftermath Holocaust influence territorial disputes nation formation refugee resettlement international law historical parallels disaster refugee countries Israel history Palestinian conflict land purchase migration colonialism conflict WWII impact sovereignty issues New countries refugee migrations disaster-induced nation formation historical precedents Israel-Palestine conflict colonialism territorial disputes sovereignty issues mass immigration land purchase Holocaust promised lands ethnic conflicts territorial transfers post-disaster state creation international law human displacement geopolitical history disaster refugee countries israel jewish migration palestinian conflict colonialism migration sovereignty purchase land historical parallels holocaust land acquisition disaster refugees country creation historical parallels israel palestine colonialism migration land purchase conflict willing land surrender historical examples holocaust sovereignty
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con04a	Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, capital punishment Africa prison conditions Libya prison security escapes dangerous offenders policy funding prison systems poor conditions underfunding African prisons underfunded prisons prison escapes Libyan prison system poor prison conditions dangerous offenders capital punishment alternatives prison security inmate escape incidents prison management prison reform prison overcrowding prison infrastructure criminal justice in Africa African nations prison systems low quality poor conditions underfunding dangerous offenders escape risks Libya prison Benghazi escape security issues capital punishment practical solutions criminal justice human rights alternative sentencing crime prevention prison reform public safety legal debates capital punishment Africa prison conditions Africa underfunded prisons prisoner escape risks security issues prisons dangerous offenders practical criminal solutions poor prison infrastructure Libyan prison escapes African justice systems capital punishment ethics Capital_punishment Africa prison_systems offenders security escape Libya prison_overcrowding policy underfunding capital punishment Africa prison conditions prison security deliberate policy underfunding poor conditions poor security prison escape dangerous offenders Libyan prison protest capital punishment Africa prison systems underfunding escape risks Libya Benghazi prison conditions security issues deliberate policy dangerous offenders poor prison conditions capital punishment Africa prison conditions Libya prisoner escape deliberate policy underfunding poor security particularly dangerous offenders practical solution punishment efficacy capital punishment Africa prison conditions Libya prison escape dangerous offenders policy underfunding criminal justice system capital punishment Africa prison systems prisoner escapes Libya security issues policy decisions underfunding dangerous offenders
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, privacy leaders diseases leaders AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government function leader incapacity Presidential illness William Pitt the Younger Napoleonic Wars Prime Minister leadership privacy political health government functionality confidentiality public interest leader illnesses historical examples William Pitt the Younger prime minister roles confidentiality in politics political immunity health disclosure ethics privacy leaders leader confidentiality government functionality disease leadership AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses public disclosure necessity leadership continuity napoleonic wars prime minister roles political health impacts privacy rights political leaders health confidentiality public image leadership continuity medical conditions governance impact historical precedents public knowledge leadership capacity government functionality privacy leaders denial health government transparency confidentiality public interest leadership medical conditions political functionality historical examples public knowledge leadership continuity privacy rights leaders health government functionality public disclosure political impact historical examples leadership continuity public image health confidentiality leader illness political stability privacy rights leaders confidentiality public health disclosure political leadership continuity historical privacy examples government functionality medical incapacitation political transparency public knowledge impact leader illness confidentiality privacy in politics privacy rights leaders confidentiality public health government functionality political privacy disease disclosure leadership continuity historical privacy medical confidentiality leader's health impact political immunity public knowledge leadership illness privacy expectations political ethics governance continuity health disclosures leadership capabilities privacy rights leaders confidentiality public health disclosure political leadership government functionality historical leaders illness and leadership privacy expectations denial of privacy health conditions political transparency leadership continuity medical confidentiality political efficacy privacy rights leader confidentiality public health government functionality historical precedents political privacy health disclosure leadership continuity political illnesses public knowledge governance impact leader illnesses privacy ethics
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro02a	"Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . human rights Ukraine Euro 2012 Amnesty International police torture discrimination Roma migrant rights xenophobia European leaders diplomatic snub human rights abuses Ukraine migrants Roma xenophobia police torture discrimination economic migration euro 2012 country reports on human rights practices european leaders Amnesty International human rights abuses Ukraine migrant discrimination Roma xenophobia police torture Euro 2012 diplomatic response moral authority Amnesty International economic crimes victim prosecution societal discrimination human rights abuses Ukraine migrants Roma xenophobia police torture discrimination Euro 2012 country reports on human rights practices Middle East Europe moral authority xenophobic attacks self defense international criticism international diplomacy international human rights organizations international law European Union human rights Ukraine Euro 2012 discrimination Amnesty International police torture migration xenophobia European leaders diplomatic snub moral authority human rights abuses Ukraine migrant rights Roma discrimination xenophobia police torture economic crimes diplomatic snub country reports Middle East Amnesty International Euro 2012 Democracy Report European leaders human rights abuses Ukraine migrants Roma discrimination xenophobia police torture Euro 2012 Amnesty International diplomatic snub moral authority citizen abuse european states criticism human rights abuses Ukraine migrant rights Roma discrimination xenophobia police torture Euro 2012 Amnesty International diplomatic response moral authority international scrutiny human rights abuses Ukraine migrant discrimination Roma discrimination xenophobia police torture Euro 2012 civic engagement diplomatic response moral authority Amnesty International human rights abuses Ukraine Euro 2012 police torture migrant treatment Roma discrimination xenophobia Amnesty International diplomatic snub moral authority"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro02a	Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Olympic legacy urban regeneration infrastructure development low-cost housing Crossrail public transportation hosting benefits Olympic impact community renewal stadium construction tourism attraction social housing urban planning economic development public works Olympic Games benefits urban renewal projects Olympic regeneration hosting Olympics long-term benefits infrastructure development low-cost housing sustainable urban planning tourism impact public transportation improvement legacy projects urban renewal Olympic Village stadium construction economic stimulation social impact environmental benefits community housing public-private partnerships urban design Olympic planning urban regeneration strategies legacy planning 赛后遗产规划 奥运会带来的长期影响 城市复兴计划 Olympic regeneration lasting impact deprived areas artificial beach cultural area tourist attraction low-cost housing infrastructure development transport improvement Crossrail international scrutiny legacy projects stadium construction housing initiatives urban renewal economic benefits sustainability urban planning public transportation green spaces Olympics legacy community development Olympic Village lasting impact deprived areas regeneration project tourist attraction low-cost housing Crossrail international scrutiny high standard building program Athens 2004 legacy London 2012 bid transport infrastructure stadium construction government incentives public housing urban renewal Barcelona Olympics Olympic Villages regeneration local areas lasting impact deprived areas infrastructure development low-cost housing transportation stadia construction international scrutiny legacy projects Crossrail London 2012 Olympic Games effect urban renewal housing projects Olympic legacy Olympics regeneration Olympic Village housing infrastructure development public transportation improvements deprived areas revitalization long-term tourism benefits Olympic legacy projects Crossrail London urban renewal sustainable development international Olympic bid evaluation Olympics regeneration hosting benefits Olympic villages infrastructure development low-cost housing Crossrail international scrutiny urban renewal sustainable development tourist attractions Olympic legacy Hosting regeneration local areas IOC Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas long-lasting impact 1992 Barcelona Olympics port overhaul artificial beach cultural area tourist attraction low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail underground rail system international scrutiny high standard building program Athens 2004 legacy Olympic impact regeneration strategies host city benefits infrastructure development low-cost housing legacy projects urban renewal transportation improvements Olympic Village construction international scrutiny Crossrail public-private partnerships Olympic planning community revitalization sustainable development Olympic legacy urban planning economic stimulus sports facilities urban renewal programs bid requirements Olympic villages urban regeneration long-term impact public transportation urban redevelopment Olympic games legacy Olympics legacy regeneration strategies urban development low-cost housing infrastructure projects international events impact Olympic Village benefits Crossrail public transportation improvement lasting tourist attractions community revitalization Olympic Games legacy
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro05a	Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, drugs-terrorism poppy-cultivation opium-production heroin-smuggling Taliban-revenue farmer-intimidation protection-money South-America-stability Mexico-drug-war Colombia-drug-lords Afghan-peace drug-war-futility drug trafficking terrorism funding opium production heroin trade local farmers intimidation protection money Mexico drug violence South American drug cartels destabilization war on drugs Colombia drug industry Afghanistan drug economy counter-narcotics strategies terrorist profits peace and development unstable states drug war effectiveness drug production states drugs-terrorism poppy-cultivation opium-production heroin-smuggling Taliban-revenue farmer-intimidation protection-money drug-war-failure government-instability drug-war-casualties Colombia-drug-impact Afghanistan-drug-impact South-America-drug-threat drug-prohibition-failures counter-narcotics-strategies drug trade-terrorism opium cultivation heroin production Taliban finances farmer intimidation protection rackets drug war efficacy state instability drug-funded conflict peace-building initiatives counter-narcotics strategies economic development in drug regions international drug trafficking regional security challenges drug policy alternatives drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban poppies opium heroin intimidation local farmers protection money warlords gangsters Mexico South America Colombia Afghanistan war on drugs peace development Drugs-terrorism-link poppy-revenue Taliban-financing Mexico-drug-war South-America-stabilization colombia-drug-issues colombia-governance afghanistan-peace-development drug-war-failure drugs-terrorism opium-heroin Taliban-revenue intimidation-farming protection-money drug-war-failed Colombia-Afghanistan-stability drug-producer-states Mexico-violence drug-war-strategy Drugs-terrorism-link poppy-cultivation-revenue polio-production war-on-drugs-failure drug-war-costs gangster-violence colombia-drug-impact afghanistan-terror-funding regional-instability [1]-source costly-unsuccessful-wars peace-development-stability drugs-terrorism opium-production heroin-trade Taliban-revenue farmer-intimidation protection-money Mexico-drug-war South-America-stabilization Colombia-governance Afghanistan-economic war-on-drugs-failure terrorist-financing drug-production-profit peace-development drug-war-strategy drugs-terrorism opium-poppy revenue-intimidation warlords-protection drug-war-failure destabilization-governments peace-development Colombia-Afghanistan gangster-violence
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro02a	"Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Locke property rights labor theory survival independence ownership theft provisos utilitarianism Nozick anarchy utopia property rights John Locke Robert Nozick labor theory appropriation provisos wasteland cultivation leasing economic benefit ethical ownership moral philosophy political theory resource allocation individualism utilitarianism Locke property rights labor theory entitlement wasteland cultivation Nozick anarchy state utopia provisos surplus production voluntary exchange homesteading principle self-sufficiency economic freedom natural resources commons scarcity justice redistribution property rights labor theory Locke Nozick theft wasteland cultivation provisos survival welfare commons privatization exploitation justice freedom utilitarianism property rights labor theory provisos Locke Nozick survival independence ownership cultivation utility justice resources welfare commons privatization property rights labor theory Locke's provisos ownership justification economic survival resource allocation self-sufficiency natural resources exploitation welfare considerations common goods Locke Nozick anarchy state utopia Locke property rights labor theory mixing labor wasteland cultivation voluntary exchange Nozick provisos survival rights utilitarianism ethical justification economic benefits common resources individual sovereignty ethical property acquisition private property rights existence independence survival labour stealth creation property rights mixing labour natural resources ocean individual labour provisos impact survival chances uncultivated land cultivation harm privatization leasing skill wage opportunity Locke Nozick Utopia anarchy private property rights Locke Nozick labour property rights existence independence sustainability stealth cultivation wasteland utopia proviso survival leasing economic efficiency property rights Locke anarchism Nozick cultivation labour theory utilitarianism communitarianism individualism consent stealth justice economic efficiency land privatization resource allocation common goods"
test-politics-dhwem-con01a	PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs mercenaries conflict instability security forces multi-national companies influence armed forces private military companies stability economic interests PMCs international security mercenary forces instability security privatization military contractors armed forces governance multinational corporations country security workforce stability conflict analysis PMC mercenaries conflict stability security forces influence instability private military companies armed forces multi-national companies government contracts security guarantees armed conflict international relations peacekeeping private security firms conflict resolution political stability PMC conflict mercenaries destabilising security forces multi-national companies influence armed forces central government local governments private individuals stability economic interests political instability PMCs mercenaries conflict stability long-term consequences influence security forces private military companies instability armed forces multi-national companies government reliance security guarantees PMC mercenaries conflict instability security forces private military companies influence long-term consequences armed forces economic interests governmental reliance international companies training work stability PMCs conflict mercenaries instability security forces multinational companies influence armed forces private military companies stability job security conflict escalation PMC conflict mercenaries stability influence security forces multi-national companies instability armed forces privatization security guarantees PMCs international security mercenaries conflict stability influence military contractors security forces governments multinational companies unstable situations armed forces power dynamics security guarantees economic influence local governments central government workforce management global security contractual obligations armed conflict privatization of security geopolitics international relations military strategy PMCs mercenaries security forces multi-national companies instability armed forces private military companies conflict interests stability influence reliance security guarantees
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. microfinance barriers infrastructure sustainability governance poverty regulation political instability partnerships actors objectives motivations microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poor infrastructure population needs poorest individuals loan repayment governance issues structural constraints regulatory challenges political instability multiple actors NGOs community involvement state/private sector tensions effectiveness microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest populations sustainability issues multiple actors governance challenges political instability network effects financial inclusion poor loan repayment need assessment regulatory frameworks partnership dynamics resource allocation community development loan defaults scalability issues impact evaluation realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure limitations poor infrastructure reaching poorest loan repayment challenges defining poverty need assessment structural constraints sustainability bad governance regulatory frameworks political instability microfinance partnerships actor involvement NGO roles community involvement state intervention private sector engagement partnership tensions microfinance effectiveness barriers microfinance infrastructure political instability governance structural constraints poverty NGOs communities state private sector effectiveness sustainability partnerships tensions network expansion query refinement microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poverty alleviation challenges governance issues microfinance sustainability structural constraints NGO involvement community engagement private sector roles political instability microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poor governance structural constraints political instability NGO involvement community involvement state intervention private sector participation poverty alleviation loan repayment targeted assistance sustainable solutions regulatory frameworks microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest population structural constraints governance issues regulation challenges political instability multiple actors tension partnerships effective microfinance sustainable solutions microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest populations structural constraints governance issues regulation challenges political instability multiple actors partnership tensions poverty alleviation economic sustainability microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poor infrastructure governance issues regulation challenges political instability NGOs role communities impact state intervention private sector involvement population poverty loan repayment population needs structural constraints economic sustainability tension partnerships
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con03a	Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. territorial integrity sovereign right international authority diplomatic recognition United Nations self-determination regional instability South Ossetia Abkhazia Russia international community diplomatic relations secession national sovereignty international law conflict resolution national interest geopolitics Georgia territorial integrity international recognition South Ossetia Russia UN recognition diplomatic relations self-determination regional instability international community international authority Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority S Osetia diplomatic recognition United Nations regional instability conflict Russia self determination RIANovosti international community military interference national security diplomatic relations nations Abkhazia UN territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority diplomatic recognition united nations international community regional instability conflict S. Ossetia independence national sovereignty UN membership Russian interference self-determination Georgian independence nation state russian aggression international system diplomatic relations Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights international authority S.Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition UN regional instability conflict Russia self-determination secession aggression Georgia territorial integrity international recognition S. Ossetia independence Russian influence self-determination diplomatic relations UN support regional stability international community social contract territorial integrity sovereign right international authority diplomatic recognition United Nations regional stability conflict Russian interference self-determination Georgian South Ossetia Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority S. Ossetia UN recognition regional instability Russian interference self-determination diplomatic relations international community S. Ossetian independence Russian aggression territorial integrity rights international recognition sovereignty social contract conflict diplomatic relations United Nations regional stability Russia secession Self-determination Georgia South Ossetia Abkhazia territorial integrity rights social contract international authority diplomatic recognition United Nations independence S. Ossetia Russia international community regional instability self-determination nations secession Romania Abkhazia RIA Novosti
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro03a	Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands companies data safety servers sophisticated security hackers identity theft information age arms race data protection data invasion increasing breaches hacking negligence costs individual rights data dissemination cyber risks firm reputation market punishment opt-in data privacy data security potential costs personal information cyber threats data management privacy economics data protection design information security cybersecurity measures data protection regulations privacy laws data breach prevention data misuse cybercrime data privacy issues data protection strategies information technology security cyber security data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data safety servers security sophisticated security systems hackers identity theft Information Age data protection arms race data protection designers data invasion rapid increase hacking negligence costs individuals market punishment opt-in data dissemination cyberspace data security potential risks firm reputation data loss individual privacy economic impact FTC report data breach records data privacy economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data security servers sophisticated security hackers identity theft information age data protection arms race market punishment opt-in data dissemination cyber risk FTC report data privacy economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection identity theft Information Age data protection hackers servers security systems market punishment data dissemination cyber risks privacy economics data safety cyber threats data security measures market reputation individual rights data misuse data protection laws data privacy cyber security cybercrime data valuation information exposure digital age threats privacy invasion data breach consequences cyber security measures data management cyber security risks personal information protection data breach statistics cybersecurity trends data privacy concerns cyber security challenges data privacy legislation digital security data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers miscreants identity theft Information Age arms race data protection hacking negligence costs individuals market punishment opt-in data sold server security cyber risks opt-out data dissemination privacy economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data security server security hackers identity theft Information Age data protection arms race cyber threats data exposure market punishment data privacy data dissemination data safety individual rights cybersecurity measures data costs firm reputation data protection regulations personal information digital privacy data misuse data transparency data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands companies security systems hackers identity theft Information Age arms race data protection hacking negligence costs individuals market opt-in data sold servers potential risks cyber risk privacy economics personal information cybercrime cybersecurity measures data security cyber threats digital age privacy concerns data protection laws data privacy consumer trust market punishment data valuation cyber security data loss cyber attacks data management privacy policy data sharing cyber security strategies cyber security breaches data protection regulations cyber security data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers miscreants identity theft Information Age arms race data protection server security hacking negligence costs individuals market punishment opt-in data dissemination cyber risk privacy economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data sold security systems hackers identity theft information age arms race data protection server security cost of data breaches individual rights data privacy market punishment data dissemination cyber risks opt-in data protection laws economic impact personal information cybersecurity measures data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data protection identity theft Information Age cybersecurity hackers market punishment data dissemination individual privacy cyber risks data security opt-in data selling record exposure cyber warfare data arms race firm reputation consumer trust information safety digital privacy cybercrime data breach costs individual responsibility corporate data management cyber security measures data protection laws personal information safety data protection technology cyber security threats cyber security strategies data privacy laws
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro04a	Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash economic meltdown Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom corporate America homeownership pensions government regulation EPA 2008 crash environmental regulations scapegoat deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican deregulation banking market failure environmental damage low wages government accountability 2008 crash 38 environmental regulations EPA Governemntisgood.com deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican political influence market failure environmental regulations EPA government accountability economic meltdown corporate greed financial sector capitalism freedom of market market failure environmental impact low wages political economy power dynamics corporate interests economic policy middle classiasm market manipulation government oversight financial crisis regulatory reform free market theory political rhetoric economic inequality market regulation public opinion economic recovery market failures regulatory capture financial deregulation political economy theory economic policy analysis g deregulation effects banking crises 2009 economic crash Republican impact economic meltdown market freedom corporate greed environmental regulations capitalism flaws government accountability economic recovery political blame deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican political economy market failure environmental damage low wages corporate America gambling homeownership pensions economic meltdown market freedom environmental regulations EPA government accountability deregulation economic crash environmental damage Republican response market freedom government regulation financial crisis 2008 crash environmental regulations economic meltdown boardroom influence pensions market failure deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican political economy environmental damage low wages market failure corporate greed financial crisis 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA government blame market freedom deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican influence market failure environmental damage low wages financial sector market freedom government regulation corporate America environmental regulations EPA 2008 crash market instability ordinary workers pensions gambling economic policy government responsibility scapegoat deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican environmental damage low wages market freedom corporate America gambling home values pensions government accountability environmental regulations EPA deregulation banking crises economic crash Republican damage low wages market freedom capitalism environmental regulations EPA government accountability corporate America pensions crash response environmental impact
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro02a	Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. community radio cheap production accessible technology information exchange internet devices cost shared access radio engineering NGO support government licenses low budget broadcasting community radio cheap production accessible technology exchange of information internet access costs radio waves shared equipment small station startup monthly costs government licenses radio engineering NGOs broadcasting alternative media public radio low-power FM free speech communication rights cultural impact local content education non-profit radio grassroots media independent broadcasting community radio accessibility inexpensive broadcasting radio engineering NGO support internet vs radio government licenses information exchange audience engagement radio technology costs community radio inexpensive radio production accessible media radio engineering knowledge NGO support community engagement information exchange affordable broadcasting low-budget radio stations radio licensing costs Internet accessibility barriers radio wave reception shared media access radio history alternative media sources public radio benefits community radio accessibility inexpensive information exchange audience engagement radio production costs sharing content radio engineering NGOs licensing community radio cheap production easily accessible exchange of information Internet access radio engineering government licenses NGOs budget costs equipment cost radio waves shareable content power of ideas internet device costs community success stories community radio information exchange accessibility inexpensive equipment radio waves radio engineering NGOs government licenses Internet accessibility radio station costs community radio accessibility inexpensive information exchange radio engineering NGO support licensing costs audience engagement Internet access equipment cost broadcasting technology community success stories community radio radio production costs accessible technology information exchange low-budget broadcasting shared media internet access costs NGO support radio engineering government licenses alternative media public broadcasting local journalism communication technologies media accessibility affordable media radio wave reception digital divide community engagement non-profit broadcasting media freedom community radio inexpensive broadcasting accessible technology information exchange low-cost media radio waves internet accessibility radio engineering NGO support government licenses
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con02a	We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. judgment ignorance ethics decision-making morality consequences knowledge calculus life value moral certainty unpredictability ethical dilemmas ethical dilemmas moral ignorance life value judgments decision making ethics hypothetical scenarios knowledge limitations consequences prediction moral calculations existential risks moral uncertainty ethics judgment ignorance knowledge life value moral calculus consequences presumption ignorance decision making ethical dilemma unforeseen outcomes maximize search utility relevant expansion phrases life value judgments ignorance knowledge moral calculus potential outcomes ethical dilemmas decision making scenarios consequences actions moral philosophy hypothetical situations ethical ignorance knowledge limitations moral uncertainty life choices impact hypothetical reasoning moral calculations decision ethics scenario analysis potential future consequences moral ignorance ethical calculations life value assessment decision making ethics hypothetical knowledge limitations value judgments life assessment ignorance ethical calculations potential outcomes moral certainty hypothetical scenarios knowledge limits value judgments life assessment moral ignorance decision making ethical considerations potential outcomes unknown futures moral calculations consequences prediction ethical dilemmas human nature life impact knowledge limitations moral philosophy ethical responsibility future implications decision uncertainty moral uncertainty ethical calculus judgment life value ignorance knowledge limitation moral calculus consequences serial killer life-saving doctor decision making ethical considerations future impact valuejudgment ignoranceknowledge ethicalcalculations situationalignorance potentialconsequences moralignorance judgmentpresumption ethicalignorance value judgment ignorance consequences calculation knowledge life ethics decision-making moral unpredictability ethics decision-making ignorance value judgment consequences calculus knowledge life choices moral uncertainty ethical dilemmas potential outcomes human unpredictability
test-international-iighbopcc-con03a	A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, informal agreement climate change US congress Senate approval treaty Kyoto protocol legal binding President Obama Republican opposition climate legacy Secretary of State international climate agreement informal气候协议 避免国会批准 共和党反对气候变化 奥巴马气候遗产 Kerry非条约论 巴黎气候大会法律地位 非京都议定书 informal agreement US Congress climate agreement climate change President Obama Republican Congress Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Protocol Secretary of State Paris climate change conference existing law informal agreement potential hurdles climate agreement Republican Congress President Obama climate change legacy Senate confirmation Treaty Kyoto Protocol existing law implementation legal bindingness informal agreement US congress hurdle climate change treaty Senate legally binding Kyoto President Obama Republican skepticism Secretary of State Kerry existing law Paris climate change conference informal agreement climate change US Congress presidential power treaty submission Senate confirmation Kyoto Protocol legal binding climate legacy Republican stance climate agreement benefits international climate negotiations informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Obama Republican Senate confirmation treaty legally binding Kyoto Protocol existing law Secretary of State Kerry Paris climate change conference legal question informal agreement climate change US Congress Senate confirmation treaty legal binding Kyoto Protocol President Obama Republican dominated Congress Secretary of State Kerry existing law informal agreement US congress climate change legacy Republican Senate confirmation treaty legally binding Kyoto protocol President Obama existing law Secretary of State Paris climate change conference legal question informal agreement climate change US Congress treaty Senate approval legally binding Kyoto Protocol President Obama Republican Party Kerry Senate confirmation existing law [1] Paris climate change conference
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con02a	Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. education dogma facts evolution scientific enquiry religious pseudoscience criticalthinking truth democracy creationism curriculum application expertise linus pauling education truth facts dogma scientific_enquiry academic_honesty intellectual_facility evolution pseudoscience religious_demagogues children_rights misinformation critical_thinking curriculum politics scientific_illiteracy democracy informed_decisions Creationism Linus_Pauling education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academic honesty intellectual dishonesty evolution biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights misinformation democracy critical thinking curriculum politics scientific literacy education quality critical thinking factual information objective thinking creationism education truth facts dogma scientific enquiry academic dishonesty intellectual honesty evolution biology creationism pseudoscience democracy critical thinking curriculum political interference scientific literacy education dogma facts evolution scientific enquiry critical thinking religious influence Creationism democracy informed decisions pseudoscience school curriculum Pauling Linus education truth facts dogma scientific enquiry academic dishonesty critical thinking creationism evolution democracy informed decisions pseudoscience religious undertones curriculum Linus Pauling education truth facts dogma scientific enquiry academic dishonesty intellectual integrity evolution pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights informed decisions democracy critical thinking curriculum politics scientific illiteracy Linus Pauling education truth facts dogma scientific enquiry academic honesty intellectual integrity evolution biology creationism democratic process critical thinking curriculum political interference scientific literacy pseudoscience religious influence informed decisions Linus Pauling education truth facts dogma scientific enquiry proven fact pseudoscience religion evolution democracy critical thinking curriculum politics quality misinformation creationism informed decisions critical thinking linus pauling education truth facts dogma scientific enquiry academic honesty intellectual integrity evolution biology creationism democracy critical thinking curriculum political influence scientific literacy misinformation religious undertones pseudoscience informed decision-making
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 cultural relativism child soldiers conflict intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western values child protection military recruitment survival strategies conflict environments child development cultural constructs humanitarian law legal enforcement vulnerability democracy human rights historical context societal change child welfare conflict zones cultural differences child labor protection laws social norms warfare impact child psychology legal frameworks international norms local customs ethical considerations global ethics human security cultural identity conflict resolution moral philosophy legal philosophy political philosophy anthropological perspectives cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice political environment governance international legislation supranational legislation western cultural constructs child protection conflict zones armed conflict societal vulnerability traditional community structures military recruitment child development humanitarian law human rights legal constructs indigenous knowledge survival strategies legal enforcement moral disputes ethical considerations global ethics conflict studies peacebuilding human rights abuses legal challenges social justice child welfare ethical relativism international relations conflict resolution humanitarian intervention cultural imperialism legal pluralism moral absolutism legal standards judicial activism cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western values child protection conflict zones military recruitment child survival cultural constructs historical traditions community resilience war displacement child safety legal enforcement democratic norms human rights vulnerability protection laws conflict impact childhood definitions ethical considerations humanitarian law Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation child protection violence western culture child recruitment military induction conflict environments community safety war displacement child survival cultural constructs liberal democracies legal enforcement vulnerability democratic norms cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western values violence against children military recruitment conflict survival strategies community safety traditional practices child protection laws vulnerability social constructs democratic norms legal enforcement human rights war zones child development ethical considerations Cultural relativism adapting to conflict child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western cultural constructs child protection military induction societal environments conflict vulnerability child safety democratic norms legal constructs Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation protection of children violence western cultural constructs conflict military induction child survival societal safety armed conflicts vulnerability democratic norms child protection laws Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western cultural constructs conflict zones vulnerability community survival military induction child protection humanitarian law legal enforcement democratic norms child recruitment South Sudan conflict cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice political environment governance western values child protection conflict zones military induction child welfare cultural constructs legal enforcement humanitarian law international legislation human rights vulnerability community resilience military recruitment child development ethical dilemmas social adaptation global ethics cultural diversity conflict impact child psychology human security legal pluralism international relations moral philosophy human rights abuses conflict resolution ethical warfare cultural anthropology jurisprudence peace studies human rights advocacy humanitarian aid child labor education in conflict social policy cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice conflict zones child recruitment international legislation western constructs vulnerability survival strategies military induction protection needs democratic norms cultural constructs historical context societal adaptation legal enforcement child welfare human rights conflict dynamics southern sudan
test-international-miasimyhw-pro05a	The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. human rights mobility obstacles empowerment Africa youths migration Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood rural areas identity education opportunities social networks political social economic rights passage trade networks informal trading human rights mobility freedom to move Africa young people migration political rights social rights economic rights Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood rural areas informal trading identity empowerment migration process right of passage opportunity exploration social networks human rights mobility obstacles gender equality migration youth social networks Africa Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood identity empowerment education rural areas international spaces connected rights political rights economic rights social rights informal trading rights of passage opportunities adulthood networking discrimination inequality access transformation identity formation community ties cultural integration socioeconomic mobility globalization development intersectionality policy inequality reduction empowerment strategies legal rights public policy travel restrictions c human rights mobility freedom to move Africa young people migration Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood rural areas social networks identity empowerment political social economic rights process of migration opportunity for youth right of passage informal trading dense network education transition into adulthood research migration priorities human rights mobility gender equality empowerment migration youth rural areas Africa social networks identity trade brotherhood research Tanzania human rights mobility freedom to move youth migration Africa Mourides social networks identity empowerment informal trading transition into adulthood research tanzania human rights mobility obstacles removal gender equality empowerment migration youths Africa Senegal Mourides Brotherhood networks identity adulthood tanzania human rights mobility obstacles removal Africa young people migration political rights social rights economic rights Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood rural areas dense network informal trading identity empowerment rights to move human rights mobility obstacles removal Africa young people migration political rights social rights economic rights Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood rural areas informal trading social networks migration process rights of passage identity empowerment human rights mobility freedom to move Africa young people migration Tanzania Mourides Brotherhood rural areas social networks economic empowerment identity political rights gender equality research social sciences informal trading national spaces
test-education-usuprmhbu-con02a	Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. affirmative action workplace diversity meritocracy equality discrimination minority rights workplace resentment policy impact employment discrimination equal opportunity workplace inequality affirmative action workplace discrimination minority perceptions meritocracy workplace inequality policy assumptions minority qualifications affirmative action effects workplace resentment equality issues affirmative action workplace diversity meritocracy minority discrimination workplace inequality hiring practices racial prejudice workplace resentment equal opportunity policy effectiveness diversity quotas reverse discrimination workplace dynamics minority rights employment discrimination affirmative action impacts workplace inclusion diversity and inclusion merit-based hiring workplace bias minority success workplace assumptions affirmative action debate impact of affirmative action workplace diversity challenges meritocracy vs affirmative action affirmative action criticisms minority employment issues workplace discrimination perceptions affirmative action consequences hiring practices fairness equality in workplace minority rights in employment merit-based hiring importance affirmative action ethics workplace resentment towards minorities minority qualification doubts policy impacts on workplace dynamics affirmative action and inequality affirmative action workplace discrimination meritocracy minority hiring workplace inequality reverse discrimination policy assumptions workplace resentment qualifications workplace inferiority equal treatment affirmative action debates workplace discrimination minority qualifications workplace resentment equality in hiring merit-based hiring policy assumptions workplace inequality minority perceptions job competition fairness affirmative action workplace discrimination minority resentment workplace inequality meritocracy hiring practices policy assumptions equal treatment minority qualifications workplace diversity workplace fairness affirmative action workplace diversity meritocracy discrimination workplace inequality minority rights employment policies workplace resentment policy effectiveness hiring practices affirmative action workplace discrimination meritocracy minority hiring workplace inequality equal opportunity reverse discrimination workplace resentment policy assumptions workplace dynamics minority qualifications workplace inequality perceptions affirmative action workplace discrimination meritocracy minority perception workplace inequality hiring practices policy assumptions equal treatment workplace resentment qualifications minority stereotypes policy effects
test-international-ghwcitca-con03a	"Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, cyber-attacks warfare Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence ARAMCO Saudi Arabia Panetta DOD cyberdefense effectiveness casualties property destruction international law cyber-warfare sabotage control systems nuclear program intelligence agencies cyber-warfare Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon cyber-attacks effectiveness Iranian nuclear program US-Israeli collaboration cyber-defense cyber-weapon regulations cyber-attacks cyber-warfare geneva	conventions Stuxnet Shamoon iranian	nuclear	program ARAMCO cybersecurity effectiveness	of	cyber-attacks indiscriminate	attack destruction	of	property potential	for	mass	deaths regulation	of	warfare conventions ethical	issues computer	worm intelligence	agencies cyber-defense cyber-attacks warfare regulation Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence destruction of property effectiveness of cyber-attacks international law cyber defense cyber weapons cyber warfare ethical considerations cyber-attacks warfare Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon Iran nuclear program US Israeli effective destruction property regulation effectiveness deaths conventions attacks Iranian enrichments Panetta cyber-attacks warfare regulation Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon effectiveness of cyber-attacks casualties property destruction international law cyber defense Iranian nuclear program U.S. intelligence Israeli intelligence cyberweapon impact cyberwarfare ethics cyber-attacks warfare regulation Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon Iran nuclear program cyber defense cyber warfare effectiveness property destruction international law military ethics cyber-weapon efficacy cyber-attacks warfare regulation Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon Iranian nuclear program US and Israeli intelligence property destruction effectiveness of cyber-attacks cyber defense Panetta DOD roles cyber-attacks warfare Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon effectiveness casualties regulation destruction property international law Iranian nuclear program US-Israeli intelligence military ethics cyber defense Panetta DOD roles cyber-attacks cyber-warfare Geneva conventions Stuxnet Shamoon digital warfare conventions effectiveness of cyber-attacks indiscriminate cyber-attacks property destruction in cyber-attacks"
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. problems verification agreement arms control trust mechanisms monitoring commitments expedited START New START treaty telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles verification standards Baker Spring Heritage Foundation verification arms agreement trust mechanisms telemetry missile inspections warhead verification mobile ICBM delivery vehicle elimination START treaty New START verification regime compliance monitoring problems verification agreement arms control trust mechanisms monitoring commitments expedited telemetry inspections ICBMs SLBMs verification regime mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles Treaty On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty START Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification systems telemetry data missile inspections warhead verification ICBM monitoring SLBM checks mobile ICBM verification treaty compliance trust mechanisms arms agreement monitoring verification regime robustness Verification trust monitoring telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles New START START treaty compliance arms agreement confidence-building measures relevance expansion phrases search performance verification mechanisms trust arms agreements monitoring telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification standards New START START treaty compliance reliability confidence biases delivery vehicles Verification arms agreement trust mechanisms telemetry inspections warheads missile performance treaty compliance mobile ICBMs verification standards verification trust monitoring telemetry inspections warheads missile ICBM SLBM mobile ICBM delivery vehicles treaty compliance START New START verification regime arms control confidence-building measures verification systems telemetry data missile inspections warhead verification ICBM monitoring SLBM tracking mobile ICBM regulation verification standards arms agreements trust mechanisms START treaty New START Heritage Foundation Baker Spring Verification arm agreements telemetry inspections missile performance treaty compliance mobile ICBMs warhead verification delivery vehicle elimination"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con03a	Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, fear of prosecution political amnesty leaders continuing conflict international criminal court war crimes amnesty vs prosecution leaders refusing surrender political healing historical examples of amnesty conflict continuation leaders and amnesty consequences of no amnesty leaders after regime change psychological impact of fear political stability historical amnesties leaders and international justice impact of fear on leadership amnesty as peace tool leaders and international law fear of legal repercussions amnesty pol pot icc joseph kony international criminal court country healing leadership decisions fear of prosecution conflict continuation regime collapse war crimes fear of prosecution political amnesty conflict continuation war crimes leaders behavior humanitarian impact international criminal court amnesties in conflicts post-conflict recovery psychological factors leadership decisions human rights violations Fear of prosecutions political leaders continuing conflict disruption of national healing historical examples of dictators Amnesty offers international criminal court impact of refusal to grant indemnity ongoing conflicts due to fear psychological effects of prosecutions peace negotiations and amnesties historical cases of leaders ending violence Fear Prosecutions Leaders Damage Fighting Country Move on Pol Pot Amnesty Rebuild Surrender ICC Indemnity Joseph Kony LRA Bush land Surrender talks Uganda fear of prosecution political amnesty conflict continuation war criminals ICC amnesty offers leader surrender country healing Joseph Kony Pol Pot LRA international criminal court amnesty negotiations Fear of prosecution political leaders continuing conflict amnesty ICC LRA Joseph Kony Pol Pot war crimes impunity country healing surrender talks Fear of prosecution political amnesty leaders continuing conflict country healing historical examples international criminal court LRA Joseph Kony Pol Pot regime overthrow amnesty implications conflict resolution human rights war crimes peace negotiations humanitarian impact fear of prosecution leaders continuing conflict amnesty offer country healing international criminal court ICC LRA Joseph Kony Pol Pot regime collapse war crimes peace negotiations humanitarian impact political stability Fear of prosecution political leaders continuation of conflict amnesty war crimes international criminal court LRA Pol Pot Joseph Kony reconciliation peace process
test-international-iwiaghbss-con03a	Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 governments in exile territorial sovereignty recognized government state recognition population control sovereignty without territory international relations historical examples state governance citizenship retention diaspora populations governments in exile sovereignty recognition territorial control state recognition population sovereignty citizenship retention international law historical examples sovereignty without territory recognized governments wartime governance exile governments sovereign state definition governments in exile territorial sovereignty state recognition sovereignty without territory population control citizenship retention diaspora populations recognized governments wartime sovereignty international law sovereignty definitions state existence territorial claims sovereignty recognition criteria sovereignty without territory governments in exile populated territory citizenship migrants samoa governments in exile history world war II Philippine government in exile Citizenship and territoriality sovereignty governments in exile territory population migration citizenship recognition history Wars of World War II Philippine President Quezon Samoans relevance expansion phrases search performance query refinement sovereignty territory recognized government exile governments historical examples World War II Phillipine President Quezon Commonwealth government in exile sovereignty recognition population territorial control citizenship migration Samoans territorial sovereignty governments in exile sovereignty without territory population control recognized government migrant citizenship Samoans territorial displacement World War II government exiles sovereignty governments in exile state recognition migration citizenship populated territory world war II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government in exile Samoans territorial diaspora sovereignty governments in exile citizenship migration populated territory recognized government historical examples territory control world war II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government in exile Samoans global recognition governments in exile territory control sovereignty recognition migrants citizenship Philippine history Samoan diaspora
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con03a	Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 capital punishment Africa human rights China execution methods Amnesty International governance political rights socio-economic rights death penalty Amnesty International report 2012 statistics capital punishment Africa human rights Africa governance Africa political rights Africa socio-economic rights Africa death penalty China execution statistics China Amnesty International Africa serious criminal offences Western human rights groups improvement strategies Africa capital punishment africa human rights in africa death penalty statistics Amnesty International China capital punishment governance issues political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences death sentences worldwide capital punishment Africa human rights in Africa China capital punishment death penalty China good governance Africa political rights Africa socio-economic rights Africa Amnesty International report death sentences China executions China capital punishment Africa China human rights good governance political rights socio-economic rights Amnesty International death penalty executions capital punishment Africa China human rights governance political rights socio-economic rights Amnesty International death sentences executions capital punishment Africa human rights Amnesty International China executions governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences capital punishment Africa China execution human rights issues governance Africa political rights socio-economic rights death penalty impact Amnesty International report serious criminal offences capital punishment Africa human rights China executions Amnesty International governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences capital punishment Africa China human rights execution methods governance political rights socio-economic rights Amnesty International death penalty international human rights criminal offences death sentences
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro01a	Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, artistic freedom censorship apartheid South Africa democracy gallery rights expressive freedom political art gallery exhibitions artistic expression artist rights gallery autonomy public discourse artistic freedom censorship apartheid South Africa gallery rights political art democratic discourse artist rights public opinion artistic expression artistic freedom censorship apartheid South Africa gallery rights artistic expression democratic discourse government interference artist rights public opinion artistic censorship cultural expression artistic independence gallery autonomy art criticism free speech in art artist perspective artistic interpretation art exhibition gallery decision-making art and politics Artistic freedom expression censorship gallery rights political art apartheid South Africa artistic censorship gallery independence democratic discourse artistic opinion artist rights art exhibition public art interpretation Artistic Freedom Expression Artist Rights Censorship Democracy Gallery Exhibition Public Opinion Apartheid South Africa Political Art Plural Discourse artistic freedom expressive content censorship democratic discourse gallery rights artistic censorship exhibition decisions artist rights public opinion artwork interpretation Apartheid political art gallery autonomy South African art art criticism artist intentions artistic freedom censorship apartheid South Africa gallery rights expressive freedom democratic discourse public art artistic expression government influence on art Artistic freedom censorship gallery rights democratic discourse apartheid South Africa artistic expression government influence gallery exhibition public opinion artist rights Artistic freedom censorship gallery rights African National Congress Apartheid South Africa Brett Murray The Spear power discourse democratic art pluralism criticism exhibition Artistic Freedom Inhibition Expression Artist Rights Censorship Gallery Independence Plural Discourse Apartheid South Africa Political Art Gallery Exhibition Free Actions
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con03a	This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living ethics organ donation coercion vulnerability abuse sacrifice life rights medical ethics euthanasia consent critical care irreversible miraculous recovery ethical boundaries coercion sacrifice organ donation ethical dilemma consent abuse vulnerable societal risk moral implications life-saving irreversible premature death ethical boundaries medical ethics organ trade living donors ethical concerns voluntary donation ethics organ_donation coercion medical_ethics consent euthanasia sacrifice vulnerability societal_risk patient_rights ethical_dilemmas medical_miracles irreversible_actions living_donors ethical dilemmas donor rights sacrificial donations vital organs coercion lifetime exceptions medical ethics life-saving surgeries moral responsibilities social vulnerabilities boundaries of life sacrificial donations coercion ethical dilemma organ donation societal vulnerability irreversible action moral boundaries premature death exceptional recovery cases living donors sacrifice donation vulnerability coercion moral ethics organ transplant recovery luck miracles premature killing live donor recipient society trade-off boundaries sacrifice donations vulnerability abuse coercion morality ethics medical organ transplant life society citizens risk reversibility necessity ethics irreversibility miracles dilemma medical ethics sacrificial donations vulnerability abuse social ethics coercion life-saving miracles organ donation boundaries euthanasia presumed consent donor rights sacrifice coercion organ donation ethical dilemma medical ethics euthanasia life-saving patient rights irreversible moral obligation societal risk coercion donation sacrifice vulnerability abuse ethics lifetime miracles reversibility irreversible trade-offs presumed consent end-of-life care organ donation boundaries dilemma
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con03a	Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Taiwan international recognition bilateral visits diplomatic relations São Tomé and Príncipe PRC multipolar world diplomatic attention political relations African states diplomacy diplomatic recognition diplomatic visits Taiwan international recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Príncipe PRC diplomatic attention poor countries African states political visits economic benefits diplomatic ties international relations Taiwan recognition diplomatic relations attention China São Tomé diplomacy economic benefits political attention international relations Taiwan international recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé Chinese recognition PRC African states attention visits poorest countries Taiwan international recognition attention reception diplomatic relations Africa São Tomé and Príncipe PRC PRC recognition political visits economic benefits diplomacy attention seeking poor countries Taiwan recognition benefits of recognizing Taiwan São Tomé relations PRC recognition African state attention small country diplomacy political visits international recognition attention Taiwan international recognition country visits attention political relations African states PRC diplomacy diplomatic attention diplomatic relations diplomatic recognition international attention poor countries diplomatic visits diplomatic relations between countries diplomatic attention from Taiwan diplomatic recognition from Taiwan diplomatic visits from Taiwan diplomatic recognition from PRC diplomatic attention from PRC diplomatic relations with PRC diplomatic relations with Taiwan diplomatic recognition with Taiwan diplomatic recognition with PRC diplomatic attention with Taiwan diplomatic attention with Taiwan ROC São Tomé recognition diplomatic relations attention PRC poverty African state presidential visits international attention political recognition Taiwan international recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Príncipe ROC Taiwanese visits PRC political attention diplomacy African states diplomatic recognition poor countries diplomatic relations scheduling conflicts diplomatic attention diplomatic visits Taiwan Aid Recognition Attention President São Tomé PRC Visits Legitimacy Poorest Countries Africa Relations
test-health-hdond-con04a	People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredi religious freedom life-saving treatment policy pressure edicts Shintoism Roma faith organ transplantation religious mandates Orthodox Judaism Haredi religious freedom organ donation policy life-saving treatment Shintoism Roma faith transplants god edicts religious organ donation Orthodox Judaism organ donation Haredi organ donation Shinto organ donation Roma faith organ donation organ transplant restrictions religious freedom and organ donation religious mandates on body integrity organ donation policies and religious beliefs pressured organ donation life-saving treatment and religious freedom religious reasons organ donation Haredi Orthodox Judaism Shintoism Roma faith organ transplantation religious freedom life-saving treatment ethical considerations policy implications religious mandate body integrity ethical dilemmas end-of-life decisions organ donation policies religious practices transplant ethics faith-based objections religious liberty moral obligations medical ethics patient autonomy end-of-life care religious minorities ethical healthcare organ procurement religious beliefs end-of-life rituals faith communities medical ethics guidelines cultural sensitivities organ donation rates religious restrictions organ donation policies transplant medicine ethical transplantation end religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredi religious freedom life-saving treatment policy Shintoism Roma faith organ transplant religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredi organ transplantation Shintoism Roma faith religious freedom life-saving treatment ethical dilemma policy impact theological perspectives religious mandates 死后器官捐赠 宗教自由 器官移植禁忌 religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredi religious mandates religious freedom life-saving treatment pressure ethical considerations Shintoism Roma faith organ transplantation edicts god prioritization religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredi religious freedom pressured donation life-saving treatment Shintoism Roma faith organ transplant religious reasons organ donation Haredi Orthodox Judaism religious freedom pressure life-saving treatment edicts Shintoism Roma faith organ transplantation religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredi organ transplantation Shintoism Roma faith religious freedom life-saving treatment policy edicts god
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro03a	COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. Olympics economic impact Cold War Olympics political points through sports hosting Olympics benefits Olympic Games symbolism Olympics and national pride Olympics as diplomatic tool Olympics for economic regeneration post-9/11 city rebuilding showcasing economic growth international community acceptance Olympics political messaging Olympics media coverage Olympics regeneration economic growth political point Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 global community New York 2012 post-9/11 healing process Olympics regeneration London 2012 cost Cold War Olympics Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 post-9/11 recovery global community acceptance economic growth political maturity media scrutiny international showcase Olympic legacy urban regeneration public expenditure economic stimulus political statement international relations global influence city branding sports economics Olympic costs infrastructure development cultural impact geopolitical significance Olympics economic impact Olympic Games symbolism Olympic bid politics regeneration through major events Olympics as political tool Olympics and national image Olympics and media attention Olympic legacy planning Olympic hosting costs Olympic bid strategy Cold War Olympics post-9/11 city branding Olympics and urban renewal Olympic bid benefits Olympics and international relations Olympics regeneration political point Cold War media scrutiny economic growth global community New York 9/11 healing process Olympics economic impact regeneration benefits political statements through sports showcasing national strength Olympic host city regeneration Olympics and media scrutiny Cold War Olympics Moscow 1980 Olympics Los Angeles 1984 Olympics Seoul 1988 Olympics Beijing 2008 Olympics New York 2012 Olympics post-9/11 recovery Olympics as economic boost Olympics regeneration economic growth political point media scrutiny Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 9/11 global community acceptance West Olympics economic impact regeneration through major events London 2012 costs Cold War Olympics showcasing national strength Olympic legacy global community representation economic growth demonstration post-911 recovery political points through sports Olympic host benefits Olympics economic impact regeneration benefits political statements through sports Cold War Olympics showcasing national strength global community acceptance post-9/11 city recovery hosting Olympics advantages Olympic games symbolism international community recognition urban development through major events Olympics economic impact regeneration strategies Cold War Olympics Olympic bid politics showcasing national strength post-911 city revitalization global community acceptance urban regeneration examples media scrutiny during Olympics
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro04a	Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, legalisation crime reduction drug legality criminal funding price controls drug addiction state-provided services criminal gangs economic impact organized crime GDP drug smuggling addiction treatment policy analysis legalisation crime reduction drug legalization criminal gangs price controls addiction treatment state-provided services drug trafficking economic impact organized crime drug policy drug decriminalization public health approach crime prevention drug economics illegal drug trade crime syndicates drug policy reform drug market law enforcement criminal activities social costs public safety drug abuse drug-related crimes drug legalization benefits drug legalization debate drug legalization effects legalisation crime drug illegalisation economic impact crime reduction drug economics criminal activity price controls addiction taxation state regulation marijuana legalization opioid legalization police funding drug trafficking organized crime government policy public health criminal gangs drug prices illicit drug trade GDP impact mafia profits legalisation crime reduction illicit drug trade decriminalization benefits costs of drug prohibition state-controlled drug markets drug legalization economic impact criminal gangs funding stealing to fund drug habits price controls on drugs illegal drug market decline drug legalization vs criminality drug policy reform economics legalisation crime reducing drug illegality criminal activities price controls addict funding state-provided services cocaine smuggling Italian Mafia GDP economic impact on crime legalisation crime reduction drug legalization illegal drugs crime funding price controls drug addiction state-provided services criminal gangs drug smuggling economic impact mafia profits GDP contribution legalisation crime reduction drug legality crime financing drug policy criminal gangs economic impact drug legalization addiction treatment price controls organized crime drug trafficking GDP impact mafia finances legalisation crime reduction drug legality criminal activities price controls addiction treatment state-provided services drug trade criminal gangs economic impact organized crime drug smuggling GDP illicit economy public health policy drug policy criminal funding legalisation costs crime reducing drug-related crime decriminalization drug policy economics of illegal drugs stealing addiction treatment dealing criminal gangs mafia funding GDP price controls state-provided services [1] drug smuggling crime syndicates evidence-based policy legalization drug policy crime reduction drug funding criminal gangs price controls state-provided services drug trade economics organized crime GDP impact
test-international-iiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ legal trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals extinction protection status price demand supply profitability farming South Africa Rhino horn poaching militarization legal trade conservation wildlife economics endangered species hunting regulations black market environmental policy sustainability animal agriculture biodiversity wildlife management economic incentives poaching conservation biology ecological impact protected areas trade restrictions economic analysis policy implementation ethical hunting wildlife trade anti-poaching efforts legal framework economic drivers habitat preservation sustainable use ecological balance Legalisation policy endangered species trade regulations conservation hunting farming preservation economics poaching militarization price dynamics protection status illegal trade supply and demand natural resources endangerment species protection environmental policy legalizing trade endangered animals pelts horns ivory furs protection status pricing demand supply extinction poaching revenue government seizure farming South Africa Rhino legalise horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals extinction protected status trade price profitability hunting supply demand poaching militarization farming South Africa Rhino legalizing trade endangered animals hunting pelts horns ivory trade restrictions extinction price dynamics protection policies farming supply and demand government intervention legal trade endangered species pelts horns ivory furs protection extinction poaching illegal trade supply and demand price reduction farming conservation poaching prevention trade regulations policy enforcement legalisation trade expansion conservation efficacy endangered species economic incentives poaching reduction wildlife farming market supply policy change extinction prevention search optimization keyword expansion trade legality endangered animals horns ivory furs pelts extinction protection supply demand price conservation policy farming South Africa rhino poaching militarization legal trade endangered species conservation pelts horns ivory furs extinction rhino horn poaching protection militarization farming economic incentives policy outcomes endangered animal economics trade regulation
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro04a	Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. breakfast health nutrition education children school meal teaching growth future nation benefits breakfast教育 学校早餐 营养教育 健康饮食 孩子健康 教育体验 长期益处 公共卫生 breakfast education nutrition education healthy eating habits school meals child development public health dietary guidelines mealtime education nutritional awareness childhood nutrition breakfast education nutritional education health education school breakfast program teaching through meals healthy eating habits childhood nutrition educational meals promoting health long-term health benefits nutrition lessons school meal programs children's health education mealtime learning balanced diet education dietary education school health initiatives breakfast nutrition health education children school meal teaching future benefits nation breakfast education nutritional education healthy habits childhood nutrition school meals dietary teaching health benefits long-term health nutritional knowledge mealtime education breakfast education nutrition importance child health education healthy eating habits school meal benefits long-term health impacts dietary knowledge impartation breakfast education nutrition education healthy eating habits school breakfast program child health education dietary teaching food literacy nutritional value breakfast health lessons educational meals breakfast nutrition education health children school meals benefits future wellness nutrition educational experience school breakfast health education good habits future health dietary teaching children's health mealtime education wellness启蒙
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con04a	Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 unhealthy_food school_ban food_advertising children_diets junk_food pupil_behavior marketing_effectiveness ban_effectiveness food_policy sweet_sales candy_cart economic_solutions pupil_compliance school_discipline school_culture media_ban consumer_behavior alternative_acquisition ban_backfire student_opposition school_income marketing_strategies dietary_choices ban_alternatives food_availability sweet_consumption advertising_impact pupil_motivation ban_rebellion school_revenue student_diet food_regulation ban_consequences child_de school food policies junk food bans persuasive advertising student behavior alternative solutions cafeteria revenue student autonomy health education food marketing school culture nutritional education peer influence policy effectiveness dietary choices adolescent psychology school management public health obesity prevention school policy implementation student compliance economic incentives healthy alternatives parental involvement community support food availability school environment dietary habits school nutrition programs food access student perspectives policy enforcement school vending machines dietary restrictions adolescent consumption patterns food marketing to children school health initiatives student engagement policy outcomes health promotion school discipline unhealthy food school ban food advertising children diet persuasive advertising junk food consumption prohibition effect school revenue candy cart sweet vending media ban ban interest benign ban adverse effect marketing regulation pupil mindset school policy food marketing alternative acquisition coercive measures sweet consumption student behavior food marketing impact student rebellion ban counterproductive consumer psychology food marketing ethics health policy unhealthy eating student compliance food policy media influence food marketing strategy unhealthy snacks student nutrition ban effectiveness food marketing regulations student unhealthy food school ban food marketing pupil mindset junk food consumption ban effectiveness sweet vending machines school income candy cart school discipline junk food advertising food ban psychology unhealthy food school bans advertising influence student perspectives junk food consumption school income candy cart food marketing dietary choices regulatory measures pupil compliance school health policies junk food bans student behavior food marketing dietary choices school vending machines candy cart income generation health education persuasive advertising ambivalent perspectives regulatory measures orange county school junk food consumption regulatory effectiveness school health policies food bans persuasive advertising student behavior cafeteria alternatives junk food regulation pupil mindset media influence school revenue Orange County school candy cart food marketing dietary choices adolescent health school discipline public health policy nutrition education student autonomy healthy eating campaigns unhealthy food school ban junk food advertising ban effectiveness pupil mindset food marketing disciplinary measures candy cart income generation school policies Orange County school junk food consumption food bans media ban alcohol ban vending machines food marketing influence student behavior change unhealthy food school bans food marketing student behavior dietary choices junk food persuasive advertising school income candy cart Orange County school pupil mindset food policy media ban vending machines school nutrition regulatory measures unhealthy food schools ban junk food pupil's perspective food marketing dietary choices sweet vending machines candy cart income food ban media ban alcohol ban familiar part of everyday life benign thing persuasive advertising ambivalent perspective coercion compulsion regulation school policy Orange County school New York Times junk food consumption public health marketing strategy consumer behavior student nutrition alternative solutions
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro03a	Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. community radio autocracy state broadcasters corporate media community cohesion democratic shifts Middle East Africa Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty community broadcasting policy law regulation community radio democratic values autocracy media diversity community cohesion broadcasting political engagement social change Middle East radio African radio democracy promotion civic participation free speech independent media public broadcasting cultural expression grassroots communication media activism community radio broadcasting power dynamics autocracy democracy voices media social cohesion civic engagement free speech political influence cultural expression public broadcasting equality local content media independence grassroots media international radio radio history media literacy community empowerment community radio playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimacy perspectives normalized community cohesion democratic movements Middle East Africa Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty community broadcasting policy law regulation community radio even playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimacy assumptions normalization voices community cohesion democratic movements Middle East Africa Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty community broadcasting policy law regulation community radio evens playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspective legitimacy unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules voices normalization community cohesion democracy middle east africa radio free europe radio liberty community broadcasting policy law regulation community radio evens playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimacy perspectives normalization community cohesion democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa community broadcasting policy law regulation community radio evens playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspective legitimacy unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules voices normalization community cohesion democracy middle east africa radio free europe radio liberty community broadcasting unESCO community radio evens playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimacy assumptions normalization voices democratic movements middle east africa democracy community cohesion Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters UNESCO community radio evens playing field state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimate perspectives community cohesion democratic shift radio wave Southeast Asia Middle East Africa World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters UNESCO
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro02a	Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 consumer privacy personal data invasive marketing online advertising customer information dynamic pricing targeted marketing public outcry backlash privacy violation market stereotypes consumer consent data exploitation online tracking psychological alienation privacy laws digital surveillance consumer behavior ethical marketing privacy concerns consumer rights data protection privacy invasion consumer sentiment data misuse personal information exploitation consumer privacy concerns targeted advertising backlash dynamic pricing controversy public outrage over data usage alienation in marketing privacy invasion in technology consumer sentiment towards data collection ethical marketing practices data privacy laws marketing stereotypes based on personal data customer information misuse online targeted advertising ethics personal information privacy concerns targeted advertising consumer backlash dynamic pricing data exploitation customer information public outcry marketing ethics stereotyping online targeted marketing consumer behavior privacy invasion marketing efficiency customer satisfaction digital privacy data collection privacy violations consumer rights marketing strategies data analytics privacy laws personal information exploitation online targeted advertising consumer privacy concerns dynamic pricing backlash customer information marketing alienation in marketing privacy violation public outcry against targeted ads stereotyping in marketing customer data storage ethics marketing efficiency decline consumer consent in marketing personal information consumer privacy marketing ethics data exploitation online advertising dynamic pricing consumer backlash public outcry targeted marketing stereotyping customer information privacy violation marketing efficiency consumer attitudes digital marketing personal information consumer privacy targeted advertising dynamic pricing customer information marketing ethics public outcry data exploitation online targeting consent issues stereotyping consumer backlash privacy violation marketing efficiency information storage customer profiling privacy concerns digital marketing consumer attitudes information sharing personal information privacy concerns consumer alienation targeted advertising dynamic pricing public outcry data exploitation marketing efficiency customer backlash stereotype marketing privacy invasion consumer sentiment data storage online targeting consumer consent marketing effectiveness information sale personal information consumer privacy targeted advertising dynamic pricing customer information public outcry backlash marketing efficiency stereotyping online targeted advertising customer data privacy concerns consumer sentiment data exploitation alienation privacy invasion market behavior customer profiling consumer attitudes digital marketing ethics online tracking personal information consumer privacy marketing ethics data exploitation targeted advertising dynamic pricing consumer backlash privacy violation public outcry stereotype marketing online targeted advertising customer information marketing efficiency consumer sentiment data storage privacy invasion digital marketing consumer behavior privacy laws personal information consumer privacy data exploitation targeted advertising dynamic pricing consumer backlash privacy concerns marketing ethics stereotyping online tracking customer information public outcry targeted marketing data collection consumer behavior privacy invasion data usage digital privacy customer data marketing strategies privacy laws consumer rights information sharing data analytics privacy breaches consumer sentiment digital marketing consumer protection privacy regulations customer insights privacy violations marketing tactics data monetization privacy infringement data security consumer experience privacy management data privacy customer profiling data ethics privacy policy data protection consumer
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con01a	Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. moral philosophy trolley_problem ethics active_passive_mortality responsibility_analysis ethical dilemmas trolley problem active versus passive moral philosophy utilitarianism responsibility life ethics decision making moral actions moral philosophy trolley_problem ethical_dilemmas active_vs_passive_mortality utilitarianism ethics_of_killing life_and_death_decisions moral_responsibility existentialism ethical_theory_analysis moral philosophy trolley problem active vs passive killing ethical responsibility utilitarianism decision making moral dilemmas ethics in action moral agents passive involvement active involvement death responsibility ethical theories moral scenarios ethical implications active vs passive euthanasia trolley problem moral responsibility utilitarianism ethical dilemmas life and death decisions Kantian ethics consequentialism active participation moral responsibility ethical dilemma train paradox utilitarianism passive vs active death ethics decision making trolley problem life value accident causation natural causes trolley_problem killing_vs_letting_die responsibility_ethics rare_vs_common intentional_action passive_inaction moral_responsibility natural_deaths accidental_deaths active_passive_morality ethics trolley_problem moral_responsibility active_passive_morality utilitarianism decision_making philosophical_concepts killing letting die moral responsibility trolley problem active vs passive ethics causality fatal decisions moral philosophy ethical dilemmas ethical dilemma trolley problem moral responsibility passive vs active decision making philosophy utilitarianism ethics human life consequences action versus inaction moral obligation
test-international-iighbopcc-con02a	Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, non-binding agreement binding treaties climate agreements COP 15 climate change international treaty negotiation failures government policies environmental compliance climate targets non-binding agreement fully binding treaties mechanisms for compliance climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure binding international treaty government negotiations climate deal international climate policy climate change agreements binding versus non-binding treaty negotiation challenges non-binding agreements fully binding treaties compliance mechanisms climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate summit government negotiations climate deal failure to deliver high expectations international treaties onerous agreements negotiation challenges successive failures environmental policies international cooperation climate change negotiations non-binding agreement fully binding treaties mechanisms for compliance gold standard nations' agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate conference binding international treaty government negotiations climate deal failure to deliver global climate agreement climate targets climate failure COP 15 expectations Climate change treaties non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate conference government negotiations international treaty failure in crafting agreements climate deal non-binding agreement fully binding treaties mechanisms for compliance gold standard for agreements onerous treaties difficult to agree climate agreements COP 15 climate deal failure Copenhagen conference binding international treaty government negotiations international climate solutions non-binding agreements fully binding treaties mechanisms for compliance climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate deal binding international treaty government negotiation international solution climate failures high expectations deliver climate deal climate negotiations non-binding agreement fully binding treaties mechanisms for compliance government negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure climate deal negotiation difficulties search optimization keywords agreement expansion terms enhance query non-binding treaties mechanisms compliance nations onerous difficulty climate agreements COP 15 expectations failure government negotiation Copenhagen deliver deal international solution binding international standards success negotiations outcomes diplomatic process environmental politics global warming targets negotiations outcomes success challenges non-binding agreements climate agreements failure COP 15 binding treaties government negotiation compliance mechanisms environmental policies climate change copenhagen conference
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con01a	Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. celebrity politics third-person effect political engagement voter turnout celebrity endorsements youth voter turnout political influence social media impact public interest political accountability celebrity endorsements political engagement young voters voter registration campaign strategies personality influence political systems demographic impact electoral outcomes third-person effect media influence celebrity endorsements political engagement young voters voter registration third-person effects political accountability public interest media influence electoral outcomes political participation easy access information diverse voter base accountability third party impact electoral impact media politics electoral engagement public opinion celebrity activism political outreach electoral turnout media influence on voting electoral analysis public engagement electoral impact analysis media and politics electoral behavior celebrity endorsements benefits electoral strategy public interest politics electoral engagement strategies media influence celebrity endorsements political engagement young voters voter registration campaign strategies third-person effects media influence political participation public opinion celebrity activism political awareness drone-like voting third-party impact electoral outcomes diverse voter base political accountability media influence on politics political communication public interest electoral mobilization celebrity endorsements in politics increased voter turnout electoral engagement celebrity influence on voting behavior third-person effect in politics celebrity endorsements for candidates electoral impact of celebrities celebrity celebrity involvement politics engagement third-person effect voter base expansion young voters media influence political awareness accountability elections celebrity endorsements information accessibility drone-like voting third-person effect Obama campaign rock the vote will.i.am 18-29 year olds voter registration political system third-party impact Voter turnout increase political outcomes celebrity endorsements political engagement third-party effect young voters voter base diversification political accountability public interest media influence third-person effects drone-like voting Obama campaign celebrity support will.i.am rock the vote information accessibility political personalities policies accountability Voter turnout increase 18-29 year olds 2008 presidential election 2004 presidential election 2000 presidential election celebrity campaigns engagement strategies political outcomes easily accessible information third-person perspective enthusiastic voters celebrity involvement political engagement endorsement effect young voters drone-like voting information accessibility political personality policies meaningful vote diverse voter base political accountability third-person effect celebrity campaigns Voter registration third-person effect Obama campaign rock the vote electoral outcomes accountability public interest media influence political system improvement voter turnout 18-29 year olds electoral participation celebrity endorsements enthusiastic voters electoral behavior public engagement political awareness electoral impact pol celebrity endorsements political engagement young voters voter registration campaign impact third-person effects political accountability diverse voter base easily accessible information drone-like voting meaningful vote will.i.am Obama campaign rock the vote 18-29 year olds political outcomes accountability celebrity influence third-person effect information accessibility voter turnout 18-29 demographic political personalities political system engagement electoral outcomes celebrity endorsements political engagement young voters third-person effect political personality campaign strategies drone-like voting media influence celebrity support Voter registration accountability electoral outcomes public interest information accessibility Obama campaign Rock the Vote political education diverse voter base celebrity endorsements political engagement young voters third-person effects election outcomes political accountability information access drone-like voting enthusiastic voters diverse voter base media influence political personalities campaign strategies voter registration public interest accountability third-person effect electoral impact celebrity politics
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con03a	There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence science alternatives mutation natural selection intelligent agency organisms design evolutionary theory speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology evidence evaluation irreducible complexity molecular self-assembly laboratory abiogenesis biological proofs scientific basis biology education empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticism intelligent agency living organisms design irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology evolution classroom irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Archive empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific criticism intelligent design scientific method mutation natural selection irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom teaching scientific basis empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence Creationism intelligent agency irreducibly complex speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Archive empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution creationism positive evidence vitriolic criticism intelligent agency living organisms design irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific claims scientific method science classroom flagellum irreducible complexity self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology intelligent agency laboratory conditions molecular biology biological evolution scientific evidence scientific debate empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence science intelligent agency living organisms design mutation natural selection irreducibly complex organisms evolution speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biology classroom irreducible complexity self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory conditions organism development Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Archive empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticism intelligent agency living organisms designed irreducibly complex molecular self-assembly proto-life speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom science irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Archive empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution Creationism positive evidence scientific method vitriolic criticism intelligent agency irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom instruction empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution creationism positive evidence vitriolic criticism intelligent agency positive claims scientific method mutation natural selection designed organisms irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory conditions speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom teaching scientific basis
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law anthropology social norms state intervention societal identity law enforcement compliance plural societies child marriage India Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act Indian law enforcement state corruption international criminal court ICC command responsibility conflict zones underdeveloped states child soldiers DRC South Sudan Myanmar Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Western legal standards legal enforcement jurisprudence legal uncertainty judicial accessibility state legitimacy community norms ethnic enclaves armed conflict legal awareness legal protection international law human rights child rights rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention legal systems Africa Asia corruption child soldiers international criminal court child marriage state enforcement judicial independence conflict zones human rights development plural societies legal pluralism child rights child protection governance legal education judicial activism legal infrastructure state capacity judicial jurisdiction legal standards legal awareness legal implementation legal reform legal culture legal literacy legal access legal accountability legal transparency legal enforcement legal enforcement mechanisms legal compliance legal protection legal interpretation legal education systems rule of law failure of rule of law social norms anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore law enforcement state intervention society identity plural societies child marriage India Indian child marriage restraint act central government children's rights state custodianship law compliance values majority education incentives deterrence weak state corrupt state non-existent state commander definition ICC jurisdiction underdeveloped states internecine conflicts Africa Asia Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Convention on the Rights of the Child ethnic minorities en rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society's identity disconnect between law and society compliance plural societies Indian child marriage restraint act government enforcement child soldiers weak states corruption central government effective government conflict International Criminal Court jus cogens state sovereignty legal certainty accessibility of law judicial independence child marriage armed conflict Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Convention of the Rights of The Child ethnic minorities pre-secession South Sudan DRC Myanmar legal void local authorities customary law rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage Indian child marriage restraint act Indian government child soldiers conflict ICC international criminal court command responsibility weak states corruption developing nations African countries central and southern Asia Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Convention on the Rights of the Child pre-secession South Sudan ethnic minority enclaves Myanmar child protection Western notions of rule of law conflict zones child rights legal systems legal enforcement state capacity legal ignorance rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society's identity law enforcement cultural values child marriage Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act government effectiveness plural societies child soldiers command responsibility ICC conflict zones state corruption judicial systems Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Western legal standards African states Asia international criminal law child protection community norms education conflict resolution legal access child rights humanitarian law legal uncertainty legal enforcement legal transparency legal ignorance legal accessibility legal stability legal education rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act child soldiers command responsibility International Criminal Court weak states corruption central government child rights conflict norm enforcement education incentives deterrence judicial certainty legal systems Africa Asia Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute community law pre-secession South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities rule of law failure of rule of law social norms state intervention anthropologist sally falk-moore child marriage restraint act india child soldiers icc international criminal court commander definition underdeveloped states conflict western notions corrupt state stable government child soldier compliance ethic minority enclave myanmar drc pre-secession south sudan child soldiers in war convention on the rights of the child rome statute weak state occupation by armed aggressor nominal responsibility convention on the rights of the child rome statute failure rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society identity law enforcement plural societies child marriage Indian law state compliance government effectiveness child soldiers international criminal court command responsibility underdeveloped states conflict zones convention on the rights of the child rome statute western legal systems corruption state legitimacy child protection community norms armed conflict rule of law enforcement international justice child soldier recruitment legal uncertainty state capacity education child marriage practices conflict regions ethnic minorities legal access legal awareness legal enforcement challenges rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society identity law compliance plural societies child marriage Indian child marriage restraint act state corruption child soldiers ICC command responsibility Western notions rule-of-law underdeveloped states conflict Convention of the Rights of The Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar child commanders community authority state influence international criminal court legal systems global context
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con03a	"Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. British identity economy national symbol Euro scepticism polling Alan Clark British psyche anti-Euro sentiment currency change Queen's head on banknotes Britain's identity Economy control anti-Euro sentiment Alan Clark banknote redesign poll results sceptics euro adoption national symbols popular sentiment currency change identity preservation European Commission press office euroscepticism United Kingdom economy British identity economy national symbols Euro sentiment polling Alan Clark currency change anti-Euro sentiment British sovereignty fear of change nostalgia economic control sovereign heads on banknotes EU membership euroscepticism European Commission banknote design national symbols economic sovereignty euroscepticism British identity Queen Elizabeth II currency politics Alan Clark EU member states single currency adoption economic control sovereignty issues anti-Euro sentiment currency symbolism political economy economic nationalism banknotes Queen's head Britain economy identity symbolism European Union Euro sentiment polling Alan Clark national symbols currency change Losing Queen's head banknotes identity economy petty nostalgia outdated tradition fear of change national symbol sovereignty European Commission anti-Euro sentiment polls denominations single currency sceptics banknotes Queen's head Britain identity economy European Commission Poll results euro Anti-Euro sentiment Alan Clark Single currency banknote symbolism economic sovereignty Queen Elizabeth II anti-Euro sentiment polling data Alan Clark identity politics national symbols british euroscepticism currency union euro adoption sovereignty issues British identity economy national symbols Euro sentiment poll results Alan Clark identity crisis monetary sovereignty anti-Euro Queen's head on banknotes single currency fear of change loss of control petty nostalgia outdated tradition scepticism banknote design national symbols economic sovereignty euro adoption British identity anti-euro sentiment Alan Clark currency change"
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro03a	This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, amnesty powerful public statement international arena democracies free speech rule of law repressive regimes dissent voices of reform norm-setters impunity dreams of a freer world international ridicule shame authoritarian regimes investment public condemnation Internet freedom press freedom amnesty powerful public statement free speech rule of law international arena norm-setters repressive regimes dissent voices of reform democracies unwillingness to challenge authoritarian regimes principles of justice freedom of the press Constitution of the People's Republic of China investments shame regimes international ridicule road to reform rhetoric real consequences amnesty powerful public statement free speech rule of law international arena norm-setters repressive regimes dissent voices of reform democracies unwillingness to challenge authoritarian regimes value freedom of the press article 35 principles of justice and fairness international ridicule shame regimes relax policies road to reform investments democratic countries criticism by granting amnesties dissident bloggers amnesty powerful public statement international arena norm-setters free speech rule of law impunity democracies authoritarian regimes principles of justice freedom of the press shame regimes international ridicule reform investments democratic countries publicly condemning sheltering dissidents rhetoric consequences amnesty powerful public statement free speech rule of law international arena norm-setters oppressors impunity democracies challenging repressive regimes freedom of the press authoritarian regimes justice and fairness international ridicule shaming regimes reform political investment public condemnation dissident bloggers freer world amnesty powerful public statement free speech rule of law international arena norm-setters repressive regimes dissent voices of reform democracies unwillingness to challenge authoritarian regimes principles of justice freedom of the press China public condemnation investment shame regimes road to reform dissident bloggers amnesty powerful public statement free speech rule of law international arena norm-setters oppressors impunity democracies unwillingness to challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press justice and fairness international ridicule shame regimes into relaxation investment publicly condemning dissident bloggers rhetoric real consequences amnesty powerful public statement free speech rule of law international arena democracies oppressors impunity Western governments authoritarian regimes dissent voices of reform principles of justice freedom of the press investment shame reform international ridicule consequences amnesty powerful public statement international arena norm-setters free speech rule of law democracies oppressors impunity repressive regimes dissent reform authoritarian regimes freedom of the press justice fairness international ridicule shame regimes road to reform democratic countries investments publicly condemning state sedition bloggers amnesty powerful public statement international arena norm-setters free speech rule of law oppressors impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of the press principles of justice and fairness international ridicule shame regimes investments public condemnation dissent bloggers dreams of a freer world
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro01a	An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 BMI obesity global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity healthcare costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death government intervention fat tax societal costs BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs healthcare costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs BMI obesity global medical costs health care expenses Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death fat tax economic consequences societal costs BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity absenteeism premature death fat tax societal costs
test-education-usuprmhbu-con03a	"Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. affirmative action prejudice minorities societal assumptions merit resentment free ride worthiness qualifications value stereotypes backlash American Bar Association 1990s affirmative action criticism affirmative action controversy affirmative action debate affirmative action stereotypes affirmative action resentment historical impact affirmative action backlash against affirmative action meritocracy versus affirmative action social justice vs individual merit affirmative action qualifications minority achievement perceptions affirmative action social prejudice minority discrimination meritocracy societal resentment free ride mentality qualification stereotypes backlash racial stereotypes affirmative action history civil rights equality debates diversity policies social justice reverse discrimination legal challenges public opinion educational opportunities employment practices cultural impacts historical context affirmative action debate impact of affirmative action prejudice caused by affirmative action societal impact of affirmative action minority resentment towards affirmative action policies affecting minority success affirmative action vs meritocracy backlash against affirmative action civil rights and affirmative action history of affirmative action policies affirmative action prejudice minorities societal resentment merit stereotypes backlash equality diversity discrimination social justice policy impact affirmative action debate reverse discrimination minority quotas meritocracy challenge societal resentment affirmative action criticism minority success stereotypes racial inequality perceptions equal opportunity policies diversity and inclusion civil rights backlash affirmative action prejudice minorities societal resentment meritocracy free ride stereotypes backlash American society policy effectiveness affirmative action prejudice minorities societal assumptions meritocracy free ride qualification stereotypes backlash social injustice affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact meritocracy free ride resentment qualifications stereotypes backlash social injustice equality debates racial preferences discrimination civil rights equal opportunity affirmative action policies historical context public opinion legal implications affirmative action stereotypes meritocracy societal resentment backlash minority achievement free ride policy impact racial prejudice equality debate"
test-international-ghwcitca-con02a	A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, treaty benefits power imbalance cyber-attacks military hardware nuclear non-proliferation arms control equipment cost defensive measures smaller nations military advantage weaponization Internet reliance discrimination in treaties disarmament nuclear weapons states agreement enforcement asymmetric warfare cyber threats national security global power dynamics arms treaties history inequality in international law treaty benefits powerful countries small nations cyber-attacks military hardware internet access defense mechanisms poor nations nuclear weapons non-proliferation arms treaties discriminatory agreements disarmament treaty enforcement international relations asymmetric warfare military power disparity cyber-attacks treaty inequity military power imbalance nuclear weapons cyber warfare discrimination in treaties internet vulnerabilities power dynamics in international relations arms control treaties nuclear non-proliferation smaller nations defense cyber threats neighbouring state conflicts asymmetric warfare defense mechanisms cost of cyber warfare economic factors in warfare military technology disparity national security concerns arms control enforcement treaty benefits cyber-attacks small powers powerful countries arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation biased agreements military hardware cyber warfare asymmetric warfare treaty enforcement international security global power dynamics disarmament nuclear weapons treaty discrimination military capabilities cyber threats state sovereignty international relations technological warfare defense mechanisms geopolitical tensions weapons proliferation diplomatic strategies treaty benefits cyber-attacks small countries powerful nations weapons proliferation nuclear non-proliferation military hardware cyber warfare arms treaties treaty discrimination nuclear weapons military advantage international security treaty enforcement global power dynamics cyber-attacks treaty benefits power imbalance smaller countries military hardware nuclear non-proliferation arms treaties discrimination defense against cyber-attacks cyber warfare equipment costs neighbouring countries nuclear weapons states conventional threats internet connection cost effective attacks poor nations military superiority credible threat defensive challenges asymmetric warfare weapons proliferation treaty enforcement nuclear disarmament unequal treaties treaty benefits cyber-attacks international power dynamics weak nations military hardware cyber warfare arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation powerful states small nations defense mechanisms military conventional forces nuclear weapons states treaty enforcement treaty discrimination treaty effectiveness cyber-attacks military power disparity smaller nations vulnerability to cyber-attacks arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation discrimination in treaties nuclear weapons states treaty enforcement asymmetric warfare Internet accessibility cost of cyber equipment defense against cyber-attacks poor nations' strategy national security military hardware cybersecurity challenges arms control global security power dynamics in treaties negotiation biases inequitable treaties weak states' threats conventional military threats neighbourly relations peace treaties equipment costs training requirements for cyber- treaty benefits cyber-attacks international power dynamics arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation military hardware internet technology defense mechanisms smaller nations powerful countries weapons proliferation military advantage treaty enforcement international relations asymmetric warfare cyber security global security technological disparities military doctrines state sovereignty diplomatic negotiations strategic advantages cyber warfare nuclear weapons international law treaty violations global governance technological equality military spending cyber defense treaty expansion international cooperation power imbalance cyber threats military strategy technological advancements treaty legitimacy cybersecurity arms control international stability technological cyber-attacks treaty benefits larger powers smaller countries discrimination in treaties nuclear non-proliferation treaty asymmetric warfare cyber warfare neighbourly relations military hardware cheap equipment defence strategies powerful states weak nations arms control weapons proliferation disarmament nuclear weapons states
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con04a	The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). society role health doctors suicide euthanasia organ donation health sector purpose ending life complicity curing sickness society health sector doctors purpose euthanasia organ donation complicity healthy person curing sick person assisted suicide Tremblay Catholic News Agency society health sector doctors purpose assist suicide euthanasia organ donation complicity medical ethics end life healthy person sick person curing voluntary health preservation moral responsibility society role save lives assist suicide health sector purpose preserve health medical professionals ending life euthanasia organ donation Catholic perspective complicity in killing healthy person curing sick growing epidemic society role save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia epidemic Catholic News Agency society health purpose doctors euthanasia suicide role medical professionals complicity organ donation Catholic News Agency society save lives assisting suicide preserve health medical professionals killing healthy person euthanasia organ donation catholic news agency society role save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health end life medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency society suicide healthcare purposes doctors medical ethics euthanasia organ donation public health catholicism intentions end-of-life care policy ethics terminology legal frameworks society role health sector purpose doctors responsibility end of life cure sick person organ donation euthanasia complicity in killing
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con02a	There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC diplomatic relations Gambia diplomatic ties diplomatic conflict diplomatic recognition China taiwan diplomatic relations news foreign ministry diplomatic ties news diplomatic truce reasons diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia diplomatic relations diplomatic ties foreign media China Post The Diplomat diplomatic recognition political recognition diplomatic negotiations diplomatic relations termination diplomatic recognition change diplomatic disputes diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition political alliances PRC El Salvador Honduras Gambia diplomatic relations diplomatic ties diplomatic recognition diplomatic conflicts China diplomatic shifts diplomatic changes diplomatic negotiations diplomatic engagement diplomatic tensions diplomatic isolation diplomatic recognition changes diplomatic relations shifts diplomatic recognition changes dynamics diplomatic recognition shifts diplomatic recognition trends diplomatic recognition patterns diplomatic recognition analysis diplomatic recognition impacts diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC diplomatic relations Gambia China ties Pullout diplomatic recognition diplomatic ties diplomatic conflict international recognition diplomatic isolation diplomatic negotiations diplomatic tensions foreign policy diplomatic relations maintenance diplomatic neutrality diplomatic communication diplomatic strategies diplomatic recognition changes diplomatic recognition shifts diplomatic recognition politics diplomatic recognition dynamics diplomatic recognition implications diplomatic recognition impacts diplomatic recognition trends diplomatic recognition diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC diplomatic relations Gambia China diplomatic conflict diplomatic ties PRC Foreign Ministry diplomatic advance diplomatic media truce Taipei Beijing diplomatic conflict recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC diplomatic relations Gambia China ties political recognition Diplomat diplomatic truce diplomatic ties diplomatic relations broken ties diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC diplomatic relations Gambia ties Cole The Diplomat Enav The China Post Atkinson The Diplomat diplomatic conflict diplomatic recognition international relations diplomatic ties Diplomatic relations Gambia Taiwan diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition political alliances El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia diplomatic relations diplomatic recognition diplomatic ties diplomatic conflict diplomatic poaching diplomatic ties breaking diplomatic relations changing diplomatic truce end diplomatic truce continuation diplomatic neutrality diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition pochen El Salvador Honduras PRC China Gambia diplomatic relations diplomatic ties foreign media diplomatic truce breakdown diplomatic recognition diplomatic isolation diplomatic relations analysis diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia diplomatic relations diplomatic ties foreign media China Post The Diplomat
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con02a	African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values human rights cultural context community protection capital punishment Yoruba example traditional African legal culture serious crimes religious offenses African values cultural context human rights capital punishment community welfare deterrence effect serious crimes religious offenses Yoruba example punishment philosophy African values human rights cultural context community over individual traditional African law capital punishment Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses deterrence philosophical defense African values human rights cultural context community over individual capital punishment deterrence traditional African legal culture Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses African values human rights cultural contexts community protection deterrence capital punishment serious crimes murder religious offenses yoruba example punishment philosophical defense African values human rights cultural context community over individual capital punishment serious crimes religious offenses deterrence effect traditional African legal culture Yoruba example philosophical defense of punishment African values human rights cultural context community over individual capital punishment serious crimes traditional African legal culture Yoruba example deterrence effect religious offenses philosophical defense African values human rights cultural context community protection capital punishment deterrence individual vs community serious crimes religious offenses Yoruba example traditional African legal culture African values human rights cultural contexts community over individual deterrence effect capital punishment murder religious offenses traditional African legal culture Yoruba example punishment philosophy African values human rights cultural context community protection capital punishment deterrence serious crimes religious offenses Yoruba example traditional African legal culture
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro04a	Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Olympics economic impact tourism boost after Olympics Olympic job creation infrastructure improvement Olympics and host nation showcase post-Olympic revenue increase host city economic benefits economic benefits Olympics tourism infrastructure job creation nation branding revenue generation host cities regeneration impact training opportunities Olympics economic impact host nation tourism Olympic job creation infrastructure improvement sports event benefits post-Olympics economy Olympic legacy tourism revenue economic benefits hosting Olympics tourism impact regeneration infrastructure job creation during Olympics host nation showcase economic boost from hosting Olympics tourist revenue after Olympics Olympics and local economy Hosting Olympics costs skills training from Olympics Hosting Olympics economic benefits regeneration tourism infrastructure jobs boost profit training skills Olympics economic impact hosting Olympics benefits tourism revenue increase job creation Olympics Olympic regeneration projects hosting event economic advantages long-term economic effects Olympics Olympic legacy benefits hosting Olympics economic impact hosting Olympics benefits tourism boost after Olympics job creation Olympics infrastructure improvement Olympics regeneration effects Olympics global showcase Olympics economic recovery post-Olympics economic benefits hosting Olympics regeneration infrastructure improvement tourism boost job creation Olympic legacy global showcase sports economics event impact analysis host nation advantage Olympic costs tourist revenue increase local employment skill development economic benefits hosting events Olympic impact job creation tourism boost infrastructure improvement global exposure host nation advantages long-term gains sports economics event legacy Olympics economic impact Olympic tourism growth job creation Olympics Olympics infrastructure improvements Olympic host nation promotion long-term economic benefits Olympics Olympics post-event tourism revenue
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro03a	A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, healthy breakfast student concentration school performance nutrition benefits sugar intake hunger impact test scores Indian research meal balance breakfast student concentration nutrition healthy meal sugar intake hunger test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast benefits school achievement attention-concentration immediate memory healthy breakfast student concentration school performance nutrition impact breakfast benefits sugar intake hunger cognitive function academic achievement dietary habits study scores meal balance Indian nutrition institute healthy breakfast student concentration balanced meal sugar intake hunger study scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habit attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast student concentration school performance balanced meal sugar intake hunger test scores nutritional benefits attention memory Indian National Institute of Nutrition healthy breakfast student concentration balanced meal sugar intake hunger test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition nutrition benefits healthy breakfast student concentration balanced meal sugar intake hunger study scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition nutrition benefits attention-concentration immediate memory healthy breakfast student concentration balanced meal sugar intake hunger test scores nutrition benefits Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habit healthy breakfast student concentration balanced meal sugar intake hunger test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habits attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast student concentration balanced meal sugar intake hunger test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habits attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement
test-international-iiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals Hippopotamuses elephants lions endangered species protection animal attacks tourism safety national parks endangered wildlife conservation human deaths endangered animals aggressive animals Africa hippopotamuses elephants lions endangered species conservation animal attacks tougher protection Wildlife safety rampaging animals threat to humans human deaths endangered animals aggressive animals Africa hippopotamus lion elephant conservation tougher protection animal attacks endangered species conservation safer wildlife management fewer human deaths African wildlife conservation endangered species aggression human-animal conflict hippopotamus attacks elephant fatalities lion attacks endangered animal threats protecting wildlife animal park safety conservation efforts increased animal population risk assessment ecotourism safety human deaths African wildlife endangered species human-animal conflict hippopotamus elephant lion conservation protected areas animal attacks conservation efforts habitat loss reduced human deaths endangered species conservation human-animal conflict elephant attacks in Africa hippopotamus danger African wildlife threats endangered animal protection zoo animal safety tougher wildlife conservation lion attacks on humans fewer human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals Hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks endangered species conservation human-animal conflict animal protection kruger national park safer wildlife habitats Fewer human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals Hippopotamuses elephants lions endangered species protection human-animal conflict animal attacks threat to humans Tougher protection increased animal numbers risks to human lives 2014 elephant attack Kruger National Park Withnall A. fewer human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals Hippopotamuses elephants lions endangerment protection animal attacks threat to human lives rampaging animals bull elephant endangered animals African wildlife human deaths from animals hippopotamus attacks elephant aggression lion attacks endangered species conservation animal protection threat to humans conservation risks
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro03a	Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, legalization safety drug regulation purity adulteration MDMA cuttings ecstasy Amphetamine UK policy Drugscope legalization purity amphetamine ecstasy MDMA regulation safety risk drugscope drug legalization purity of drugs adulterated drugs illegal drug trade state regulation of drugs MDMA purity cutting drugs drug safety illegal amphetamine ecstasy tablets [1]Drugscope legalize drugs safety of drugs drug regulation purity of drugs adulteration in drugs MDMA talcum powder chalk minimizing drug risks drug purity standards illegal drug trade drug policy impact drug legalization benefits legalization purity amphetamine ecstasy MDMA adulteration cutting regulation risk user safety Drugscope legalize drugs purity of drugs adulterated drugs state regulation safe drug use ecstasy MDMA drug purity statistics illegal drug risks legalization purity adulteration MDMA ecstasy regulation Drugscope street drugs safety risk management legalize drugs purity of drugs regulated drugs adulterated drugs cut drugs state regulation drug safety ecstasy MDMA chalk talcum powder drug purity illegal drugs drug legalization purity of drugs illegal drug trade adulterated drugs MDMA safety regulations drug regulation ecstasy talcum powder chalk drug purity stated intervention street drugs [1]Drugscope legalize regulation purity adulteration safety drugscope ecstasy amphetamine mdma risk substances
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poorest population microcredit suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending crises poor repayment suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry Biswas 2010 Microcredit defaults credit distribution threats for default debt cycles microfinance costs of microcredit free market ideologies subprime lending poorest populations microfinance suicides microfinance regulation India microfinance crisis microfinance defaults borrower stress credit access population vulnerability financial crisis in microfinance debt cycles microfinance curse of microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poorest population credit access repayment problems India microfinance and suicide microcredit repayment microfinance regulation credit distribution defaults financial stress Debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending capitalist ideologies poorest population credit accessibility repayment stress India suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution defaults stress crisis microfinance industry Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poor payment defaults regulation microfinance industry suicide early mortality Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poorest population credit repayment suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending poorest population credit access suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry borrower stress crisis management Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poorest population credit accessibility suicide early mortality India microfinance industry regulation default threats Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poorest population credit accessibility suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry Biswas 2010
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro04a	Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. incentives profit motivation society economic reward productivity justice wealth work inequality social welfare individual rights benefits ethics philosophy economics history capitalism libertarianism utilitarianism incentive theory profit motivation social productivity wealth distribution reward system work ethic societal contribution safety net impact productivity motivation incentive philosophy justice theory welfare state economic inequality meritocracy socialism critique work incentives charitable benefits Rawls justice Nozick state Perry socialist failure incentives socialjustice economicmotivation workethic rewardstructure productivity wealthdistribution socialwelfare safetynet rawls justice anarchy utopia perry incentive theory profit motivation social welfare work motivation human motivation reward system economic inequality safety net effects productivity impact just reward distribution justice work ethic wealth redistribution individual contribution social justice economic efficiency utility maximization moral economics inequality arguments wealth creation market incentives public goods individual incentives social productivity resource allocation inequality critique libertarian views economic fairness incentive profit motivation reward productivity wealth safety net justice equality individual success societal benefit capitalism socialism economics ethics incentive profit motivation human behavior social motivation economic rewards productivity work ethic reward system wealth distribution inequality safety net economic theory justice theory social contract philosophy work incentive societal benefit economic incentives moral justification incentives motivation profit society wealth productivity reward work justice equality charities Nozick Rawls Perry incentive profit motivation societalbenefit productivity wealthdistribution reward safetynet individualsuccess justice socialismfailure Rawls Nozick Perry incentives social justice productivity reward theory work motivation wealth distribution artificial safety net Rawls Nozick Perry incentives economic motivation social welfare productivity reward system work ethic wealth distribution justice theory social contract public goods moral philosophy inequality capitalism
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con03a	“Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 junk food sales school funding standardized tests PE and sports soda vending snack vending incentives children obesity ban effectiveness [1]Anderson Reading Writing and Raisinets National Bureau of Economic Research junk food sales school funding standardized tests incentives PE programs extracurricular activities soda contracts snack vending companies school finances children obesity economic research school resources allocation junk food sales school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending machines soda contracts obesity expenditure discretionary funds non-core programs extracurricular activities high school funding children's health economic impact banning junk food educational resources yearbook field trips year 2005 research obesogenic environment junk food sales schools incentives for schools standardized tests and school funding vending machines in schools soda contracts schools snack sales schools extracurricular funding obesity and school finance school revenue sources PE program funding school performance metrics school budgets and health school fundraising methods health impacts of school vending school financing strategies junk food sales school funding standardized tests non-core programs incentives PE and sports soda vending snack vending discretionary funds ban on junk food children obesity economic research junk food sales school funding standardized tests incentives PE and sports extracurricular activities vending machines soda contracts snack sales high school funding obesity economic impact school resources junk food sales school funding standardized tests incentives PE sports extracurricular activities vending machines soda contracts snack vending high school funding obesity economic research children's health school resources instructional uses extracurricular uses field trips yearbook economic incentives school performance economic impact educational financing nutritional policies school vending economic disincentives school activities funding junk food sales school funding standardized tests extracurricular activities soda vending snack vending school resources obesity economic incentives school performance non-core subjects school revenue high school funding PE and sports field trips instructional uses extracurricular uses school finance children's health economic impact school activities funding junk food sales school funding incentives standardized tests P E extracurricular activities high school Beltsville MD soft drink contracts snack vending companies school finances children obesity economic research junk food sales school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports extracurricular activities vending machines soda contracts snack vending discretionary funds school performance obesity economic research children's health educational funding
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator diplomacy EU nations UN Security Council External Action Service policy coordination European consciousness political unity nuclear safety enlargement Antarctic region High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making EU nations foreign policies spokesman EU foreign ministers agenda united nations security council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyze decision-making EU foreign policies spokesman coordination EU foreign ministers shape agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement EU foreign service European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity Elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases query recommendation High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordinate EU foreign ministers shape agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy positions UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists nuclear safety enlargement Arctic region foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity High Representative catalytic role facilitator decision-making EU foreign policy spokesman coordination EU foreign ministers agenda shaping UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement European consciousness political unity High Representative effectiveness catalyst facilitator decision-making EU nations foreign policies spokesman agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy positions authority UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists nuclear safety enlargement European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making external policy UN Security Council External Action Service foreign service policy specialist European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making EU nations foreign policies spokesman coordination EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy positions UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement European consciousness political unity
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro02a	Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Democrats economic stability GOP boom bust balanced budget OPEC shocks unemployment deficits wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor presidency economy fare economic stability democrats gop budget balance opec shocks unemployment rates Republican presidencies economic performance voting records political parties economic history Democrats economic stability GOP boom and bust balanced budget OPEC shocks unemployment rates Republican presidency economy fiscal policy Larry Bartels Catholic Science Monitor Historically Democrats economic performance GOP economic boom bust balanced budget likelihood OPEC shocks unemployment Republican presidency economic impact Democratic presidency unemployment rates deficit comparison Democrats Republicans wage growth under political parties Democrats economic stability GOP boom and bust balanced budget OPEC shocks unemployment rate Republican Presidents deficits wages Larry Bartels Chester Santos search performance relevant expansion phrases historically Democrats economic stability GOP boom and bust balanced budget OPEC shocks unemployment rate presidential economics democrat presidency republican presidency unemployment deficits wages political economy economic policy voter sentiment election outcomes economic data analysis economic stability democrats gop balanced budget opec shocks unemployment rates Republican presidency democratic presidency deficits wages Larry Bartels economic performance political parties election results economic data political economy post-war period fiscal policy job creation party affiliation economic trends political impact on economy history of economics public finance political science economic history policy analysis statistical analysis economic comparison Presidential performance economic inequality economic growth financial stability political economics economic management presidential economics economic indicators political economy Historical economic performance Democrats vs Republicans budget balance unemployment rates OPEC shocks economic stability presidential terms GOP policies economic booms and busts post-war economic trends wage growth fiscal policy effectiveness economic stability government budget unemployment rates political parties economic policies OPEC shocks Democrats GOP Presidential periods economic performance [i] Larry Bartels economic stability GOP Democrats balanced budget OPEC shocks unemployment rates Republican presidencies economic performance election outcomes political parties economic policies [i]Larry Bartels
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con03a	The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, EU force multiplier UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service UK influence global EU representation countries UK foreign policy leadership High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy EU role Middle East UK presence Israel Palestine EU quartet members EU membership benefits UK foreign policy European External Action Service Catherine Ashton EU influence UK representation abroad Djibouti diplomacy Middle East peace process EU quartet role UK global influence UK EU relations EU force multiplier UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service Djibouti representation British influence abroad Catherine Ashton EU foreign policy UK Middle East influence EU quartet role UK global influence EU backing for members UK representation through EU EU force multiplier UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service UK influence extension EU representation abroad UK foreign policy leadership High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy UK global influence EU role in Middle East Israel Palestine peace process EU quartet members EU force multiplier European External Action Service Djibouti representation High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy UK foreign policy influence EU Middle East quartet Catherine Ashton British Embassy Addis Ababa EU backing UK global influence force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation Djibouti Foreign Office Britain's influence European Union foreign policy High Representative Catherine Ashton UK's global influence Middle East quartet Israel Palestine diplomatic backing multi-lateral diplomacy EU force multiplier European External Action Service UK influence Djibouti representation British Embassy Addis Ababa High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy EU role in Middle East Quartet (international) Catherine Ashton EU backing UK global influence UK representation in EU countries EU force multiplier UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service Djibouti representation UK foreign policy influence High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy EU role Middle East Quartet on the Middle East EU force multiplier UK influence European External Action Service Djibouti representation Foreign Office High Representative Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine Ashton Middle East quartet Israel Palestine EU membership advantages global influence UK foreign policy European Union external relations EU membership benefits force multiplier European External Action Service Djibouti representation UK influence abroad High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy British Embassy Addis Ababa EU role in Middle East Quartet on the Middle East UK foreign policy EU backing global influence Catherine Ashton
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro03a	Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 advertising influence social attitudes public space technology global internet advertising television advertising content values society mediated messages dominance power attention economic trends digital marketing advertising influence power of advertising internet advertising television advertising digital age advertising global advertising media effects popular culture impact public opinion shaping advertising regulation consumer behavior media literacy advertising ethics media convergence pervasive advertising social media advertising personalized advertising internet privacy advertising and identity formation advertising and consumer culture advertising and mental health advertising influence social attitudes pervasive media public space telenmarketing global advertising internet advertising television advertising content regulation power of ads media effects Sweney Mark advertising influence social attitudes pervasive media public space globilization technology impact internet advertising television advertising content regulation attitude formation advertising power influence social attitudes mediated messages public space technology internet television UK advertising content values society advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes global ads internet advertising television advertising advertising content societal impact public space technology impact advertising influence social attitudes pervasive media internet advertising television advertising global public space mediated messages attitudes and values ad content analysis media studies power of advertising cultural impact advertising influence social attitudes pervasive media internet advertising television advertising global public space advertising content media influence attitudes and values advert dominance advertising mediated messages social attitudes public space technology internet advertising television advertising UK influence content society values advertising influence social attitudes pervasive media internet advertising television advertising public space global reach attitudes and values media dominance advertising content power of ads mediated messages UK advertising market
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro02a	There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 sin taxes vice taxes health costs obesity epidemic cigarette taxes food consumption junk food health metrics economic incentives public health policy tax efficacy historical taxation obesity prevention food pricing tax success stories sin taxes obesity epidemic unhealthy food cigarette taxes Vatican Pope Leo X licensed prostitutes health costs food consumption junk food taxation obesity prevention economic incentives public health policy historical precedents food prices behavioral economics health outcomes societal vice fat tax internal medicine study sin taxes obesity epidemic unhealthy food health costs cigarette taxes consumer behavior fat tax public health policy historical taxation vices taxation effectiveness food consumption health metrics socioeconomic factors tax impact analysis behavioral economics tax strategies obesity prevention economic incentives public health interventions sin taxes health costs obesity epidemic cigarette taxes food consumption junk food price increases health metrics successful strategies societal vices vice consumption fat tax tax tradition historical precedents public health solutions sin taxes precedent obesity epidemic health costs cigarette taxes unhealthy foods fat tax societal vice research pricing effect sin tax relevant expansion phrases search performance elevate search performance precedent vices 16th century Vatican Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes success reduced consumption US federal cigarette taxes obesity epidemic unhealthy food junk food Archives of Internal Medicine price increase consumption sin taxes health costs important part sensible and effective solution sin taxes vices Pope Leo X licensed prostitutes cigarette taxes obesity epidemic healthy food choices incremental increases price consumption unhealthy foods junk food societal vice health costs successful tradition fat tax sensible solution sin taxes obesity epidemic health costs cigarette taxes food consumption VAT public health junk food taxation vice taxes obesity prevention food prices taxation success historical taxation obesity treatment sin taxes 肥胖税 健康成本 消费减少 价格影响 历史先例 公共健康 食品选择 肥胖流行病 税费策略 sin taxes obesity epidemic unhealthy food health costs cigarette taxes price increases junk food public health social vice VAT taxation policy
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro05a	The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. argument practicality risk opposition dangers action government protect citizens civil liberties courts life death balancing sacrifice prudent balancing_risks dangers government_duty civil_liberties protection_citizens lives_at_stake prudent_citizens opposition_concession legal_protections duty_vs Liberty argument practicality balancing risks opposition conceding dangers government protecting citizens civil liberties courts life death proposition prudent citizen argument practicality balancing risks disingenuous opposition dangers action knowledge balancing risks government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts sacrifice life death proposition hope citizens prudent practicality balancing risk dangers government duties protection civil liberties courts lives prudent citizen argument practicality risk balancing opposition conceding dangers action knowledge government duty protecting citizens civil liberties courts life death proposition sacrifice prudent protection argument practicality risk balancing government duty citizen protection civil liberties court protection life and death compromise argument practicality risk opposition dangers action government protect citizens civil liberties courts life death proposition sacrifice prudent citizen argument practicality risk balancing opposition conceding dangers action government duty protecting citizens civil liberties courts life death proposition hope sacrifice prudent citizens' rights ethical dilemma policy implementation judicial oversight public safety freedom vs security argument practicality risk opposition dangers action knowledge balancing government save lives duty protect citizens civil liberties courts issue trade-offs prudent citizen
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro02a	Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. human rights dissent freedom of speech due process Western countries democracies amnesty oppressive regimes bloggers protection authoritarian government dissent development justice catalyst for change human rights dissent amnesty Western countries democratic governments oppressive regimes liberty due process freedom of speech authoritarian government dissenters safety net courage protection justice catalyst change human rights dissent freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers democracy oppressive regimes Western countries authoritarian government protection courage justice political asylum oppression dissenters civil liberties safety net democratic values opposition activists dictatorship civil society public sphere global democracy universal values liberty rights protection伞 人权 言论自由 司法程序 特赦 博主 民主国家 专制政权 西方国家 极权政府 庇护 勇气 正义 政治避难 压迫 human rights freedom of speech due process dissent protection bloggers democracy oppression amnesty Western countries safety courage consistency injustice change public arena activism censorship bravery security authoritarianism solidarity justice democracies human rights freedom of speech due process protection dissent bloggers oppression amnesty Western countries democracy authoritarian government justice policy consistency safety empowerment fear change human rights freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers dissent authoritarian government civilization journalism political asylum oppression democracy justice courage safety nurturing human rights freedom of speech due process Western countries oppression dissent blogosphere protection democracy authoritarian government justice Amnesty consistency bravery empowerment fear change civilization human rights freedom of speech due process dissent Western countries oppression protection amnesty bloggers democracy authoritarian government injustice consistency safety empowerment justice civilization human rights freedom of speech due process Western countries oppression dissent blogosphere protection democracy authoritarian government consistency injustice advocacy policy activism human rights freedom of speech due process Western countries protection dissent oppression democracy bloggers Amnesty Cuba Fox News Latino
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con01a	Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, meritocracy sport racial quotas non-white players team selection competition racial abuse coach Peter de Villiers black coach Springboks social ills religious tensions political tensions James Peacock BBC Sport quotas equality selection process athletic performance diversity anti-discrimination inequality justice Sporting Values coaching ethnicity selection bias discrimination opinion arguments meritocracy sport racial quotas team selection de villiers black coaches player selection racial tension athletic performance coaching diversity sports values racial discrimination team dynamics unfair advantage selection bias diversity in sports meritocracy sport racial quotas inequality team selection coaching peter de villiers springboks ethnic diversity social justice athletic performance selection bias opinion article diversity quotas racial tensions coaching ethics performance-based selection meritocracy sport value racial tensions quotas non-white players competition selection peter de villiers black coach springboks racial abuse political tensions religious tensions de villiers quote peacock james bbc sport 2013 selection bias team performance under suspicion inequality athletic ability diversity coaching opinion disadvantage ethnicity selection process sports ethics quota system performance evaluation unfair advantage racial discrimination coaching philosophy team selection criteria player development public meritocracy sport racial quotas non-white players team selection coaching peter de villiers social ills racial abuse competition selection process black coaches [1] James Peacock BBC Sport meritocracy sport racial quotas non-white players team selection competition social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions Peter de Villiers black coach Springboks racial abuse quotas effectiveness selection bias James Peacock BBC Sport meritocracy sport racial quotas non-white players team selection coaching peter de villiers racial abuse selection bias competition fairness black coaches athletic merit football Springboks discrimination Equality meritocracy sport racial quotas non-white players suspicion peter de villiers black coach springboks racial abuse selection bias team performance equality in sports athletic merit anti-discrimination in sports quota systems in sports performance-based selection unfair advantage coaching diversity athletic ability competition fairness social justice in sports elite sports inequality in sports sports ethics racial tensions in sports selection processes in sports diversity in sports merit-based selection athletic meritocracy racial profiling in sports athletic performance coaching meritocracy sport racial quotas de Villiers Springboks racial tensions athletic merit coaching diversity anti-discrimination sports ethics selection bias diversity quotas sportsmanship performance-based selection race and sports athletic performance team selection criteria opinion articles professional sports meritocracy sport value racial quotas religious tensions political tensions team selection non-white players racial abuse Peter de Villiers James Peacock BBC Sport
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con04a	Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. creationism intelligent design empirical evidence evolution religion science peer review politics education pseudoscience Dawkins creationism intelligent design empirical evidence scientific method peer review evolution pseudoscience religion education politics legal strategies Dawkins empirical supernatural scientific community evidence-based religion-driven natural selection scientific legitimacy rebranding religious education critical thinking scientific integrity education policy academic freedom scientific consensus religious influence scientific debate scientific community standards creationist arguments scientific methodology religious objections education reform scientific education pseudoscientific claims scientific criticism scientific rigor scientific community dynamics religious science creationism education scientific skepticism scientific communication creationism scientific_method empirical_evidence intelligent_design evolution religion_science_conflict peer_review pseudoscience education_policy creationists empirical_approach natural_explanation scientific_community political_influence rebranding_strategies religious_opposition science_curriculum critical_thinking scientific_falsifiability education_reform scientific_education creation_science science_and_politics evidence_based_science scientific explanation evidence-based empirical evidence evolution creationism redefinition intelligent design pseudoscience religious beliefs peer review education science classroom religious opposition political agenda scrutiny natural selection gaps in theory expertise legitimacy critical thinking skepticism public perception religion-science conflict scientific method teaching evolution creationist tactics dissenting views academic freedom religious fundamentalism scientific rigor methodological naturalism intellectual honesty philosophy of science biological evolution alternative theories religious liberty free speech creationism empirical evidence intelligent design evolution religious belief scientific method peer review political influence pseudoscience education classroom creationism intelligent design scientific evidence empirical evidence religious beliefs evolution peer review pseudoscience education scientific community political influence public perception rebranding legal tactics creationism scientific method empirical evidence intelligent design religion science education Dawkins peer review political agenda pseudoscience education policy Creationism religious explanation scientific theory empirical evidence presupposition evolution scientific method peer review pseudoscience intelligent design education religious opposition scientific scrutiny politics law court cases dissenting view evidence-based science communication public perception legitimacy intellectual dishonesty Creationism scientific method empirical evidence intelligent design pseudoscience peer review evolution religion politics education Dawkins empirical evidence presupposition scientific community rebranding courtroom popular opinion creationism religious scientific empirical evidence presupposition evolution designer experimentation peer review pseudoscience intelligent design politics law rebranding capitalism education
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro02a	The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. ICC international criminal court war crimes justice system Amnesty International multilateral international law human rights violations accountability peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation legal consequences international crimes perpetrators ICC international criminal court war crimes multilateral Amnesty International human rights violations accountability peace victims justice reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation international law ICC international criminal court war crimes victims justice multilateral international law Amnesty International accountability human rights violations peace rebuilding perpetrators reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges legal proceedings humanitarian law global justice legal reforms ICC international criminal court war crimes victims justice Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparation restitution indemnification rehabilitation judicial power ICC war crimes justice victims Amnesty International international law accountability lasting peace reparation restitution indemnification rehabilitation perpetrators human rights violations multilateral application sufficient direction establishment ICC war crimes justice Amnesty International accountability human rights lasting peace victim recovery reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation international law perpetrators application process sufficiency progress international crimes ICC international criminal court war crimes justice victims Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparation restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges criminal responsibility multilateral international law ICC war crimes justice Amnesty International accountability international law perpetrators human rights violations lasting peace victim rebuilding criminal reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges victims' rights ICC international criminal court war crimes victims justice multilateral international law Amnesty International accountability human rights violations lasting peace rebuilding lives perpetrators reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges criminal responsibility peace promotion victim compensation ICC international criminal court war crimes justice multilateral Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace victims reparation restitution indemnification rehabilitation legal framework
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con02a	The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist threats nuclear terrorism nuclear disarmament international security nuclear weapons programs Iran nuclear issue Middle East stability nuclear materials nuclear weapons acquisition nuclear weapons safety technological safeguards government corruption nuclear non-proliferation nuclear deterrence military coercion interstate crises nuclear accidents nuclear governance nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist threats dictators nuclear terrorism Iran nuclear program Middle East stability nuclear security developing countries weapons-grade materials nuclear disarmament international security nuclear weapons proliferation nuclear weapon acquisition nuclear non-proliferation state sponsorship of terrorism nuclear deterrence nuclear safety nuclear arms control nuclear weapons technology nuclear weapons terrorism nuclear weapon smuggling nuclear weapon black market nuclear weapons regulation nuclear weapons inspection nuclear weapon treaty nuclear weapon ban nuclear weapon control nuclear weapon disarmament nuclear weapon storage nuclear weapon transportation nuclear weapon safeguards nuclear weapon nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist threats nuclear disarmament nuclear security international security nuclear weapons programs Middle East stability Iran nuclear program nuclear terrorism weapons-grade materials developing nations nuclear safeguards government corruption military coercion interstate crises nuclear safety nuclear rights nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons dictators tyrants Middle East Iran clandestine nuclear program nuclear terrorism weapons-grade material developing countries nuclear security government corruption nuclear deterrence nuclear disarmament international security nuclear non-proliferation nuclear threats nuclear weapons programs nuclear technology nuclear safeguards nuclear policy nuclear arms control nuclear stability nuclear terrorism risks nuclear weapons rogue states terrorists expanding search query nuclear proliferation dictators tyrants Middle East Iran weapons-grade material dissidents technology national instability government corruption nuclear weapons rights nuclear security nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist threats dictators tyrants nuclear weapons Middle East Iran weapons-grade material security risks technological limitations government corruption international security nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation crisis management state stability weapons program nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist threats nuclear weapons dictators tyranny Iran Middle East Israel nuclear security developing countries government corruption nuclear weapons programs nuclear arms control international security nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear terrorism nuclear weapon states nuclear technology nuclear materials management crisis management interstate conflicts nuclear deterrence nuclear strategy nuclear safety nuclear disarmament nuclear weapon design nuclear weapon testing nuclear weapon storage nuclear weapon transport nuclear weapon disposal nuclear weapon regulations nuclear weapon verification nuclear weapon inspection nuclear weapon treaties nuclear nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist threats nuclear terrorism nuclear arms race weapons-grade materials Middle East stability Iranian nuclear program nuclear security challenges developing world nuclear capabilities government corruption nuclear weapons international security nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaties nuclear weapon states nuclear deterrence theory nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons dictators tyrants Middle East Iran weapons-grade material nuclear security developing countries government corruption nuclear non-proliferation military coercion interstate crises nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dictators tyrants nuclear weapons security Iran Middle East Israel weapons-grade material developing countries technology national instability government corruption nuclear disarmament international security nuclear terrorism nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear deterrence
test-international-ghwcitca-con01a	It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, cybersecurity international cooperation cyber-attacks treaty enforcement internet governance state control cyberwarfare attribution难题 UN Security Council civil war in Syria proxy servers cyber espionage cyber defense cyber sovereignty cybersecurity international cooperation cyber-attacks treaty internet governance state control global agreement UN Security Council misattribution cyber warfare proxy attacks attribution challenge cybersecurity international cooperation cyber-attacks internet governance treaty negotiation attribution challenge proxy computers state control UN Security Council cyber warfare cybercrime cyber threat diplomatic conflict digital sovereignty cyber defense cyber espionage cyber terrorism cyber resilience cyber law cyber ethics cyber diplomacy cyber intelligence cyber strategy cyber policy cyber security measures cyber incident response cyber norms cyber conflict cyber regulations cyber safety cyber warfare tactics cyber security threats cyber security solutions cyber security risks cyber security incidents cyber security technologies cyber security frameworks cyber security strategies cyber cyber-attacks treaty internet governance Russia China US Western Europe civil war in Syria UN Security Council cybersecurity misattribution proxy computers national security global agreement digital diplomacy Internet governance attributing cyber-attacks international cooperation cyber warfare conflict resolution cyber threats international law cyber defense cyber conflict diplomatic tensions cyber espionage network security cyber security measures cybercrime State sovereignty cyber terrorism cyber policy digital diplomacy cyber strategy cyber intelligence cy cyber-attacks challenges treaty internet governance Russia China US Western Europe civil war in Syria misattribution proxies difficulty in tracking UN Security Council global agreement confusion south korea north korea hacking cybersecurity attributing attacks ban cyber-attacks challenges treaty internet governance Russia China US Western Europe civil war in Syria UN Security Council proxy computers misattribution South Korea national cooperation cybersecurity global agreement proxy computers difficulty attribution hacking states acting domestically ban enforcement cyber-attacks treaty internet governance Russia China US Western Europe state control UN Security Council civil war in Syria attribution proxies cyber security misattribution international cooperation cyber warfare cyber threat cyber espionage cyber-attacks challenges treaty internet governance cooperation Russia China US Western Europe civil war Syria misattribution proxies UN Security Council difficulty tracking ban attack attribution confusion South Korea cybersecurity international cooperation cyber-attacks treaty internet governance attribution cyberwarfare UN Security Council proxy attacks state control cyber defense cybercrime cyber threats cyber conflict cyber policy cyber strategy cyber intelligence cybersecurity international cooperation cyber-attacks treaty prevention internet governance state control UN Security Council attribution misattribution proxy computers cyber warfare cyber conflict global agreement cyber defense cyber sovereignty cyber diplomacy cyber norms
test-health-hdond-con02a	This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. organ donation moral responsibility punishment past decisions ethical policies psychological impact civic duty healthcare ethics public health biomedical ethics donor registry regret atonement citizen rights moral punishment organ donation punishment past decisions registered donors psychological distress tortuous situations public policy ethical considerations organ allocation moral responsibility citizen rights past decisions organ donation punishment policies moral regret civic duty healthcare ethics psychological impact policy formulation consent issues justice systems public health measures organ donation moral responsibility public policy ethical dilemma medical ethics punishment for past decisions psychological impact societal fairness registration choices healthcare system individual rights moral regret organ shortage state obligations citizen rights moral implications public health legal consequences medical ethics dilemmas justice system moral actions ethical considerations medical consent patient autonomy organ donation punishment past decisions psychological distress public policy ethical considerations medical ethics consent coercion justice organ donation punishment regret atonement passive decision psychological distress ethical considerations public policy moral responsibility future implications coercion human rights organ donation moral regret mandatory organ donation past decisions psychological distress ethical policy punishment for past actions citizen rights public health ethics donor registry organ donation punishment past decisions public policy ethical considerations healthcare ethics psychological distress citizen rights medical ethics organ allocation moral responsibility state intervention organ donation moral responsibility past decisions public policy psychological impact ethical considerations punishment registration consent healthcare ethics citizen rights societal consequences moral dilemmas bioethics medical ethics patient rights coercion justice informed consent organ donation moral responsibility ethical dilemmas public policy medical ethics punishment for past decisions psychological impact healthcare equity organ transplant system voluntary registration legal implications citizen rights societal obligations
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro02a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. underground storage nuclear waste safety radiation leak human error contamination environmental impact population impact panicking radioactive materials international safety containment failures research training focus specialization danger above ground storage country borders public perception nuclear safety crises explosive containment failures irradiated dust potential risks water source contamination underground storage safety nuclear waste safety radiation containment groundwater contamination nuclear safety above ground storage dangers radioactive material leakage nuclear crisis history subterranean containment failures international nuclear safety nuclear power station accidents spent nuclear fuel rod storage medical waste storage nuclear radiation spread nuclear facility safety radioactive dust emission underground storage nuclear waste safety radiation leak human error contamination environmental impact population health nuclear safety crisis management international safety containment failure radioactive leakage public panic damage assessment training focus specialization borders security infrastructure safety radioactive material storage solutions power stations nuclear fuel rods medical waste explosive containment failures irradiated dust potential risks economic impacts geological stability site selection radionuclide transport groundwater contamination soil contamination emergency response radio underground storage safety nuclear waste storage leak risk subsurface radiation containment environmental impact assessment radioactive contamination prevention international nuclear safety below ground waste management contamination control subterranean waste disposal radiation exposure mitigation groundwater protection nuclear facility security nuclear crisis management storage facility design surface storage dangers submarine waste management radioactive leak consequences panicked public response nuclear accident history nuclear energy safety underground containment systems nuclear waste transportation environmental monitoring technologies nuclear regulatory compliance geological disposal methods nuclear power safety public perception of radiation global underground storage nuclear waste safety radiation leak containment contamination above ground storage public safety nuclear safety crises border safety research and training facility failures radioactive material water sources Underground nuclear storage safe storage harm of leaks water contamination radiation impact animal contamination above ground storage danger airborne radiation public panic nuclear safety crises containment failures international safety storage focus research efforts nuclear material release radioactive material explosive containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste water source contamination underground storage safe nuclear waste radiation leak harm contamination specialization borders training crises population panic environment safety containment failures research storage solutions potential dangers underground storage nuclear waste safety radiation leak contamination water sources leak prevention subterranean containment focus research training efforts nuclear safety crises international safety dangerous alternatives above ground storage potential leaks public panic nuclear material release explosive containment failures radioactive dust environmental impact spent fuel rods medical waste management broad approaches underground storage nuclear waste safety radiation leak contamination above ground storage potential dangers panicking containment failure border safety research and training crisis management subterranean containment radioactive material ejection dust particulates nuclear power stations explosive containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste water source contamination underground storage nuclear waste safety radiation leak contamination above ground storage panic nuclear safety crises border safety containment failure research and training subterranean containment focus and specialisation radioactive material water source explosive containment failures
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con01a	The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities home support best schools funding school quality information access disadvantaged students vulnerable children education parental input educational opportunities home support structures school funding issues voucher scheme limitations educational access disparities parental knowledge educational outcomes vulnerable children home support educational opportunities parent involvement school vouchers educational funding disadvantaged students access to education parental knowledge school choice educational disparities resource allocation educational outcomes vulnerable children home support structures parental input educational opportunities voucher scheme best schools funding issues school access parent knowledge educational disadvantages vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities home support structures best schools funding school quality information access parental desire knowledge gap educational disparities vulnerable children parental input educational opportunities home support school funding voucher scheme access to best schools knowledge of schools worst schools funding educational disparities parent desire home environment impact vulnerable children home support structures educational opportunities parent input best schools funding disparities vulnerable children education vouchers parental input best schools home support structures school funding educational opportunities vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities home support structures best schools funding issues school accessibility parental knowledge educational disparity vulnerable children home support structures parental input educational opportunities voucher scheme best schools funding disparities knowledge gap access issues
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro03a	Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, RacializedOpposition Anc DogWhistle Tactics ArtCensorship WhiteCritics BlackCriticism SpearControversy MurdochPress BrettMurray IncendiaryStatements PoliticalArt CulturalSensitivity FreeSpeech RaceBasedCriticism Autocracy SouthAfricanArt ArtisticFreedom PoliticalArtAnalysis Racialized opposition dog whistle politics apartheid legacy South African art controversy political correctness censorship racial double standards artistic freedom government criticism media bias racialized discourse political art public criticism apartheid era racial stereotypes cultural representation political influence on media South African politics artistic censorship racial profiling racial discrimination political correctness free speech artistic expression cultural sensitivity South African democracy political activism art and politics racial tensions political correctness policing apartheid aftermath RacializedOpposition DogWhistleTactics ANCWhiteCritics ArtisticCensorship BrettMurray TheSpear SouthAfricanArt CulturalCritique RaceBasedCriticism PoliticalArt ArtAndPolitics WhiteSouthAfricanCritics IncendiaryStatements PoliticalCorrectness ArtGalleryDecisions PressFreedom FreeSpeech Autocracy Racism InstitutionalizedRacism FarRightActivity SarahBaartman ArtisticExpression Racialized opposition dog whistle tactics apartheid legacy political correctness censorship artistic freedom racial double standards South African politics art criticism public discourse racial profiling cultural sensitivity government criticism artist activism media bias racialized opposition dog whistle politics ANC white critics African National Congress political art censorship Brett Murray Spear artist criticism media pressure Black Lives Matter South Africa race relations political correctness oppression autocracy institutionalized racism far-right extremism racialized opposition dog-whistle tactics ANC criticism political art censorship South African politics Art criticism race and politics Brett Murray The Spear public art controversy racialized opposition dog whistle politics apartheid censorship artistic freedom racial slurs public art South African politics democratic alliance julius malema brett murray ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi GOODMAN gallery city press white criticism government criticism black representation apartheid legacy autocracy institutionalized racism RacialisedOpposition DogWhistleTactics ANC WhiteCritics VulgarArt IncendiaryStatements DoubleStandards MurdochAffairs ArtisticFreeSpeech RaceBasedCriticism SarahBaartmanisation BlackBody WhiteSouthAfricans Autocracy InstitutionalisedRacism BrettMurray TheSpear AyandaMabulu JuliusMalema SiphoHlongwane SimphiweDana AndileNdlovu racialized opposition dog whistle politics apartheid legacy artistic censorship racial double standards South African politics art criticism racialized media response political correctness artistic freedom cultural representation apartheid memory public art controversy South African democracy art and politics racial tensions artist backlash censorship debates racial stereotypes art and society racialized discourse political correctness in art art and identity racialized media artistic expression racialized art criticism Racialized art criticism dog whistle politics apartheid legacy ANC policies racial double standards artistic censorship public opinion manipulation racialized opposition artistic freedom South African politics
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START treaty Russia US nuclear weapons balance of power unequal treaty military strategy nuclear arms control Mitt Romney loopholes tactical nuclear advantage missile defense rail-mobile ICBMs Strategic Offensive Arms tactical nuclear advantage missile bombers warhead limits rail-mobile ICBMs treaty loopholes strategic nuclear weapons Mitt Romney balance of power world peace unequal treaty US-Russia relations New START treaty Russia US nuclear arsenal tactical nuclear weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits rail-mobile ICBMs bomber aircraft nuclear cruise missiles strategic offensive arms disarmament international relations nuclear policy military strategy arms control world peace New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage treaty loopholes Mitt Romney argument rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads 不平衡的条约 世界和平威胁 New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage loopholes military strategy balance of power world peace Mitt Romney bombers cruise missiles ICBMs rail-mobile missiles unilateral reductions equality in treaties tactical nuclear advantage loopholes in treaties Mitt Romney rail-mobile ICBMs 不平衡的条约 unilaterally reducing nuclear weapons nuclear weapon limitations strategic offensive arms reduction world peace unequal treaty New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage tactical nuclear weapons multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads unequal treaty balance of power world peace Mitt Romney loopholes unilateral reductions New START treaty Russia US nuclear advantage loopholes military balance power world peace Mitt Romney bombers cruise missiles ICBMs rail-mobile missiles unilateral reductions equality in treaties New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage US nuclear disarmament Mitt Romney criticism treaty loopholes rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear weapons reduction unequal treaties balance of power world peace nuclear arms control nuclear strategy treaty limitations nuclear modernization tactical nuclear advantage missile bombers warhead limits rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads unilateral reductions Mitt Romney START treaty nuclear weapon limits treaty inequality world peace"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook information point opportunities connectivity social events job opportunities sporting competitions user engagement platform efficiency event promotion customer interaction news dissemination social media impact Kony 2012 campaign effectiveness alternative advertising free promotion community connection social network benefits traditional advertising drawbacks Facebook expansion twitter expansion Instagram expansion promotional tools online marketing strategy analysis social media impact campaign effectiveness information dissemination community engagement alternative advertising info point equivalents public awareness campaigns real-time updates free promotion methods conventional advertising drawbacks viral marketing examples Kony 2012 case study media efficiency analysis social media online marketing digital advertising community engagement event promotion information dissemination connectivity user interaction real-time updates viral marketing content sharing networking platform public awareness cost-effective advertising information point digital communication social network analysis event planning consumer behavior digital strategy information overload user-generated content social proof online community influencer marketing public relations digital transformation social media trends digital marketing social networking community building information sharing social media impact digital engagement marketing strategies social media campaigns online communities digital platforms user experience social media metrics Facebook expansion phrases social media marketing information dissemination job opportunities sporting events community engagement event planning customer interaction news sharing Kony 2012 campaign social media impact cost-effective advertising online community building event promotion information accessibility user connectivity digital communication social network advantages real-time updates free advertising public awareness community information hub event discovery information point social media influence marketing strategy user engagement event notification digital platform benefits social media efficiency information sharing social media tools digital marketing community news social media effectiveness advertising alternatives social Facebook information point job opportunities sporting competitions social events social networks Google's new hiring policy Toyota's new discount upcoming music festival football tournament Kony 2012 campaign social media YouTube info point TV commercials radio commercials billboards community connection event promotion cost efficiency free wide audience user engagement digital marketing online communication community awareness event planning customer engagement information dissemination Facebook recommendation phrases search performance information point opportunity take advantage world connected job opportunities sporting competitions events community platform users get in touch companies event planners direct customers hiring policy discount music festival football amateur individuals efficient conventional means TV commercials radio billboards cost inform promote atrocities Uganda Youtube video views posts Apple iPad releases Kony 2012 C search accuracy information point opportunity exploitation staying connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events Facebook platform user connectivity companies event planners direct customers Google's hiring policy Toyota discounts music festival football tournament community engagement social media efficiency TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign YouTube video social media impact advertising costs info point alternative Facebook information point opportunity exploitation staying connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events user connection efficient platform social network Google's new hiring policy Toyota's new discount music festival football tournament community engagement Kony 2012 campaign social media YouTube TV commercials radio commercials billboards event promotion online info point search optimization keyword expansion information point opportunity exploitation social media benefits platform efficiency user connectivity company tool event planning customer engagement real-time updates community connection free advertising campaign effectiveness viral marketing social network advantages traditional media limitations cost comparison digital communication information dissemination Kony 2012 case study Facebook search outcomes expansion terms beneficial terms query optimization information point community connection job opportunities sporting competitions social events event planning customer engagement news dissemination Kony 2012 social media efficiency conventional advertising cost comparison online marketing community awareness information sharing social network advantages
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro02a	Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, prohibition effects drug legalization benefits drug user statistics cannabis legal classification youth drug use trends drug legalization drug policy glamorization of drugs problematic drug users UK drug statistics cannabis legalization drug policy effectiveness underground drug trade impressionable teenagers drug classification drug use trends prohibition effects drug legalization benefits drug user statistics cannabis decriminalization youth drug use trends drug policy criticism drug glamour illegal drug trade impact prohibition failures drug legalization benefits drug glamorization teenage drug use trends drug policy effectiveness cannabis legal classification impact drug user statistics UK drug legalization drug policy drug use statistics drug glamorization youth drug use cannabis decriminalization drug user demographics impressionable teenagers underground activities drug policy effectiveness legalization drug policy underground activity teenagers cannabis use drug use statistics population increase impressionable teenagers government policy elevated search performance relevant expansion phrases drug legalization drug policy prohibition effects drug use trends drug glamour teenage drug use drug decriminalization drug classification impact cannabis legalization drug statistics drug user numbers impressionable individuals underground drug market drug policy effectiveness prohibition ineffective drug legalization benefits glamorization of drugs drug user statistics policy effectiveness drug classification impact cannabis legalization effects drug legalization underground drug market drug glamorization youth drug use drug policy effectiveness cannabis classification drug user statistics UK drug policy prohibition debate prohibition effects drug legalization benefits underground drug trade teenage drug use trends cannabis decriminalization problematic drug users home affairs select committee policy effectiveness drug policy criticism
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con04a	Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving EU regional influence foreign policy Europe UK alliances US stance EU influence diplomatic relations economic impact political landscape Leaving the EU regional influence UK foreign policy EU membership benefits US-UK relations EU decision-making UK's role in EU post-Brexit implications international alliances EU-US relations global diplomacy LeaveEU Brexit influence foreign_policy geography allies powers United_States economic_impact negotiations diplomacy international_relations trade bilateral_relations European_Politics UK regional influence EU foreign policy UK-US relations EU influence post-Brexit relationships EU decision-making UK-EU divorce international diplomacy EU member states UK alliance dynamics EU UK regional influence foreign policy United States alliance negotiations divorce global politics international relations Economic impact Brexit European influence Geopolitical changes Alliance dynamics US stance onshore relations policy shift foreign affairs economic ties diplomatic relations regional stability negotiation power international cooperation euro-skepticism global politics trade agreements diplomatic relations military alliances EU membership advantages power dynamics geostrategic importance Brexit EU membership regional influence foreign policy UK-EU relations United States White House statement global alliances international diplomacy economic impact political dynamics geographical proximity negotiation power diplomatic influence UK EU influence foreign policy geographical position allies United States divorce economic impact political relations international relations European Union voice allied nations geopolitics diplomacy negotiations trade agreements geostrategy Leaving EU regional influence UK foreign policy European geography EU membership benefits US-UK alliance EU decision-making UK-EU relations global diplomacy international relations post-Brexit impact diplomatic alliances EU influence geopolitical analysis UK regional influence EU membership impact foreign policy Europe UK-US relations EU decision-making process Brexit consequences alliance dynamics international
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro03a	Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats economic policy wages consumers jobs stimulate economy labour relations worker rights Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker quality economy progressive economics Democrats economic policy wages inflation consumer purchasing power jobs economic stimulation labor rights quality of life CFP Brad Parker Mark Pash economic principles worker respect quality economy Democrats economic policy wages consumer purchasing powerful consumers job creation economic stimulation worker rights labour cooperation Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker quality economy progressive economics Democrats economic policy wages consumer purchasing job creation labor relations stimulate economy quality customers Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles creating a quality economy Democrats wages consumers economy jobs labour mark pash cfp brad parker quality customers stimulate economy progressive economic principles recommending expansion phrases search performance increasing wages creating better consumers quality customers paying employees purchasing goods job creation economic stimulation working with labor wage setting respecting workers positive economic effect progressive economic principles creating quality economy Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker Democrats wages increase consumers buying power economy jobs stimulate workers respect labour Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker progressive economics quality economy Democrats economic policy wages consumer purchasing powerful consumers job creation economy stimulation labor relations worker respect Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker quality economy progressive principles Democrats economic policy wages consumer purchasing job creation stimulate economy labor relations CFP Mark Pash Brad Parker quality customers worker respect Progressive Economic Principles Democrats economic policy wage increases consumer purchasing power jobs stimulation labor relations economic principles quality customers Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker progressivism economy stimulation
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro01a	Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. community radio Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 communication democracy diverse opinions Orwell public service profit commercial advertisers lowest common denominator AMARC public broadcasting alternative media subversive act community radio Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 communication democratic voices monopoly Orwell subversive act autocratic regime mass communication commercial radio public service responsible listener base commercial advertisers lowest common denominator community radio Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 communication democratic voices autocratic regime Orwell public service commercial radio AMARC mass communication truthful broadcasting subversive act diverse opinions public service broadcasting low common denominator community radio benefits community radio importance community radio during arab spring community radio vs commercial radio community radio diversity community radio democracy community radio voice empowerment community radio history community radio role in revolutions community radio communication effectiveness community radio overcoming monopolies community radio truthful broadcasting community radio against authoritarianism community radio public service focus community radio without advertisers community radio avoiding bland content community radio listener base involvement community radio global impact community radio alternative media community radio cultural expression Community radio Arab Spring 1989 revolutions effective communication breaking monopoly democratic voices subversive act universal deceit public service commercial advertisers lowest common denominator AMARC responsible broadcasting community radio Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 mass communication public service commercial radio democratic voices autocratic regime Orwell subversive act diverse opinions public service broadcasting AMARC community radio Arab Spring 1989 revolutions democratic voices monopolies mass communication public service commercial advertisers authority lowest common denominator Orwell subversive act AMARC democratic voices breaking monopolies diversity of opinions community radio Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 communication democracy diversity of opinions Orwell subversive act public service profit commercial advertisers authority lowest common denominator community radio Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 communication democratic voices monopolies Orwell subversive act autocratic regimes commercial radio public service advertisers authority lowest common denominator community radio beneficial expansion terms event communication democracy arab spring voices of the people Orwell's quote powerful perspectives mass communication autocratic regimes commercial radio public service advertisers influence lowest common denominator approach diversity of opinions universal deceit genuine democracy
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con01a	The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 motion undermine assumption innocence fair trial past convictions presumption defendant's right jury verdict relevant case irrelevant mistake re-offend treatment state repeated crimes beyond reasonable doubt public safety Canada sex offenders motion to suppress past convictions presumption of innocence fair trial rights irrelevant past events defendant's rights jury duty wrongful conviction rehabilitation reoffending beyond reasonable doubt criminal defense public safety Canada treatment for sex offenders presumption innocence fair trial jury duty verdict past convictions relevance mistaken crime reoffend state treatment sex offenders beyond reasonable doubt presumption innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty verdict relevant evidence defendant right mistaken crimes reoffend treatment guilt prosecution beyond reasonable doubt innocence presumption of innocence fair trial jury duty of jury relevance of past convictions mistaken crimes repeated crimes criminal defense presumption beyond reasonable doubt treatment for offenders Parkes Law Group Public Safety Canada presumption innocence fair trial past convictions relevance jury duty verdict mistaken crime reoffend treatment guilt beyond reasonable doubt prescribed rights legal evidence prosecution defense criminal justice public safety canada treatment sex offenders presumption innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence reoffending treatment criminal defense presumed innocent beyond reasonable doubt innocence presume fair trial rights past convictions disclosure jury duty relevant evidence criminal defense presumption of innocence mistaken conviction reoffend treatment beyond reasonable doubt presumption innocence fair trial past convictions jury verdict relevant evidence criminal defense duty presumed guilt beyond reasonable doubt help treatment sex offenders repeated crimes mistaken crime defendant presumption innocence fair trial past convictions relevance verdict jury duty criminal defense right guilt proof doubt reoffend treatment sex offenders Parkes Law Group Public Safety Canada
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro01a	These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. internet dissent repressive regimes high-tech surveillance public information external help democratic states information denial Tunisia Jasmine Revolution Cuba China Zhai Xiaobing Bloggers Twitter foreign policy human rights oppression censorship journalism political activism liberal states safe haven internet dissent repressive regimes high-tech surveillance Jasmine Revolution Twitter bloggers censorship Zhai Xiaobing China democratic states freedom of expression internet dissent repressive regimes high-tech surveillance justice Bloggers Twitter Revolution Zambia Revolution Cuba China journalism surveillance democratic states external help free speech censorship arrests power dynamics information control dictatorship digital activism online freedom internet dissent justice regimes monitoring surveillance bloggers Tunisia Cuba China revolution arrests repression external help democracy liberation information control internet dissent reepressive regimes high-tech surveillance public information external help democratic states Tunisia Jasmine Revolution Cuba China Zhai Xiaobing Bloggers draconian methods internet dissent repressive regimes high-tech surveillance Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers China censorship arrest freedom of speech external help democratic states internet dissent repressive regimes high-tech surveillance Bloggers Twitter Revolution Cuba China Zhai Xiaobing journalism freedom of speech censorship democratic states internet dissent repressive regimes high-tech surveillance Jasmine Revolution Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China journalism censorship external help democratic states justice revolution dictatorship information denial public oppression liberal external assistance safe haven internet dissent regime censorship high-tech surveillance protest Tunisia Cuba China dictatorship information control bloggers journalism social media revolution censorship justice repression democracy political opposition internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance technology Bloggers Tunisia Jasmine Revolution Cuba China dictatorship external help information censorship justice repression democratic states liberal states
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro04a	"Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Woman's rights gender equality Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image sexist advertising policies government regulations Norway policies Denmark policies UN Committee on Discrimination against Women Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Australia government advisory board body image fashion industry standards gender equality advertising guidelines sexism advertising policies gender equality UN Scandinavia UK Australia Council of Europe body image search utility expansion phrases policies ban promotion sexist attitudes advertising Norway Denmark restrictions UN Committee eliminate discrimination Women states action United Kingdom government address Parliamentary Assembly Council Europe equal opportunity gender equality report standards methods coping Australia government advisory board principles guiding fashion industry body image code Policies sexist attitudes advertising Norway Denmark UN discrimination gender equality Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Australia government advisory body image search performance recommendation systems sexist advertising policy development gender equality UN Committee discrimination advertising standards fashion industry advisory boards European Union Scandinavia sexist advertising policies government regulations UN Committee Discrimination Against Women gender equality fashion industry advertising standards Scandinavia Norway Denmark Australia Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe advisory board gender stereotypes body image search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords sexist attitudes advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee discrimination against women United Kingdom government Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australian government advisory board fashion industry body image search optimization keywords expansion sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN discrimination women gender equality standards methods Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image sexist advertising policies government actions UN committee gender equality advertising standards fashion industry advisory boards"
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro03a	A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax socioeconomic status food pricing obesity healthy eating junk food inflation socioeconomic incentives public health policy economic disincentives fat tax playing field healthier food economic incentives obesity socioeconomic status food pricing junk food healthy food inflation nutritional policies public health economic disparity food affordability dietary choices health economics supermarket pricing dietary habits economic impact on health food subsidies fat tax playing field healthier food socioeconomic status obesity food prices unhealthy food junk food fresh produce inflation socioeconomic factors public health economic incentives dietary choices nutrition income levels health disparities taxation policy food affordability diet quality economic analysis nutritional epidemiology fat tax healthier food playing field socioeconomic status food pricing obesity healthy meal fresh produce junk food inflation unhealthy food taxation economic incentive diet choices public health grocery costs nutrition disparity food affordability dietary habits fat tax playing field healthier food socioeconomic status price difference junk food fresh produce inflation obesity taxation economic incentive public health dietary choices fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce study University of Washington prices junk food inflation Australian researchers healthy food socioeconomic status obesity tax fighting chance fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce inflation socioeconomic status obesity incentivize levy fighting chance fat tax healthier food playing field socioeconomic status food prices obesity unhealthy food junk food inflation wholesome meal fresh produce economic incentive public health taxation policy dietary habits nutritional value cost comparison market dynamics social equity economic disparity dietary choices food affordability health economics socioeconomic factors public health policy food pricing nutrition policy economic incentives health economics research food security consumer behavior economic analysis health economics study fat tax economic incentives healthy food price disparity socioeconomic status obesity public health food pricing inflation taxation dietary choices fat tax healthy food pricing socioeconomic status obesity rates food inflation unhealthy foods taxation policy economic incentives public health dietary choices cost analysis nutritional value food affordability economic disparities health economics food security
test-education-usuprmhbu-con01a	Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. meritocracy fairness justice inequality discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination societal order individual merit skill effort criteria social justice distribution equality bias opportunity selection achievement group preference meritocracy fairness social justice inequality discrimination affirmative action equal opportunity reward skill effort positive discrimination negative discrimination societal order unbiased systems distribution justice meritocracy fairness society justice discrimination affirmative action inequality effort skill positive discrimination negative discrimination equality unjust selection benefit criteria meritocracy fairness justice discrimination affirmative action equal opportunity societal order skill effort positive discrimination negative discrimination social injustice distribution selection criteria Meritocracy fairness justice discrimination affirmative action social justice equality skill effort criteria unjust positive discrimination negative discrimination inequality social system selection achievement meritocracy fairness justice society discrimination affirmative action positivity negativity individual merit skill effort criteria equality distribution unfairness meritocracy fairness society justice discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination equality individual merit skill effort unjust social order meritocracy fairness socialjustice discrimination positiveaction negativeaction effort skill unjust injustice equality distribution individualrights criteria selection benefits system economic fairnesssystem unfairsystem positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action meritocracy fairness social justice unjust discrimination affirmative action positivity negativity equality inequality social system criteria individual merit skill effort distribution opposite discrimination unjust system meritocracy fairness discrimination justice society positivity negativity affirmative action equality unjustness
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con02a	IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB International Rugby Board Racial quotas Rugby Union SARU South African Rugby Union IRP rules sanctions expulsion political rows governing body rugby stability IRB Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board SARU South African Rugby Union IRP Interference Sanctions Expulsion Political rows Stability IRB Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board SARU South African Rugby Union IRP rules Political impact Sport governance Intervention Sanction Expulsion Political rows Stability IRB rules Racial quotas Rugby Union governing body International Rugby Board SARU South African rugby IRP rules intervention interference sport sanctions expulsion political rows instability IRB rules Racial quotas SARU International Rugby Board impact on South African rugby governing body intervention embarrassment political rows sanction expulsion instability SARugbymag.co.za IRB rules Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board SARU Political impact Sport stability IRP rules South African rugby governing body interference expulsion stable sport Rugby politics IRB rules Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board SARU IRP rules South African rugby political rows interference sanction expulsion stability SARugbymag.co.za IRB rules Racial quotas SARU International Rugby Board South African rugby Political rows IRP rules intervention embarrassment sanction expulsion long term instability IRB rules Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board SARU South African rugby IRP rules Political impact Sanctions Expulsion Stability Rugby politics IRB policies Rugby Union regulations Racial diversity anti-discrimination laws SARU controversies political sports conflicts international sports governance IRB sanctions Rugby racial quotas world governing bodies Rugby Union disputes
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro03a	The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International deterrent_effect international_court_of Justice rome_statute Kofi_Annan universal_human_rights nuremberg_trials universal_jurisdiction sovereignty rule_of_law wars_crime deterring_war_crimes anarchic_legal_environments ICC Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal jurisdiction international criminal court deterrent effect human rights national courts sovereignty rule of law Nuremberg trials wartime crimes personal jurisdiction anarchic legal environments Amnesty International Spiegel International International Criminal Court Kofi Annan Rome Statute universal jurisdiction human rights deterrent effect Nuremberg trials Amnesty International Spiegel International U.N. Secretary General deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts ICC universal jurisdiction Nuremberg trials anarchic legal environments future generations international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal human rights rule of law sovereignty international criminal court ICC Nuremberg trials universal jurisdiction deterrent effect warn anarchic legal environments International Criminal Court Rome Statute U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan universal human rights rule of law ICC deterrent effect sovereignty national courts universal jurisdiction Nuremberg trials personal jurisdiction warn criminal international law legal environment Court Rome Statute U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan international law universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials international criminal court Amnesty International Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts ICC universal jurisdiction Nuremberg principle of universal jurisdiction war criminals fact sheet Amnesty International Nuremberg Trials international criminal court deterrent effect rome statute Kofi Annan united nations universal jurisdiction ICC nuremberg trials human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts Amnesty International Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute U.N. Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts universal human rights ICC universal jurisdiction Nuremberg trials war criminals principle of universal jurisdiction fact sheet deterring criminal behavior international criminal court
test-education-egtuscpih-pro05a	Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. online courses MOOCs content sharing academic information university cooperation educational standards credit financially stressed institutions shared resources education quality online education MOOCs open educational resources university collaboration digital curriculum academic sharing educational standards distance learning content sharing educational materials course design financial assistance higher education access online education open educational resources collaborative learning digital content sharing educational technology university collaboration MOOC benefits knowledge dissemination academic openness educational innovation shared course platforms educational standard improvement distance learning advantages online course sharing MOOC content sharing academic resource sharing university collaboration MOOCs open educational resources cooperative online education improving educational standards expanding educational access free course content enhancing university courses shared course offerings reducing educational duplication MOOCs online courses academic information sharing content sharing universities learners educational materials knowledge expansion less prestigious universities course design educational services university cooperation shared courses educational quality financial stress educational standards access to education online education MOOC benefits content sharing educational collaboration open educational resources university cooperation knowledge expansion academic standards improvement educational equality course design improvement digital education global education access online courses mOOCs content sharing academic information university cooperation educational materials financially stressed institutions knowledge expansion educational standards online courses MOOCs academic information sharing content sharing universities learners educational materials knowledge expansion less prestigious universities course design educational services university cooperation shared courses education quality financial stress educational standards digital resources open access educational technology knowledge dissemination higher education innovation online courses MOOCs content sharing academic information university cooperation educational materials credit courses financially stressed institutions knowledge expansion educational standards MOOCs online courses academic information sharing content sharing universities learners educational materials credit less prestigious universities course design educational standards university cooperation shared courses financial stress educational resources knowledge expansion access to education educational quality
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. nuclear deterrence new start treaty disarmament proliferation nuclear non-proliferation treaty global zero us-russia relations iran nuclear program nuclear weapons states rogue states rising powers jin_sa u.s. defense strategy russia-china relations north korea strategic attack deterrent effect nuclear arms reduction nuclear policy great powers security alliance nuclear disarmament international security nuclear terrorism New START treaty US deterrence nuclear disarmament global zero nuclear proliferation rogue states Iran nuclear program Russia China North Korea nuclear non-proliferation treaty Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs strategic attack nuclear policy great powers disarmament JINSA deterrence theory US-Russia relations New START treaty deterrence nuclear weapons policy proliferation United States Russia iran china north korea diplomacy security nuclear non-proliferation treaty NATO deterrence theory rogue states alliances defense strategy global zero nuclear disarmament United Nations nuclear deterrence disarmament new start treaty us russia relations nuclear proliferation iran nuclear program nuclear non-proliferation treaty rogue states rising powers jewish institute for national security affairs us defense capabilities russia iran diplomacy us china relations north korea nuclear program New START treaty deterrence nuclear weapons populace nuclear disarmament proliferation nuclear non-proliferation treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran China North Korea Russia Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs diplomatic fortitude Nuclear disarmament deterrence strategy global zero US foreign policy Iran nuclear program nuclear non-proliferation strategic attack rogue states nuclear arms reduction international security US-Russia relations China-North Korea JINSA deterrence effectiveness New START treaty deterrence nuclear weapons populism proliferation global zero nuclear disarmament Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty rogue states rising powers iran iranian nuclear program china north korea jewish institute for national security affairs New START treaty deterrence nuclear weapons policy proliferation US-Russia relations global zero nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation NPT strategic attack rogue states defense capabilities China Iran Russia Israel security precedent New START treaty deterrence global zero nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation US nuclear policy rogue states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Russia-Iran relationship China-North Korea relationship diplomatic incentives strategic attacks deterring nuclear weapons power dynamics nuclear weapons states iran nuclear program russian aid to iran defense capabilities United States national security world politics arms reduction security interests international relations diplomatic negotiations nuclear disarmament debate nuclear strategy nuclear policy challenges nuclear non-proliferation nuclear deterrence theory nuclear disarmament advocacy nuclear nuclear disarmament deterrence theory non-proliferation global zero strategic attack rising powers rogue states Iran nuclear program Russia-United States relations nuclear arms reduction treaties Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs nuclear policy U.S. defense capabilities Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Iran's nuclear ambitions China-North Korea relationship"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con03a	Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons civil war genocide international coalition UN Libya intervention costs tyranny nuclear retaliation interstate crises humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons civil war genocide international coalition UN political costs human costs international law nuclear deterrence state sovereignty nuclear proliferation humanitarian crises military coercion interstate crises international relations nuclear warfare nuclear disarmament human rights state actors global security conflict resolution nuclear strategy nuclear strategy theory nuclear deterrence theory nuclear non-proliferation international norms humanitarian law nuclear weapons states nuclear winter nuclear winter hypothesis nuclear fallout nuclear winter effects nuclear winter impacts nuclear winter consequences nuclear winter risks nuclear winter scenarios nuclear winter humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons international law civil war genocide human rights international coalition UN Libya tyranny costs power dynamics international relations humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons international coalitions civil war genocide human rights UN Libya cost of intervention nuclear retaliation international community state sovereignty military coercion interstate crises humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons civil war genocide international coalition UN Libya tyranny nuclear retaliation intervention cost human rights crisis military coercion humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights UN Libya nuclear retaliation military coercion interstate crises humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons civil war genocide international coalition UN intervention cost tyranny nuclear retaliation international law human rights crisis management humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights intervention costs international community tyrants nuclear retaliation crisis theory united nations libya conflict humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons international law civil war genocide international coalition UN libya intervention cost power dynamics global security tyranny deterrence military coercion crisis management international relations humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons civil war genocide international coalition UN Libya tyranny costs international law nuclear proliferation military coercion crisis management human rights
test-science-eassgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animals sentience ethics speciesism testosterone empathy biological similarities discrimination compassion morality animals sentience moral philosophy speciesism ethics pain empathy racism sexism comparative psychology animal rights behavioral similarities physiological parallels ethological observations animals harm ethics sentience empathy similarity speciesism rights observation behavior anatomy physiology pain fear pleasure discrimination equality animals rights animal testing moral consideration speciesism empathy animal suffering sentience ethics animal welfare similarity to humans pain perception fear response pleasure cognitive abilities moral philosophy ethical treatment discrimination equal consideration compassion animals harm empathy racism sexism speciesism ethics observation pain fear pleasure pet dog testimonials bodily similarities feelings suffering degree types consequences animals rights empathy sentience ethics speciesism morality animal testing pain perception fear pleasure racism sexism similarity harm suffering rights behavior anatomy physiology animals sentience humanity bodily.similarities emotional.experience racism sexism ethics testimonials speciesism observation pain fear pleasure pet.dog anatomical.characteristics physiological.characteristics behavioral.characteristics animals rights animal welfare ethics speciesism empathy pain perception animal testing consciousness sentience morality biological similarities emotional experiences racism sexism scientific testing animal cognition ethical considerations moral philosophy animal behavior anatomy physiology feeling similarity moral implications animals matter of degree racism sexism pet dogs harming animals feeling suffering speciesism ethical considerations animal testing animals moral consideration speciesism empathy pain suffering ethics testosterone gender racism pet behavior species differences physiological similarity behavioral characteristics ethical treatment
test-health-hdond-con03a	Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. organ donation coercion rights bodily integrity UN human rights mandatory donation state authority ethics bioethics security of person public policy organ donation mandatory organ donation body rights UN Declaration of Human Rights coercion ethical organ donation state coercion right to bodily integrity death penalty for non-donation forced organ donation organ donation coerced donation body rights UN Declaration of Human Rights compulsory organ donation ethical organ donation bodily autonomy human rights violations mandatory organ donation coercion in organ donation death penalty for non-donation body integrity security of person citizen rights public health policy organ procurement consent in organ donation organ donation coerced donation body rights security of person UNDHR mandatory organ donation bodily integrity ethical organ donation coercion in organ donation violation of body rights organ donation morality state coercion security of person body rights undhr'article 3' compulsory donation donor rights ethical dilemmas organ donation mandatory organ donation bodily integrity coercion human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights security of person body rights state coercion ethical organ donation voluntary donation death penalty for refusal organ donation morality state coercion UN Human Rights bodily integrity compulsory donation security of person ethical dilemma organ donation coercion state intervention body rights UN Human Rights mandatory organ donation security of person body integrity ethical dilemmas societal norms human rights violations organ donation body rights coercion state mandate UN Human Rights security of person ethical dilemma voluntary consent mandatory organ donation body integrity organ donation mandatory donation rights integrity of body state coercion undhr article 3 death penalty body rights
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro02a	Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, pluralism south africa political interference art censorship newspaper intimidation jacob zuma anc cosatu free speech constitution intimidation gallery removal public opinion critical voice pluralism political interference freedom of speech censorship constitution South Africa art gallery newspaper political pressure intimidation democracy public opinion government control civil liberties free association media freedom human rights political campaign freedom of expression pluralism south africa political interference censorship freedom of speech art gallery intimidation newspaper ANC COSATU jacob zuma government criticism free association intellectual freedom constitution international human rights law cultural censorship public opinion media freedom power dynamics pluralism social political intervention censorship art gallery newspaper free speech intimidation constitution ANC COSATU South Africa journalism oppression pluralism political interference removal of art gallery controversy newspaper censorship intimidation freedom of speech ANC COSATU Jacob Zuma Spear image South African Constitution South African politics critical voices Pluralism Political interference Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African Constitution Freedom of speech Free association Art censorship Government intimidation Criticism of government Constitutional rights South African political climate pluralism political interference art censorship freedom of speech South African Constitution political campaign intimidation gallery removal newspaper boycott constitutional protection government response critical voice Pluralism Political interference Removal of art Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitutional protections Freedom of speech Freedom of association Intimidation South African government Criticism of government Free exchange of ideas South African Constitution Public opinion Art censorship pluralism political interference removal Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African state Constitution freedom of speech freedom of association intimidation art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas criticism of government constitutional rights South African context government response freedom of expression pluralism south africa political interference art censorship newspaper suppression free speech intimidation ANC COSATU Government control criticism of government Constitution of South Africa
test-international-appghblsba-con03a	It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability cost-benefit analysis black population unemployment inequality infrastructure rainbow nation South Africa economy South Africa unemployment South Africa poverty Lesotho annexation South Africa infrastructure South Africa inequality South Africa government policies South Africa black unemployment South Africa water access South African economy challenges South Africa economy South Africa politics Lesotho economy Lesotho stability South Africa poverty South Africa unemployment South Africa infrastructure economic burden political instability resource allocation South Africa demographics South Africa inequality South Africa poverty underdevelopment Lesotho annexation Basotho population cost-benefit analysis unemployment inequality flush toilet minority issues economic burden South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis instability poverty unemployment inequality infrastructure government policies South Africa Lesotho annexation politics economy poverty unemployment inequality cost-benefit analysis government policy infrastructure infant health water access race relations development indicators South Africa Lesotho annexation economic burden political instability resource allocation cost-benefit analysis poverty unemployment inequality black population economic development government policy South African government official statistics minority population infrastructure disparities South Africa Lesotho annexation economic burden political instability resource allocation cost-benefit analysis poverty unemployment inequality black population government policies development indicators South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability cost-benefit analysis government policy economic resources black population unemployment inequality flush toilet official statistics minority groups South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis poverty unemployment inequality responsibility infrastructure minority rights economic stability
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con02a	Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. school funding voucher system educational inequality parental support exam results social deprivation immigrant students school profitability educational resources public schooling private education government policy language barriers academic performance socioeconomic status educational opportunity school choice educational funding model educational outcomes community resources educational financing educational stratification school competition educational investment educational access educational disadvantage vouchers school funding deprivation English as a second language education inequality choice-based reform poor children rich children exam success parents' influence on education social class impact on schooling public vs private schools facility funding academic performance disparities inequity in education voucher system elite education underprivileged areas school selection population demographics affect on educational outcomes wealth disparity in education education inequality school funding voucher system educational outcomes social mobility resource allocation public education private schooling parental involvement language barriers urban poverty suburban advantage academic performance socioeconomic status educational policy meritocracy choice-based reforms increased freedom of choice voucher scheme funding disparity well-off families poor areas failing schools deprivation English as a second language extra facilities parental support school choice middle class wealth inequality exam performance social mobility education policy voucher systems public education inequality in education school vouchers educational funding privileged children poor children funding allocation educational opportunities academic success economic factors in education privatization of education public vs private education resource allocation in schools education voucher_scheme social_inequality resource_allocation parental_support exam_results school_quality economic_status educational_funding linguistic_diversity query expansion keyword extraction education inequality school funding voucher system parental support academic performance social mobility educational choice underfunded schools immigrant students exam success economic factors school profitability public versus private education educational resources allocation meritocracy socioeconomic status educational disparities school quality government intervention educational vouchers free market approach educational policy educational outcomes education inequality voucher system socioeconomic status school funding parental support academic performance resource allocation educational outcomes social mobility public schooling private education meritocracy education policy school choice educational disparities funding models community impact immigrant children educational vouchers school quality parental involvement vouchers funding inequity free market education deprived areas English language learners parental support exam success school choice profit motives education reform economic disparities education inequality funding allocation public schools private education voucher system resource distribution socioeconomic status academic performance language barriers exam results wealth disparity school choice poor areas privileged areas school funding voucher scheme educational inequality parental support school performance language barriers socioeconomic status education policy choice-based reform public schools private schools academic success community resources educational investment charter schools language support services parental involvement school profitability educational outcomes school choice resource allocation educational opportunity economic disadvantage educational funding social mobility educational reform school demographics
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem social networks globalization friend circles online communication shared interests self-control positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world maintaining friendships expanding social circle online social networks self-esteems self-control close friends positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world maintaining friendships expanding social circles online social networks self-efficacy positive self-views peer interaction chat conversations shared photos status updates social support psychological well-being Facebook socialization peer interaction child development trust self-esteem self-confidence maintaining friendships globalized world online communication social networks shared interests self-control positive self-view experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving social networks globalization friend circles online communication shared interests self-efficacy positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world maintaining friendships expanding social circles online communication shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates self-control consumer research self-views experimental investigation socialization selfesteem selfconfidence globalizedworld onlinefriendship sharedinterests selfesteemboost socialnetworkingbenefits selfcontrol positiveviews experimentalinvestigation consumerresearch peerinteraction mentalwellbeing socialmediaimpact socialization peer interaction trust building self-esteem confidence global connectivity friend maintenance shared interests online communities self-control positive self-view experimental psychology consumer research Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem social networks globalized world maintaining friendships expanding social circles chat conversations shared photos status updates online friendships self-control positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world maintaining friendships expanded friend circles online social networks self-esteems self-control positive self-views experimental investigation
test-international-iiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” motivations poaching sociological analysis illegal hunting Africa tougher responses necessity livelihood alternative jobs rhinoceros horn bush meat terrorist attacks lion extinction motivations behind poaching necessity-driven poaching tougher responses to poaching economic incentives for poaching sociological analysis of poaching African livelihoods illegal wildlife trade alternative livelihoods for poachers rhinoceros horn trade bush meat nativetiveness and poaching game reserve protection illicit work options motivations behind poaching international poaching illegal wildlife trade rhinoceros horn value necessity poaching African poaching economic incentives for poaching sociological analysis of poaching alternative livelihoods for poachers conservation challenges in Africa illegal hunting motivations bush meat nutrition thrill of poaching poaching economics alternative economic opportunities animal protection effectiveness motivations_for_poaching thrill_of_illegal_hunting necessity_poaching economic_motives_for_poaching alternative_livelihoods poaching_alternatives african_poachers tougher_responses_to_poaching illegal_hunting_motivations bush_meat nature_reserves_protection rhinoceros_horn_value al_shabaab_funding_through_ivoice extinction_of_wildlife_in_africa motivations poaching tougher responses necessity thrill alternative livelihood bush meat illicit work Africans game reserves population decline illegal hunting conservation ecotourism community involvement education poaching networks international trade animal protection legislation enforcement heavy handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses relevant expansion phrases sociological analysis of poaching illegal status of poaching necessity of poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat livelihood alternatives African poaching licit work international poaching illegal wildlife trade alternative income sources for poachers motivations for poaching thrill of poaching necessity of poaching economic incentives for poaching alternative livelihoods for poachers African poaching illegal wildlife trade conservation challenges Rhino horn trade bushmeat poaching poaching alternatives conservation strategies heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses necessity poaching thrill poaching alternative livelihoods africans bush meat illegal hunting rhinoceros horn licit work tough protection game reserves sociological analysis al-shabaab extinction heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching suggestive expansion terms tougher responses deterrence poacher motivations illegal hunting African poachers thrill-seeking poachers necessity-driven poaching alternative livelihoods preservation efforts international poaching economic incentives for poachers illicit wildlife trade alternative employment options conservation strategies sociological analysis of poaching illegal wildlife products environmental protection conservation alternatives animal poaching dynamics motivations(poaching) illegal_hunting poacher_motivation alternative_livelihood game_reserves_protection economic_necessity_poaching wildlife_trade conservation_strategies rural_african_economy thrillseeking_behavior wildlife_protect_laws
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro01a	People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. drug legalization individual sovereignty state intervention drug policy personal freedom public health harm reduction subjective experiences risk assessment drug education drug enforcement civil liberties moral absolutism drug wars decriminalization drug addiction informed consent ethical considerations pharmaceutical regulation recreational drug use drug legalization body sovereignty drug policy personal freedom information campaigns drug education state intervention subjective morality public health drug legalization personal autonomy drug policy state intervention public health drug education risk assessment subjective experience civil liberties drug decriminalization harm reduction drug abuse freedom of choice moral philosophy drug enforcement societal norms addiction treatment drug legalization personal autonomy freedom of choice subjective morality state intervention drug education public health policy risk assessment drug decriminalization individual rights drug legalization personal autonomy state intervention drug education risk assessment individual freedom public policy subjective experience health campaigns drug legalization individual sovereignty state intervention harm reduction public health policy drug education personal freedom risk assessment subjective experience policy reform drug legalization personal autonomy subjective experience state intervention public health policy risk education civil liberties drug enforcement individual rights policy effectiveness drug legalization personal sovereignty subjective experiences state intervention drug education risk assessment individual liberty policy inefficiency public health strategy drug legalization body sovereignty individual rights state intervention drug education public health policy reform risk assessment subjective experience drug legalization personal autonomy drug policy freedom of choice public health approach drug education harm reduction subjective experience civil liberties government intervention
test-politics-dhwem-con03a	PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. humanitarian law private military companies mercenaries conflict zones state sovereignty military ethics international law corruption armed forces training humanitarian violations military operations ethical considerations war crimes political influence defense contracts global governance military intervention international relations human rights abuses legal frameworks military misconduct PMC private military companies human rights violations international agreements profit motives power abuse Simon Mann mercenary organizations corruption British Government training armed forces Equatorial Guinea President Obiang moral questions sovereignty military contracting humanitarian law private military companies mercenaries international law state sovereignty conflict ethics military training controversial PMCs Simon Mann Equatorial Guinea coup attempt British Government stance on PMCs moral implications of PMCs humanitarian laws international law violations mercenaries ethics PMC regulatory issues military contractors conflict zones exploitation sovereign state rights arms trafficking war crimes allegations private military companies Simon Mann case defense contracts controversies UK government stance ethical warfare foreign intervention criticisms humanitarian law private military companies mercenaries international law sovereignty violations ethical concerns military training Simon Mann Equatorial Guinea armed conflict humanitarian laws military ethics mercenary criticism state sovereignty conflict ethics international law violations armed contractors moral accountability defense industry corruption PMC human rights international agreements profit power Simon Mann mercenary corruption British Government sovereignty training armed forces human rights violations international agreements private military companies mercenary abuse Simon Mann Equatorial Guinea BBC News military training contracts sovereignty disrespect ethical concerns humanitarian laws mercenary ethics international law violations state sovereignty military training contracts corruption in PMCs ethical warfare private military companies Simon Mann Equatorial Guinea coup attempt British government stance on PMCs moral implications of PMC involvement humanitarian laws military contractors ethical considerations mercenary activities sovereignty issues international law violations armed conflict ethics defense contracts corruption in security industries training of armed forces
test-international-ehbfe-con03a	The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ federalism support euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership citizen perception trust in European Parliament national Parliaments european barometer federalism political support Euroscepticism countries EU member perception European Parliament trust national Parliaments comparison EU benefits citizen view Eurobarometer survey federalism political support euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefit citizen trust European Parliament national Parliaments respect european barometer federalism support Euroscepticism countries EU membership benefits trust in European Parliament public opinion on federalism citizen's perception EU national parliaments comparison EUROBAROMETER survey federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership citizen's perception trust in European Parliament national Parliaments respect federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments citizen benefit Eurobarometer federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments EUROBAROMETER federalism support euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefit citizen trust European Parliament national Parliaments federalism political support euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits citizen trust European Parliament national Parliaments federalism Euroscepticism EU membership public opinion European Parliament national Parliaments citizen trust Latvia United Kingdom Hungary Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con03a	Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, quotas player migration racial quotas cricket Kevin Pietersen rugby union Brian Mujati England South Africa sports policy discrimination athlete mobility quotas player retention sports racism Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati cricket rugby union South Africa England affirmative action diversity quotas sports migration player selection criteria quotas racial quotas players driving players abroad cricket Kevin Pietersen rugby union Brian Mujati English parent England South Africa career decision [1] Foy Chris MailOnline racial quotas player migration cricket quotas Kevin Pietersen South Africa rugby Brian Mujati England rugby sports quotas player departure domestic competition quotas player migration racial quotas cricket Kevin Pietersen rugby union Brian Mujati South Africa England sports policies player selection search performance recommendation algorithms expansion phrases racial quotas player retention sports migration cricket Kevin Pietersen South Africa England rugby union Brian Mujati eligibility criteria diversity policies quotas player migration cricket Kevin Pietersen South Africa England rugby union Brian Mujati racial quotas quotas player attrition racial quotas cricket policy effects rugby union player migration sports quotas diversity policies athlete decisions quotas player migration racial quotas cricket Kevin Pietersen rugby union Brian Mujati sports policy domestic competition England South Africa racial quotas sports player migration cricket rugby union player departure eligibility criteria diversity policies domestic competition international careers player selection
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro03a	Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 liberal laws civil liberties USA security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism Patriot Act state existence civil liberties western countries USA security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism Patriot Act liberalism state protection Zetter Wired civil liberties western liberalism USA security measures democracy domestic terrorism state existence Patriot Act civil rights comparison Spain UK freedom liberty erosion protection democracy development liberal laws civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries domestic terrorism state existence erosion of liberties comparison with Spain comparison with UK Patriot Act Zetter article western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism Patriot Act state protection erosion of liberties liberal laws civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries domestic terrorism state existence minor liberties Patriot Act western liberalism liberal laws civil liberties USA security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism state existence Patriot Act Western liberalism western countries civil liberties liberal laws USA democratic developed countries Spain UK new security measures domestic terrorism Patriot Act erosion of liberties state protection[1] search optimization expansion terms civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries domestic terrorism state existence liberal laws Western countries USA Spain UK Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired civil liberties liberal laws security measures USA Spain UK domestic terrorism Patriot Act state existence civil rights freedom democracy liberalism surveillance protection rights erosion
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro01a	Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. suicide rationality chronic pain euthanasia assisted suicide medical support painful death freedom of choice humanity morality end of life personal autonomy legal regulation social acceptance endurance quality of life death preference voluntary euthanasia intentionality intellectual maturity unwanted death nightmare death modern society ethical considerations death choice dying rights pain management mental illness sense of self individual rights life quality terminal illness social justice death penalty murder ethics patient autonomy medical ethics death dignity suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases assisted suicide euthanasia regulated environments social rejection murder freedom of choice death preference legal ban humanity rational beings potential fear modern humans suicide rationality chronicpain disease senseofself assistedsuicide voluntaryeuthanasia regulatedenvironments pain freedomofchoice murder deathpotential humanity rationale legalban maturejudgement modernthinking suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated environments social rejection murder future potential humanity rational beings death control mature judgement long-lived humans primeval fear suicide rationality chronic pain diseases sense self assisted suicide euthanasia regulation safe medically supported environments murder freedom choice humanity rational beings death potential legal social fear judgement mature thinking long lived painless virtuous ban bloxham euthanasia assisted suicide chronic pain rational choice medical regulation social acceptance death preferences personal autonomy moral reasoning end-of-life care rational beings human dignity legal restrictions suicide euthanasia assisted suicide chronic pain disease sense of self painful death medical support social acceptance murder freedom of choice rational beings humanity death preferences virtuous act legal restrictions mature judgement modern humans suicide rational choice chronic pain disease sense of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated environments mature judgement humanity death choice free will fear of death modern thinking suicide rationality chronic pain disease sense self assisted suicide euthanasia regulation social rejection murder freedom choice humanity virtue fear longevity modern judgement assisted suicide euthanasia chronic pain disease sense of self regulation safe environments morality choice freedom virtue humanity rational beings fear longevity modern society legal ban death potential murder unwanted
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency economy investment decisions leadership quality growth succession uncertainty bureaucracy energy prices transport links markets economic_stability political_stability business_environment leader_quality growth future_predictions transparency investment_decisions economic_impact leadership bureaucracy energy_prices transport_links markets economic_stability political_stability leadership_effect economic_growth investment_decisions business_environment transparency succession_planning leader_quality economic_parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy_prices transport_links leadership_change government_impact economic_influence risk_management market_confidence markets stability political_stability business_investment leader_quality economic_growth bureaucracy succession_plan transparency leadership_effectiveness risk_management investment_decisions economic_environment country_leaders energy_prices transport_links markets stability leadership economic growth transparency bureaucracy investment succession quality political environment rumors markets stability economic growth political transparency leadership business investment quality parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy transport succession rumors markets political stability economic growth leadership quality investment decisions transparency succession planning business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links markets stability political transparency succession speculation investment leadership economic impact quality growth uncertainty decision-making businessenvironment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy transport estimation standarddeviation markets stability political_stability business_leadership transparency investor_confidence investment_decisions economic_growth leader_quality succession_planning rumors economic_environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy_prices transport_links national_leadership leadership_quality economic_impact stability political stability economic impact leadership quality market expectations investment decisions transparency succession planning economic growth national leadership business environment tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links
test-education-egtuscpih-pro04a	Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. online education resource allocation university operations administrative expenses teaching efficiency research funding digital learning cost reduction academic performance student support higher education virtual classrooms remote teaching educational technology campus maintenance student housing transportation university administration online teaching benefits academic credentials societal impact online education virtual classrooms remote learning digital resources e-learning platforms campus management costs administrative expenses higher education efficiency distance learning university operations cost-cutting measures educational technology online degree programs remote teaching methods virtual university online course management remote student support academic productivity resource allocation student retention digital transformation in education online lecture delivery virtual student experience campus maintenance costs online student engagement remote instruction techniques online education administrative costs university resources teaching efficiency research funding virtual classrooms remote learning higher education expenses academic performance student support services digital transformation educational technology online course benefits administrative savings academic credentials societal impact online education digital classrooms remote learning virtual university e-learning platforms distance education cost reduction administrative expenses university transformation student support services academic resources teaching efficiency research funding educational technology online course management campus maintenance student accommodation costs higher education innovation online degree programs online lecture delivery digital student support remote teaching methods virtual lecture halls administrative cost savings online university operations online academic credentials online student engagement remote teaching benefits online learning advantages online courses resource allocation teaching efficiency research funding administrative costs university expenses online education remote learning student support academic credentials cost savings teaching resources research output higher education virtual classrooms accommodation costs transportation costs maintenance expenses educational technology distance learning university operations academic productivity online education resource allocation administrative costs teaching improvement research funding student support university expenses digital learning remote teaching academic output higher education costs virtual classrooms reduced overhead campus maintenance student accommodation online course benefits administrative efficiency lecture hall utilization faculty work-from-home student transportation meal services university infrastructure public university finances educational technology adoption academic credentials student success societal impact online courses resource allocation teaching efficiency research funding administrative costs university expenses lecture halls student accommodations remote work academic output student benefits societal impact online education resource allocation administrative costs university operations remote learning academic performance student support cost reduction educational efficiency research funding digital transformation campus maintenance student accommodations transport costs academic credentials societal impact online education resource allocation university operations administrative costs teaching efficiency research funding remote learning academic improvement student support cost reduction digital transformation higher education virtual classrooms campus maintenance student housing transportation subsidies academic output educational technology distance learning university budget online teaching methods online education cost reduction university operations remote learning academic resources administrative expenses educational technology virtual classrooms higher education costs campus maintenance student services digital transformation online teaching benefits remote work for professors university efficiency academic output improvement
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy High Representative significant change unified voice trade policy environmental policy collaboration debate European unity Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens common values Representative EU High Representative foreign policy consultation mechanism state by state unified voice trade policy environmental policy military capability European unity identity creation common values diplomatic strategy Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy High Representative unified voice significant change economic giant political dwarf military worm trade policy environmental policy collaboration debate common values identity creation Representative EU EU High Representative foreign policy integration consultation mechanism EU unity EU diplomacy European unity state by state consultation representative role foreign and security policy European identity consultation and consensus EU decision-making united front European values EU trade policy European military Craig R Whitney Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy security policy unified voice state by state trade policy environmental policy military identity common values unity commitment gulf conflict European unity Elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases EU Representative consultation consensus foreign policy High Representative state by state united voice consultation mechanism EU approach trade policy environmental policy European unity political identity common values diplomatic consultation decision-making process EU foreign relations collaborative diplomacy European integration political representation foreign minister Mark Eyskens economic power military influence global image European Union structure diplomatic unity policy coordination international cooperation diplomatic consultation mechanism Representative EU consultation EU consensus EU foreign policy EU security policy unified voice consultation mechanism economic giant political dwarf military worm common values identity creation trade policy environmental policy collaboration deeper sense of commitment Representative EU consultation consensus unified voice foreign policy High Representative significant change trade policy environmental policy European unity Craig R Whitney EU Representative foreign policy consultation consensus High Representative trade policy environmental policy identity creation united front collaboration debate European unity political integration military cooperation Craig R Whitney Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy security policy integration unified voice trade policy environmental policy Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens unity identities common values
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con03a	"No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. compensation cultural identity social groups value sets identity politics culture adaptability ethnic identity religious identity professional identity organizational identity cultural evolution direct vs indirect impact multiple cultural identification complexity of culture homogeneity individual variation influence of culture on identity relative compensation distant relatives cultural borrowing empirical study management studies compensation cultural identity fluidity culture Szewczak Snodgrass identity politics social groups cultural adaptation cultural evolution homogeneous culture strategic control empirical study culture cultural identity compensation identity politics Szewczak Snodgrass social groups value sets national culture cultural adaptation cultural borrowing cultural evolution homogeneous culture strategic control empirical study fluidity cultural identity personal identification culture adaptation compensation models identity politics value sets multiple cultures social groups cultural evolution homogenous culture direct impact relative relationships empirical study compensation culture cultural identity fluidity cultural adaptation values social groups identity politics model relatives empirical study cultural identity compensation models identity politics cultural fluidity value sets Szewczak Snodgrass strategic control choices management studies cultural borrowing cultural adaptation homogeneous culture distant relatives cultural evolution cultural identity compensation fluidity culture identity politics social groups values Szewczak Snodgrass cultural adaptation cultural borrowing cultural evolution homogeneous culture strategic control choices compensation cultural identity fluidity cultural adaptation identity politics Szewczak Snodgrass cultural groups value sets cultural evolution cultural borrowing homogeneous culture strategic control choices culture cultural identity compensation fluidity identity politics individual values social groups value sets multiple cultures complex nature adaptation borrowing evolution homogeneity relative distant relative strategic control choices empirical study Journal of Management Studies culture cultural identity compensation identity politics values social groups professional groups organizational groups ethnic groups religious groups cultural evolution cultural adaptation multiple cultures difficulties in compensation homogenous culture model for compensation distant relatives substitutability of strategic control choices"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con04a	Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation diplomacy trade economic interdependence international relations arms races isolation belligerence warlike north korea strategic reasons proliferation diplomatic relations economic sanctions states rights nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation treaty security concerns nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation diplomatic relations economic interdependence nuclear weapons development arms races international community state interests nuclear powers North Korea Sartori Anne nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation international relations diplomacy trade economic interdependence peaceful interests belligerence arms races isolation power dynamics north korea strategic reasons proliferation nuclear weapons development neighbouring countries safety concerns diplomatic relations warlike character global stability nuclear disarmament diplomatic relations economic interdependence nuclear proliferation arms races strategic advantages international community nuclear deterrence peaceful interests global security north korea isolation diplomacy trade nuclear weapon development nuclear power country security belligerence warlike character license to possess nuclear weapons proliferation control nuclear weapon states neighbouring countries nuclear weapons policy nuclear weapons peaceful interests economic interdependence diplomacy international community belligerence arms races proliferation North Korea nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons benefits nuclear deterrence belligerence nuclear weapons isolation nuclear proliferation consequences arms races nuclear diplomatic relations nuclear economic interdependence nuclear nuclear weapons development nuclear weapons strategic nuclear weapons licensing nuclear weapons peaceful interests international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence North Korea isolation proliferation arms races strategic reasons diplomatic relations nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons popular peace diplomatic benefits economic interdependence international relations peaceful states belligerence warlike character diplomacy nuclear deterrence trade relations isolation north korea nuclear proliferation arms races neighboring security country development nuclear recognition strategic reasons nuclear weapons proliferation diplomacy trade economic interdependence belligerence international community nuclear deterrence arms races isolation proliferation diplomatic relations economic relations north korea nuclear power license states strategic reasons neighbours vulnerability nuclear deterrence belligerence diplomacy trade economic interdependence north korea proliferation arms races safeguarding peace international community global stability
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con03a	The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. education policy tax funded schools citizenship education state control private schooling government objectives social responsibility incentives for schools funding priorities public versus private education school autonomy democratic values equality in education school curriculum control government intervention in education publc school funding privatization of education curriculum enforcement political influence on education public education goals state control education tax-funded schools societal benefits citizenship education privatization impact government objectives funding priorities public schooling democratic values education policies public versus private curriculum enforcement public interest vs private profit education policy taxation funding school privatization citizenship education government objectives public vs private control over curriculum democratic values social responsibility state control schools freedom illusory state funded education taxation societal benefits public education duty of state citizenship education incentives for schools government goals privatization of schools education agendas functions of schools democracy education search efficiency expand query educational control state funding societal benefits tax funding citizenship education privatization governmental objectives democratic participation education funding state control societal purposes privatization citizenship teaching government goals democratic function school incentives tax funding public education parental rights democratic membership education quality curriculum control state responsibility exam focus educational values societal benefits education funding state control societal benefits privatization citizenship education government goals public schools tax funding democratic values education funding taxation school privatization citizenship education government roles incentives societal benefits democracy development publie versus private schools effectiveness of public education control of schooling legitimacy of state intervention optimization search expansion terms enhancing query state control education taxation society parental responsibility privatization citizenship government agenda democracy education policy tax-funded education state control freedom of education citizenship teaching privatization societal benefits government objectives democracy education public schooling interesest convergence
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con01a	Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, elections democracy legitimacy autocrats people power opposition united opposition crisis government set up freedom fair elections reform Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos United States foreign policy opposition party snap elections u.s. foreign policymaking coalesce elections democracy legitimacy autocracy opposition people power regime change Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos elections democracy legitimacy autocrats voting opposition alternatives reform Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos power transition elections outcome political change people power revolution U.S. foreign policy elections democracy legitimacy autocrats people power opposition viable alternative regime change free and fair elections electoral process voter acceptance electoral reforms electoral history democratic transition political legitimacy election outcomes political opposition democratic institutions electoral systems electoral culture democratic governance electoral politics democratic processes electoral reforms electoral fraud democratic development electoral systems analysis electoral history analysis democratic transition studies political transition electoral behavior democratic consolidation electoral impact democratic transformation electoral dynamics electoral trends electoral systems comparison democratic governance analysis electoral democracy democratic elections electoral legitimacy democratic elections democracy legitimacy opposition people power revolution Marcos Aquino voting fair elections genuine democracy autocrats reform crisis united opposition party Philippines elections democracy legitimacy opposition people power revolution voting autocracy genuine democracy reform Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos fair elections elections democracy legitimacy autocracy voting reform opposition Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos power transition political change elections democracy legitimacy opposition people power free and fair elections crisis management reform autocracy genuine democracy voting rights alternative leadership Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos elections democracy legitimacy autocracy opposition alternatives reform crisis Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos power transition voting education genuine democracy people power revolution U.S. foreign policy elections democracy legitimacy opposition autocracy voting reform people power revolution Marcos Aquino Philippines
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro03a	In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. circumcision risk benefit minors precautionary principle newborn babies long-term effects septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks surgical complications Mothering magazine Paul M. Fleiss circumcision risk benefit minors precautionary principle newborn baby long term effects septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks surgical complications post-surgical attrition Mothering magazine paul fleiss minors risk management precautionary principle circumcision risk assessment benefits surgical complications long term effects newborn babies health risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks family living evidence based medicine Mothering magazine maximize search utility circumcision risk benefit minors precautionary principle newborn baby septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition paul m. fleiss mothering magazine search efficiency expand query minors precautionary principle risk justification newborn baby express opinion circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition research medical procedures infant health search optimization keyword recommendation medical procedures circumcision risks infant health precautionary principle surgical complications long-term effects search accuracy enrichment query precautionary principle risk benefit minors newborn baby expression long-term effects circumcision septicemia bleeding heart attacks research body evidence complication rate attrition paul fleiss mothering journal search efficacy expansion keywords minors precautionary principle risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn baby expressing opinion circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition medical research circumcision benefits infant health parental decision-making alternative practices pediatric surgery medical ethics search optimization minors precautionary principle risk benefit newborn baby circumcision septicemia hemorrhage heart attacks research long-term effects surgical complications attrition evidence Fleiss search outcomes beneficial expansion terms minors precautionary principle risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn baby risk tolerance circumcision surgical complications long-term effects post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss Mothering magazine
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro01a	"The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. free market economic theory price determination demand supply individuality ability risk-taking michael jordan basketball market economy Adam Smith Nozick anarchy state utopia free market economic theory demand and supply price determination individuality rewards for ability risk-taking Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia microeconomics market dynamics capitalism entrepreneurship personal choice economic freedom free market economic theory demand and supply power dynamics individual choice capitalism Adam Smith Ronald Nozick basketball analogy market efficiency price determination resource allocation dynamic economy individual ability risk taking value system free market demand supply power to the people price determination market forces capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking dynamic capitalist system Adam Smith Randall G. Holcombe Anarchy State and Utopia Michael Jordan basketball skills economic theory microeconomics market dynamics consumer choice profit motive market competition resource allocation market equilibrium market determination price mechanism free market economic efficiency demand analysis individual choice resource allocation competitive advantage value creation risk taking Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia encyclopedia of economics free market economic theory demand supply personal choice price determination market dynamics individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia encyclopedia economics free market economic theory demand and supply price determination market dynamics capitalism individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Ronald Nozick market determination price formation free market economic efficiency demand and supply consumer choice individuality ability reward risk-taking dynamic capitalism Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia Nozick free market economic theory price determination demand supply Adam Smith Ronald Nozick capitalism individuality ability risk-taking dynamic capitalism economic equilibrium economic freedom microeconomics market dynamics resource allocation personal choice productivity market value profitability demand elasticity utility theory economic incentives market forces competitive advantage market signals market efficiency consumer sovereignty market economy market mechanism market forces analysis market decision-making market structure market outcomes market failure market competition market innovation market regulation market intervention market forces impact market determination price formation demand theory free market economic efficiency individual choice resource allocation capitalist system Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia Michael Jordan mediocre basketball player ability reward risk-taking individuality product demand service valuation economic surplus"
test-politics-dhwem-con02a	PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMC mercenaries loyalty motivation military contractors conflict zones desertion Machiavelli warfare history Iraq Afghanistan mercenaries PMCs loyalty mercenaries ruin military ethics Machiavelli desertion Iraq Afghanistan military motivation contractor criticism PMC mercenaries loyalty desertion motivation Machiavelli military contractors Iraq Afghanistan trustworthiness conflict employment stipend PMCs trustworthiness mercenaries risk PMCs patriotism PMCs motivation loyalty balance Machiavelli mercenaries historical mercenaries PMCs reliability PMCs critique PMCs motives PMCs in conflict PMCs mercenaries trustworthiness loyalty motivation desertion conflict Machiavelli military contractors warfare Iraq Afghanistan mercenary PMC military contractors loyalty risk desertion conflict Italy Machiavelli war attraction motivation pay international security contractual obligations PMCs mercenaries loyalty desertion conflict zones Machiavelli stipend soldier motivation warfare ethics military contractors Iraq Afghanistan PMC untrustworthiness mercenaries desertion motivation loyalty stipend Machiavelli military contractors risk Iraq Afghanistan desertion incentive loyalty issues conflict zones PMCs mercenaries loyalty desertion military contractors Machiavelli conflict zones Iraq Afghanistan trustworthiness military ethics employment motivations military history military tactics PMCs mercenaries loyalty desertion Machiavelli war Iraq Afghanistan stipend threat interest employer
test-education-tuhwastua-pro01a	Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative inaccurate picture bad day specific test questions error of measurement SAT 30 points 800 admissions officers academic record years of work true performance law of averages John Cloud Time new SAT standardized tests limitations academic record importance test day variability measurement error SAT inaccuracies comprehensive admission assessment standardized testing criticism educational fairness academic performance representation long-term learning evaluation standardized tests criticism academic record importance test reliability SAT errors admissions process student performance variability educational assessment methods standardized testing limitations long-term academic success college admissions criteria standardized tests limitations academic record importance test day variability score accuracy law of averages in education SAT score reliability standardized testing criticism holistic admissions process educational measurement errors student performance representation standardized tests arbitrariness academic career one-day session representative test inaccurate picture bad day specific test questions error of measurement SAT 30 points 800 law of averages academic record true performance admissions officers John Cloud Time new SAT test standardized tests arbitrary inherent arbitrariness standardized tests academic career reduced single day session impact unrepresentative test critique inaccurate academic assessment bad day effect poor test performance SAT measurement error 30-point variation comprehensive academic record law of averages academic performance reflection standardized test limitations admissions process fairness academic record accuracy standardized testing criticism standardized tests arbitrariness academic career one-day session unrepresentative accuracy student performance bad day test questions error of measurement SAT 30 points 800 scale academic record comprehensive picture true ability law of averages standardized tests arbitrariness academic career one-day session unrepresentative test inaccurate picture bad day poor performance SAT error measurement error 30 points 800 scale student ability academic record comprehensive picture years of work true performance law of averages admissions officers standardized test criticism test day variability academic assessment accuracy standardized tests arbitrary assessments academic record one-day session SAT errors law of averages admission fairness educational measurement academic performance test reliability college admissions test anxiety long-term assessment standardized testing criticism standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative accurate picture bad day specific test questions error of measurement SAT 30 points 800 admissions officers academic record years of work true performance law of averages comprehensive picture
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro01a	Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. economic legacy bush clinton tax cuts wealthy wars surplus jobs budget deficit Huffington Post Andrew Taylor economic legacy Bush tax cuts Clinton surplus wars expense federal deficit economic health job creation surplus squandered wealthy tax cuts economic legacy bushadministration clintonlegacy taxcuts wealthy economichealth surplus jobcreation wars deficit federalbudget economicpolicy politicallegacy socialservices economicinequality popularopinion governmentspending economicgrowth publicfinances policyimpact politicalanalysis presidentiallegacy budgetsurplus budgetdeficit economiccrisis economicrecovery politicalcriticism policyevaluation policymaking economicmanagement politicalhistory politicalcommentary policyanalysis policydebate politicaldiscourse economiccrit economic legacy tax cuts wealthy wars surplus job creation federal deficit budget deficit economic health government spending tax policy war expenditure job creation efforts legacy evaluation economic impact fiscal responsibility wealth inequality deficit reduction public service improvement economic legacy tax cuts wealthy wars surplus jobs budget deficit Clinton Bush services economic legacy Bush administration tax cuts wealthy expensive wars economic health Clinton legacy surplus improve services jobs budget deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post economic legacy tax cuts wealthy wars Clinton presidency economic health surplus job creation federal deficit Bush administration economic legacy bush tax cuts wealthy Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs expensive wars federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post economic legacy Bush Clinton tax cuts wealthy wars surplus jobs budget deficit federal deficit Huffington Post American economy public services Andrew Taylor search outcomes beneficial expansion terms economic legacy tax cuts wealthy political economy Clinton presidency surplus economic health bush administration wars budget deficit economic policy jobs federal deficit critical analysis political analysis public services
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission decision making process symbols of Europe common foreign and security policy international system EU commitment cooperative model national state streamline position unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy EU Commission Vice President of the Commission Common Foreign and Security Policy Decision making process National sovereignty Cooperative model International system European Union symbols European Union unity Solidarity Harmony High Representative EU decision making process EU foreign policy EU integration Common Foreign and Security Policy Cooperative model Nation state Stable international system Symbolism in EU Unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission HRVP decision making process common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy common ground significant role common foreign and security policy streamlining EU position international system unity solidarity harmony symbols 12 stars Europa.eu EU High Representative decision making foreign policy Vice President Commission HRVP common ground cooperative model stability international system symbols unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy post creation Vice President Commission decision making process common EU foreign policy nation state cooperative model international system symbols of Europe unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission HRVP decision making process common foreign policy cooperative model stability international system symbols of EU unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President Commission HRVP symbolism European Union common foreign policy international system unity solidarity harmony national state cooperation High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission decision making process common EU foreign policy symbolism in EU cooperative model foreign and defense policy common ground stable international system unity solidarity harmony European Union symbols High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission HRVP common EU foreign policy cooperative model symbolism in EU 12 stars in a circle unity solidarity harmony EU's role in world politics stability international system common ground streamlining EU position EU symbols
test-politics-dhwem-con04a	The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. private military companies state militaries soldier recruitment training expenses state power private employment military operations regulatory environment conflict ethics torture bribery warlord funding Taliban military effectiveness illicit practices morale combat strategies military contractors private military companies state militaries cost-effectiveness of PMCs soldier attrition unregulated PMCs legal practices in conflicts torture by PMCs bribery by PMCs warlord financing Taliban influence morale impact of PMCs international regulation of PMCs private military companies state militaries soldier recruitment state expenses private employment military power state control military privatization unregulated businesses conflict ethics illegal practices torture bribery warlord funding Taliban military operations international law military morale combat effectiveness state security private contractors military strategy defense industry military outsourcing ethical warfare military training armed conflict security studies military history conflict economics private military companies state military effectiveness soldier recruitment military privatization conflict regulation unlawful practices military morale warlord influence military operations torture bribery state security military strategy military ethics combat tactics international law military training military expenses military morale boost PMC regulations PMC ethics state power military conflict military funding military strategy evolution PMC operations military effectiveness comparison state control over military PMC business practices military privatization impact PMC negative effect traditional militaries soldier attrition state expenses private military companies greater income military power state military private employment regulation unregulated practices illicit activities torture bribery warlords Taliban Afghanistan morale enemy combat ethics business attitude conflict unregulated business state security military effectiveness legal constraints moral implications conflict ethics PMC private military companies traditional militaries soldier attrition state expenditure unregulated business illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban Afghanistan military morale enemy financing legal regulation military operations soldier recruitment military effectiveness conflict morality PMCs military privatization state militaries training costs private military companies torture bribery illicit practices morale wartime ethics regulation conflict tactics warlord funding Taliban operational risks private military companies state militaries soldier recruitment expense training private employment state military power private military contractors business-like approach conflict regulation illegal practices torture bribery warlords Taliban military morale enemy funding military operations negative impact military ethics private_military_companies military_operations state_armies soldier_retention training_expenses privatization_of_military_services illicit_practices torture bribery warlord_support Taliban morale regulation lawlessness military_effectiveness international_conflict power_balance military_strategy security_industries contractual_employment conflict_attitudes private military companies state militaries cost-effectiveness state funding military privatization soldier attrition illicit practices torture bribery warlord support Taliban military effectiveness international regulations conflict ethics military training state security private security firms moral implications legal oversight military doctrine defense industry trends security studies military strategy human rights conflict economics
test-international-ehbfe-con04a	Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural threat conflict resolution sovereignty political structures subsidiarity regional identities federalism Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy European Union sovereignty political structures cultural dominance conflict resolution subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance cultural preservation autonomy Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Country Lombardy European federalism sovereignty political structures subsidiarity definition federalism advantages regional identity protection local governance benefits national state limitations cultural preservation strategies conflict resolution methods sovereignty in federal systems European federalism principles minority rights enhancement subsidiarity federalism regional identities Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy European Union cultural threat conflict resolution political structures subsidiarity regional identities federalism local level national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural threat sovereignty political structures subsidiarity federalism regional identities Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy national states dominant culture political structures sovereignty Europa European Union subsidiarity federalism regional identities national states dominant culture long-running conflicts European Union political structures sovereignty local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance cultural preservation conflict resolution Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy European Union political structures subsidarity regional identities federalism local governance national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy European Union cultural threats sovereignty political structures
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 damages diplomacy transparency leader health nixon china mao zhou enlai decision making public knowledge diplomatic relations alineations trust negotiations margaret macmillan damages diplomacy transparency leader influence negotiations public perception momentous changes leadership health decision-making deal reliability history nixon mao zhou enlai macmillan transparency leadership decision-making negotiations historical examples political health diplomatic relations trust public perception leader reliability deal reliability historical diplomacy 信息公开影响外交 领导健康状况 决策者身份验证 历史外交案例分析 damages diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations Nixon China Mao deals alignment public knowledge decision-making political strategy leadership impact diplomatic relations momentous change public opinion trust advisers diplomatic success damages diplomacy transparency leadership nixon china mao public knowledge negotiations decisions allegiance trust history international relations political maneuvers potential consequences diplomatic alignments leadership impact public perception decision-making process diplomatic initiatives confidentiality negotiation reliability leader's role query expansion diplomacy relevant phrases leader health transparency momentous change negotiations decision-making potential impact public knowledge deal reliability diplomatic alinement Chinese leadership Nixon visit Mao illness Zhou Enlai damages diplomacy transparency leadership nixon china mao diplomatic initiatives health public perception negotiations decision-making public knowledge trust alignment political strategies leader's role diplomatic relations historical examples confidentiality negotiator's authority damages diplomacy transparency leadership decision-making negotiations Nixon China Mao public knowledge diplomatic alignment Macmillan political strategy trust history international relations potential consequences pubic perception leader's health diplomatic initiatives unreliable deals Chinese leadership Nixon's visit diplomatic history search optimization diplomatic transparency leader health diplomatic negotiations Nixon China visit Mao health diplomatic decision making public perception diplomatic deals leadership impact diplomatic relations momentous changes diplomatic alignment advisers role damages diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations Nixon China Mao public knowledge decision making diplomatic alignment leadership reliability trust negotiator's authority political influence history Diplomatic relations momentous changes public perception diplomatic initiatives political stability international relations leader's role diplomatic history potential for failure advisers' influence deal reliability leader's reliability diplomatic success decision-making process public health disclosure diplomatic strategy diplomatic negotiation leadership
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro04a	It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 public support democratic ideals civil liberties CCTV Patriot Act populist measure majority opinion polling data democracy and security terrorism risk equality and freedom democratic ideals civil liberties populist measure CCTV Patriot Act equality freedom public consent terrorism majority opinion polling surveillance democracy values public support civil liberties democratic ideals CCTV Patriot Act populist measure majority opinion security measures democracy freedom equality terrorism mind-set government decision-making voting rights polling data media influence public sentiment security policy democratic values terrorism threats citizen rights privacy concerns vote results political ideology surveillance technology populism democratic spirit voter preferences public safety political decision-making public support security measures democratic ideals civil liberties CCTV populism terrorist threats democratic spirit freedom equality political decision-making public opinion polls surveillance technology security measures popular support civil liberties democratic ideals CCTV Patriot Act equality freedom terrorism polling public consent democracy majority rule public opinion public support civil liberties democratic ideals CCTV Patriot Act populist measure equality freedom terrorism majority opinion voting rights democratic ideals populist measure civil liberties CCTV democracy and security polling data patriot act voting rights public consent equality freedom surveillance society public support security measures cctv democratic ideals civil liberties patriot act populist measure polling data democracy terrorism freedom equality democratic ideals civil liberties populist measure CCTV Patriot Act surveillance polling elections public consent democracy and security voting rights security measures and public opinion public support democratic ideals civil liberties CCTV Patriot Act polling equality freedom democracy terrorism consent
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con01a	The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. House of Lords expert peers governance quality political opportunism second chamber appointed members election vs appointment expertise representation balanced legislature UK parliament structure House_of_Lords political_opportunism House_of_Commons expert_peers appointment_system elected_members governance_quality expertise_representation social_balance civil_service scientific_experts academic_contributions business_leaders civil_servants legislative_balance election_vs_appointment House_of_Lords expert_peers government_policy elected_vs_appointed chamber_governance second_chamber political_opportunism expertise_representation social_balance civil_service academic_influence scientist_role business_peers lawyer_influence civic_improvement House of Lords function role of House of Lords expert peers impact governance improvement second chamber benefits expertise in legislature balancing political interests appointment vs election legislative process enhancement diverse expertise in parliament governance quality assurance expert influence on policy-making House of Lords experts influence government policy social representation expertise knowledge governance second chamber appointed elected political opportunism balanced decision-making quality of governance diverse perspectives House of Lords expert peers government policy influence balanced governance second chamber appointed members expertise representation political opportunism House of Commons governance quality House of Lords experts influence government policy social representation lawyer scientist businessperson academic doctor civil servant governance second chamber appointed elected expertise knowledge political opportunism House of Commons House of Lords expert peers government policy second chamber governance quality political opportunism elected representatives appointed members expertise representation House of Lords expert peers government policy balanced governance second chamber appointed members electoral representation expertise diversity legislative process political opportunism civil service scientific expertise academic influence legal expertise business influence House_of_Lords expert_peers government_policy second_chamber appointed_members expertise_representation balanced_governance political_opportunism House_of_Commons governance_quality electoral_system drawbacks
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con04a	Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial quotas South African rugby player development regional teams non-white players quota system homegrown talent Peter de Villiers race and sports South African sports policy diversity in sports affirmative action in sports racial quotas rugby player development South African rugby Peter de Villiers non-white players regional teams home grown talent diversity policies sports quotas sports racism South African Springboks coaching roles racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players homegrown talent South African rugby Peter de Villiers discrimination sports quotas diversity in sports race in sports sports coaching South African sports policy racial quotas impact springboks coach views race-based player quotas negative effects of quotas quota system criticism peter de villiers quotes non-white coaches opinion homegrown players regional team dynamics black players foreign Racial quotas South African rugby player development Peter de Villiers non-white players regional teams homegrown talent diversity in rugby quota system English players coach opinion racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players homegrown talent Peter de Villiers South African rugby quota system black players international players racial quotas sports quotas South African rugby player development non-white players regional teams peter de villiers coach criticism quota system home grown players race and sports England rugby black players racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering home grown Peter de Villiers Springboks BBC Sport South African Rugby black players England racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players South African rugby Peter de Villiers quota system homegrown players race relations sports discrimination rugby coaching quota criticism diversity in sports sports policy affirmative action South African sports racial quotas south african rugby peter de villiers non-white players regional teams homegrown players black players england bbc sport books live
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con01a	Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. court system adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty judicial justice legal protections due process criminal justice legal absolutism legal system integrity legal safeguards presumption of innocence absolute rights defense rights government corruption fair trials presumption of innocence adversarial court system just court rights protection legal absolutism innocent until proven guilty judicial integrity court justice adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty judicial absolutism legal protections presumption of innocence due process criminal justice legal principles judicial independence constitutional rights court justice adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials presumption of innocence legal protections justness of the system protections absolute rights adversarial court system fairness government corruption innocent until proven guilty justness trial rights judicial integrity legal absolutism due process protections court justness adversarial system defense rights government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty absolute rights presumption of innocence court system adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty judicial integrity legal protections due process legal absolutism justice system criminal justice human rights legal principles legal guarantees court justice adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty judicial integrity legal absolutism defense rights presumption of innocence protections court justness adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty better to let ten guilty go free legal absolutism presumption of innocence rights enforcement trial fairness court protections absolute rights adversarial system government corruption fair trials innocent until proven guilty justice system legal absolutism defense rights judicial integrity legal guarantees due process criminal justice legal absoluteness judicial fairness presumption of innocence legal safeguards
test-education-egtuscpih-pro03a	Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. online education distance learning virtual courses global education remote learning e-learning academic diversity educational accessibility university outreach digital education online enrollment student recruitment global academic excellence online degree programs virtual universities international student base remote education benefits online course impact online education distance learning global education access virtual courses remote learning educational technology online university e-learning remote students international education online enrollment academic diversity remote higher education digital learning online campus virtual universities online degree programs online academic excellence online course recruitment global student population virtual classroom technology online higher education benefits online student diversity online academic improvement online education advantages online education distance learning virtual courses global education remote learning flexible education e-learning higher education access university enrollment educational technology online degree programs remote study options global academic excellence online course enrollment international student recruitment higher education expansion educational accessibility online academic opportunities virtual university courses global academic reach online university enrollment distance learning benefits online education impact online education virtual learning distance education remote courses global student pool accessible education flexible learning digital classrooms university outreach educational technology online enrollment international students academic diversity higher education expansion remote learning benefits online course accessibility global education reach remote study options online university opportunities virtual campus access educational globalization online degree programs remote education advantages online courses higher education academic excellence budgetary concerns university accessibility remote learning global student recruitment Stanford University artificial intelligence education diversity societal benefits search optimization academic excellence online education university accessibility global student recruitment educational expansion remote learning benefits diverse academic pool improved student outcomes societal impact AI course success educational accessibility challenges online course enrollment statistics university selection concerns online education remote learning distance courses global student recruitment academic excellence university diversity AI courses international education educational accessibility higher education benefits online degree programs virtual classrooms university application processes educational technology global academic community online learning platforms educational funding student mobility educational innovation online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns university application relocation issues global education Stanford University artificial intelligence student diversity societal benefits online education remote learning virtual classes distance education global student recruitment expanded educational opportunities university enrollment academic diversity international education educational accessibility online degree programs virtual campus online course statistics student outreach higher education globalization digital learning platforms online academic excellence global student engagement remote education benefits online course impact university diversity improvement online learning trends educational technology advancements global education landscape online learning expansion student selection process digital education initiatives online learning distance education global education access virtual classrooms remote learning educational technology remote education online university digital curriculum online degree global academic community educational globalization virtual campus online academic programs remote education benefits digital education e-learning online tutoring remote learning platforms virtual learning environments global education online education advantages online education expansion online learning trends online education growth digital literacy online course enrollment online education opportunities virtual schooling global education impact
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA U.S. nuclear arsenal weapon modernization Russian advantage nonstrategic weapons missile defense restrictions missile defense capabilities interrelationship offensive defensive arms Bilatereal Consultative Commission missile launcher conversion tactical weapons deterrence capability [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] new START treaty nuclear capabilities US russian advantage missile defense deterrence modernization congress cost ganz jinsa atlantic policy flaws restrictions bilateral consultative commission missile defense interceptors icbm sldb unilateral statements withdrawal viability effectiveness offensive arms testing article x preamble defensive arms atrophying nuclear arsenal modernization costs missile defense options strategic nonstrategic t NewSTART treaty nuclearcapabilities DavidGanz JINSA USmissiledefense Russianadvantage nuclearmodernization congress costgrounds nonstrategicweapons strategicarms missiledefenceoptions internationalsecurity US-Russiarelations deterrence pentagon unilateralstatement BilaternalConsultativeCommission Treatyinterrelationship MissileDefenceInterceptors ICBMlaunchers SLBMlaunchers BilateralConsultativeCommission BilaternalConsultativeCommission Treatyimplementation missiledefenceprogram nuclearpolicy securitystudies defensepolicy n New START treaty US nuclear capabilities missile defense systems missile delivery systems atrophying nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization Russian tactical weapons strategic arms missile defense treaty interrelationship between offensive and defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission missile defense interceptor conversion missile defense testing treaty withdrawal rights missile defense treaty restrictions U.S. missile defense program limitations New START treaty nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying arsenal weapons enterprise reductions modernization cost grounds Russia nonstrategic weapons tactical weapons deterrence missile defense options preamble defensive arms ICBM SLBM Bilateral Consultative Commission unilateral statements withdrawal rights BARAK OBAMA DMITRI MEDVEDEV Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms U.S. Department of State Bureau of Verification Compliance Implementation new START treaty nuclear capabilities relevant expansion phrases david ganz jewish institute for national security affairs us missile defense options russian nuclear advantage strategic arms missile defense interceptor tactical nuclear weapons bilateral consultative commission deterrence congressional approval nuclear modernization cost grounds international relations nuclear arsenal defensive arms offensive arms missile defense program reductions in nuclear arsenal atrophying nuclear arsenal missile defense capabilities interrelationship between arms unilateral statement right to withdraw missile launchers ICBM SLBM U.S. Department of State T New START treaty nuclear capabilities deterrence capitalism missile defense systems presidential authority Congressional authority modernization cost constraints Russian nuclear arsenal strategic arms nonstrategic weapons tactical weapons missile defense treaty interrelationship between offensive and defensive arms Bilateral Consultative Commission unilateral statements missile defense interceptor ICBM launchers SLBM launchers deterrence capabilities nuclear modernization cost grounds jewish influence security issues arms control treaty violations nuclear disarmament New START treaty nuclear capabilities deterrence Russian nuclear advantage missile defense congressional approval cost constraints missile defense treaty restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission nuclear modernization US-Russia relations defense arms interrelationship jewish institute for national security affairs New START treaty nuclear capabilities U.S. David Ganz JINSA atrophying arsenal weapons enterprise reductions cost grounds Russia strategic arms nonstrategic weapons missile defense missile delivery systems modernization Bilaternal Consultative Commission BCC missile defense interceptors ICBM launchers SLBM launchers tactical weapons deterrence defensive arms offensive arms extraordinary events Bush administration Obama administration Missile Defense Agency MDA Bureau of Verification Compliance Implementation New START treaty nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying arsenal weapon modernization Russia nonstrategic weapons missile defense tactical weapons deterrence missile defense restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission strategic offensive arms missile interceptor restrictions unilateral statements Bilat Consultative Comm missile defense program Bush administration Obama administration Congress nuclear weapons missile defense capabilities missile launchers treaty limitations missile testing Dmitri Medvedev"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con05a	The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. nuclear deterrence pre-emptive strikes regional stability arms race nuclear proliferation national security military strategy nuclear defense international relations nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear arsenal nuclear disarmament strategic advantage military aggression nuclear capability security threats geopolitical tensions nuclear winter nuclear fallout nuclear winter nuclear accident nuclear testing nuclear negotiations nuclear disarmament treaties nuclear weapons development nuclear weaponization nuclear blackmail nuclear diplomacy nuclear disarmament advocates nuclear weapon states nuclear threshold nuclear winter theory nuclear winter effects nuclear winter scenario nuclear winter risks nuclear nuclear deterrence pre-emptive strike strategy regional stability arms race nuclear proliferation international security geopolitical tensions defensive capabilities strategic advantage military superiority nuclear deterrence first strike capability second strike capability regional stability arms race proliferation international relations geopolitical tensions military strategy preventive war nuclear disarmament security threats power imbalance self-defense conflict prevention strategic advantage nuclear deterrence regional stability pre-emptive strikes nuclear proliferation strategic advantage defense capabilities international relations security threats power dynamics military superiority nuclear deterrence preemptive strikes regional stability second strike capability arms race nuclear proliferation conflict prevention strategic advantage international relations nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence preemptive strike regional stability nuclear proliferation arms race geopolitical tension self-defense strategic advantage deterrence theory nuclear standoff nuclear deterrence pre-emptive strikes regional stability nuclear proliferation state security arms race strategic advantage international relations military conflict defensive weaponry nuclear capabilities geopolitical tensions nuclear non-proliferation state survival deterrence theory nuclear disarmament power imbalance regional dynamics security threats nuclear weapons benefits national security strategic nuclear forces nuclear strategy nuclear doctrine military superiority regional stability impacts nuclear weapon development arms control nuclear capability assessment nuclear disarmament arguments nuclear deterrence regional stability preemptive strikes existential threat second strike capability arms race nuclear proliferation strategic advantage national security international relations conflict prevention power dynamics regional tensions nuclear non-proliferation military strategy geopolitical risks nuclear deterrence preemptive strike regional stability arms race international relations nuclear proliferation security threats geopolitical tensions strategic advantage self-defense balance of power nuclear deterrence pre-emptive strike regional stability nuclear proliferation international relations military superiority existential threat second-strike capability nuclear non-proliferation strategic balance
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro02a	There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] surgery risks infant circumcision medical necessity circumcision complications religious practices medical training parental decisions hemorrhaging medical associations global practices circumcision risk infants medical association complications medical training religious circumcision baby deaths hemorrhaging medical need medical necessity circumcision risk surgery infants complications religious practices medical training studies hemorrhaging health risks pediatric surgery medical ethics medical risks surgery complications circumcision infant surgical procedures risk assessment medical necessity complication rates baby boy mortality religious practices medical ethics pediatric surgery health risks infant health medical reports child safety healthcare practices child circumcision medical body medical need religious circumcision complications circumcision medical advice medical training child mortality health studies medical body conclusion pediatrics risk medical practice infant circumcision health risks infants surgery risks infant circumcision medical necessity circumcision complications parental decision making medical training religious practices infant mortality hemorrhaging medical ethics circumcision safety circumcision benefits medical associations circumcision statistics surgery risks infant circumcision medical necessity circumcision complications parental decision making religious practices medical training informed consent circumcision mortality circumcision safety surgery risks infant circumcision medical necessity complications parental decisions religious practices medical training health risks circumcision safety infant mortality hemorrhaging medical ethics medical associations global circumcision child health surgical risks infant circumcision medical necessity parental decision-making circumcision complications religious practices medical training informed consent infant mortality hemorrhaging medical associations global health circumcision safety surgical procedures child protection medical ethics surgical risks infant circumcision medical necessity parental decisions religious practices medical training circumcision complications global circumcision rates healthcare guidelines infant mortality risk assessment surgical risks infant circumcision necessary medical procedures medical ethics complications hemorrhaging medical training religious practices pediatric surgery health guidelines medical body circumcision safety child mortality
test-health-hdond-con01a	The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. absolute rights fundamental rights healthcare access inalienable rights constitution human rights public health WHO health and human rights government intervention right to life fair trial untimely death liberal democracies healthcare policy medical ethics healthcare entitlement rights violations access to medicine healthcare equity human dignity life-saving treatment healthcare justice right to healthcare absolute rights government intervention healthcare access fundamental human rights constitutions international human rights World Health Organization health and human rights inalienable rights right to mobility right to fair trial access to life-saving treatment right to healthcare absolute rights healthcare access government intervention constitutions human rights international human rights World Health Organization Health and Human Rights inalienable rights fundamental rights access to treatment life-saving treatment government power healthcare policy public health medical ethics health equity human rights law right to healthcare healthcare access government intervention inalienable rights constitutional rights human rights healthcare entitlement right to life public health policy WHO health and human rights fundamental human rights healthcare inequality healthcare justice life-saving treatment constitutional liberalism healthcare ethics right to access healthcare fundamental rights inalienable rights health and human rights government intervention constitutions liberal democracies international human rights untimely death healthcare access right to mobility right to a fair trial life-saving treatment government power healthcare entitlement healthcare access absolute rights human rights inalienable rights constitutions government intervention international human rights World Health Organization health and human rights right to life fundamental freedoms healthcare entitlement public health policy ethical medical treatment constitutional law medical ethics universal healthcare rights violation healthcare disparities social justice public health medical resources allocation access healthcare right to healthcare inalienable rights international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights liberal democracies constitutions fair trial rights violation government intervention mobility rights endangering fundamental rights untimely death living a long and worthwhile life public health policy healthcare accessibility healthcare entitlement healthcare justice healthcare equity healthcare as a right untimely death prevention public health laws human rights violations healthcare as inalienable right accessibility healthcare fundamental rights constitutions international human rights government intervention inalienable rights WHO Health and Human Rights untimely death fair trial mobility rights healthcare access fundamental rights constitution inalienable rights human rights WHO health and human rights right to life government intervention public health policy medical ethics international human rights healthcare entitlement public healthcare healthcare equity healthcare justice right to fair trial right to mobility social welfare public health law accessibility fundamental rights inalienable rights public health constitutional protections human rights medical intervention universal healthcare WHO health equity liberal democracies entitlement life-saving treatment constitutional law health policy healthcare ethics international human rights medical ethics governmental responsibilities
test-education-tuhwastua-pro02a	Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. standardized tests wealth disparity educational inequality tutoring industry socioeconomic status academic achievement extracurricular activities educational opportunity test scores resource allocation public education meritocracy educational reform test preparation cognitive bias educational outcomes standardized tests wealth inequality educational disparity tutoring industry academic performance extracurricular activities socio-economic status test preparation fairness in education access to education education policy educational opportunities socioeconomic impact test scores tutoring effectiveness educational inequity standardized testing economic background educational resources school funding educational outcomes standardized tests bias wealth inequality educational equity tutoring industry impact academic performance disparity extracurricular activities test score manipulation socioeconomic status influence educational reform fairness in education standardized tests wealth disparity high-income students tutoring industry academic performance affordability eliminate standardized tests equity in education standardized tests wealth tutoring academic performance extracurricular activities socioeconomic status educational equity testing skew tutoring industry standardized tests bias wealth effect tutoring industry academic inequality socioeconomic disadvantage test preparation fairness in education educational opportunities tutoring limitations equal testing ground standardized tests wealth disparity tutoring industry academic performance extracurricular activities socioeconomic status educational equity test skewness inequality in education tutor limitations test preparation costs standardized tests wealth skew tutoring industry academic performance extracurricular activities playing field socioeconomic disparity standardized tests wealth inequality educational disparities tutoring industry academic performance extracurricular activities educational equity test preparation socioeconomic status fairness in education standardized tests wealth education inequality tutoring industry academic performance extracurricular activities playing field socio-economic status
test-education-udfakusma-pro04a	Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. open access journal publishing cost of academic resources library budget student rights university library access pay per view journal article pricing marginal cost of publication academic resource accessibility librarianship digital divide in education gratis scholarly communication historical context of academic publishing access to knowledge information inequality free academic resources online journal access academic freedom public domain scholarly content open access journal publishing cost of academic materials marginal cost pay-per-view university libraries funding for research access to academic resources international academic collaboration library budgets academic publishing industry open-access journal publishing marginal cost pay-per-view academic resource sharing library budgeting cost of research university libraries access to journals digital resources academic freedom library expenditures e-journal pricing free academic content historical context of publishing accessibility in education library funding information inequality resource sharing among universities students university resources access university journals pay for education right to materials university library budget online journal access costs marginal cost publishing open-access journal publishing academic restrictions Harvard University library journal article pricing academic resource sharing university course limitations research material availability search efficiency resource sharing academic journals pay-per-view open-access publishing university libraries research costs digital divide scholarly communication copyright issues students university resources academic journals library access pay-per-view open-access publishing research materials course requirements university libraries budget publishers pricing academic resources university libraries pay-per-view journal access open-access publishing marginal cost academic restrictions library budgets student rights research materials university journals information access academic freedom students university resources access to journals marginal cost pay-per-view open-access publishing library budgets academic restrictions Harvard University Darnton Elsevier The Guardian cost barriers open access journal publishing cost of academic resources library budgets university access academic freedom pay-per-view model resource sharing e-learning access restrictions academic publishingindustry search outcomes expansion terms academic resources university libraries journal access pay-per-view open-access publishing marginal cost academic restrictions resource sharing student rights library budgets scholarly communication subscription costs access equity digital divide open science library consortia copyright issues
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con01a	"The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. foetal rights women'autonomy abortion debate pregnant women'independence litigious trend unwanted baby antenatal classes fetal rights women autonomy pregnancy morality abortion legal trends discrimination maternal fetus intentions choice culture ethics fetal rights women's autonomy pregnancy litigation trend abortion debate independence unwanted baby culture foetal rights debate autonomy of women litigious society pregnant women rights abortion implications unwanted pregnancy maternal responsibilities antenatal care foetal rights women autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women independence abortion debate unwanted babies antenatal classes fetal rights maternal autonomy abortion debate pregnant women rights unwanted pregnancy antenatal care legal implications foetal personhood reproductive rights litigation culture pregnancy ethics fetal rights women autonomy abortion debate pregnancy maternity culture legal trend litigation birth control motivation unwanted baby antenatal classes fetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate pregnancy culture litigation independence unwanted baby antenatal classes maternal morality ethics foetal rights women autonomy abortion culture litigious trend pregnant mother baby Independence unwanted aborted antenatal classes fetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate pregnancy law society culture birth motherhood ethics gender justice privacy litigation discrimination maternal health choices unwanted baby"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro01a	The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU Commission Preventive Diplomacy Economic Disparities Social Disparities Judicial Systems Genocide Conflict Prevention Piracy Panel of the Wise Authorisation Grave Circumstances Military Intervention Humanitarian Assistance Conflict Management Capabilities Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy genocide Panel of the Wise presidents moral authority preventative diplomacy crisis response military intervention humanitarian assistance African Union Commission Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union conflict prevention causes of conflicts economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy genocide conflict management AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy moral authority conflict resolution humanitarian assistance military intervention president Solemn Declaration conflict resolution economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU Commission genocide response Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union conflict resolution prevention diplomacy economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy genocide Panel of the Wise military intervention humanitarian assistance conflict management crisis response Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy genocide Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Military intervention humanitarian assistance presidents moral authority conflict management crisis response peaceful resolution Solemn Declaration conflict causes economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union conflict causes economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy conflict prevention genocide AU Commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy military intervention humanitarian assistance conflict management crisis response former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration conflict resolution economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Solemn Declaration African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU Commission conflict prevention causes of conflict emerging sources of conflict piracy African Union Panel of the Wise preventive diplomacy economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility military intervention genocide humanitarian assistance conflict management crisis response
test-culture-mthbah-con04a	Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. advertising effects advertising impact football team sponsorship shirt advertising media revenue consumer behavior advertising exposure advertising alternatives brand visibility marketing strategies consumer choices sports advertising sponsorship benefits advertising economics advertising income football team sponsorship shirt sponsorship ad annoyance forced advertising avoiding ads media revenue sports sponsorship advertising economics advertising impact sponsorship benefits media revenue consumer choice marketing ethics sports branding ad visibility options media economics advertising impact sponsorships in sports revenue from ads importance of advertising cost of ignoring ads benefits of ad presence advertising revenue sources consumer choice in ads sports team funding advertising economics advertising controversy ad avoidance methods advertising annoyance property rights income sponsorship football Manchester United Aon revenue player acquisition audience choice media consumption advertising impact sponsorships football revenue media exposure consumer choice brand visibility advertising economics media funding commercial awareness advertising annoyance property rights income sponsorship Manchester United Aon football teams newspaper ads TV channels advertising revenue sports sponsorship media consumption consumer choice brand visibility marketing impact football finances shirt sponsorship audience engagement ad avoidance advertising impact sponsorship economics media revenue consumer behavior advertisement frequency brand exposure media costs sports sponsorship viewer choice advertising ethics advertising revenue sponsorships consumer choice media advertising branding impact ad avoidance football team funding sponsorship deals media economics
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con02a	Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. checks and balances Constitution Congress oversight Departmental Committees filibuster Supreme Court non-partisan abuse of power checks and balances constitutional limits legislative oversight filibuster Senate majority Supreme Court non-partisan judiciary law enforcement agencies civil society media scrutiny opposition parties judicial review constitutional amendments political accountability democratic institutions separation of powers checks and balances constitutional constraints legislative oversight departmental committees filibuster Supreme Court judicial review non-partisan judiciary constitutional law political ideology government accountability checks and balances Constitution Congress filibuster Senate Supreme Court non-partisan oversight Departmental Committees legislative support majority rule constitutional violations judicial review governmental constraints political ideology single-party government power abuse checks and balances Constitution Congress legislative consent filibuster Senate Departmental Committees Supreme Court non-partisan law strikes constitutional violations single-party government power abuse oversight negotiation checks and balances constitutional limitations legislative oversight filibuster Supreme Court non-partisan judiciary congressional committees legislative negotiations constitutional provisions judicial review checks and balances Constitution Congress Departmental Committees filibuster Supreme Court non-partisan legislative oversight constitutional constraints single-party government power abuse checks and balances Constitution Congress legislative consent Departmental Committees filibuster Senate majority Supreme Court non-partisan constitutional law ideological government external checks single-party governance government oversight legal constraints checks and balances Constitution Congress legislative consent Departmental Committees filibuster Supreme Court non-partisan judicial review constitutional constraints single-party government ideological control oversight law enforcement legal challenges democratic institutions checks and balances Constitution Congress Departmental Committees filibuster Supreme Court non-partisan legal constraints legislative oversight constitutional limitations political ideology governmental power abuse single-party system democratic institutions judicial review legislative-executive relations political checks electoral dynamics
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con02a	Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. House of Lords reform elected House of Lords policy focus long-term governance second chamber elections mirroring House of Commons government popularity gridlock impractical reforms desirable reforms House of Lords reform elected House of Lords long-term governance political balance elections intergovernmental dynamics welfare state mirroring effect gridlock popularity voting cross-party balance policy-making process reform House of Lords House of Commons elected long-term short-term balance gridlock practicality desirability House of Lords reform electoral cycle impact parliamentary balance long-term governance democratic representation political gridlock constitutional change legislative efficiency elected senate policy orientation governmental stability bicameral system political popularity constitutional reform representative democracy legislative function governance structure electoral frequency political equilibrium bicameral legislature political balance legislative process democratic accountability political representation legislative efficacy political institutions democratic principles constitutional law political dynamics legislative power democratic reform political system parliamentary reform electoral reform political theory democratic governance political science legislative function analysis constitutional reform implications House of Lords House of Commons electoral reform long-term policies short-term popularity balance of power gridlock practicality desirability House of Lords reform elected House of Lords mirror image legislature long-term policies short-term popularity gridlock in governance House of Commons comparison election frequency voting patterns legislative balance reform impracticality House of Lords reform elected House of Lords policies popularity long-term welfare election frequency mirror chamber House of Commons elections same time elections mid-term elections gridlock reform impracticality House of Lords reform elected House of Lords short-term policies long-term welfare balance of power gridlock electoral timing political popularity chamber equality House of Lords House of Commons reform elected members long-term policy short-term popularity balance of power gridlock parliamentary reform bicameral system political balance House of Lords reform elected house of lords long-term welfare balance of power gridlock practicality of reform
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con01a	"Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists rights creative output music film sculpture painting property intellectual产权 idea business investment talent principle profit stealing creativecommons publicsphere consent ethics humanexperience rights property erosion productive life devaluation artistic property rights creative commons license intellectual property copyright protection artistic creation property rights erosion artist rights intellectual property law creative output artistic endeavours property rights significance artists rights creative output property intellectual.property right.to.property artistic.works creative.commonlicenses machine.work ethical.considerations productive.life human.experience copyright defense intellectual产权 创作权 艺术家权益 版权保护 创造性产出 知识产权保护 copyright creativecommons artisticrights intellectualproperty creativeoutput propertyright artistcreations economicinvestment publicsphere ethicalart creativeendeavor property rights creative output artistic works intellectual property copyright creative commons ethical argument artistic endeavor public sphere human experience property rights creative output artistic works intellectual property copyright creative commons ethical art artistic endeavor public sphere innovation value creation human experience artists property rights creative output intellectual property copyright creative commons artistic works ownership innovation investment ethical considerations artists rights creative output music film sculpture painting property intellectual commons license artistic endeavour consent valuation production growth human experience artists property	rights creative	output artistic	works creativecommons public	sphere business	of	art intellectual产权 creative	labor productivity human	experience machine	work universality consent copyright policy保护 productive	life ethical	argument locking	in unfinished	sketch full	bloom sacrifice profit rights保护 defense erosion individual	creation investment	in精力 raw	talent idea	protection artwork rights	attacking innovation价值 ethical	Theft beneficial expansion terms property rights creative output artistic works intellectual property copyright creative commons artistic endeavour ethical considerations economic investment human experience intellectual property law fundamental erosion productive life"
test-education-egtuscpih-pro02a	Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. online education meritocracy accessibility university affordability distance learning educational inequality global education tuition fees flexible learning less developed countries online education merit-based education cost of university accessibility of education university tuition online learning meritocracy flexible education education inequality university enrollment educational technology online course benefits global education access online university educational costs online degree programs university diversity online study options access to higher education online learning advantages online education distance learning accessibility affordability flexibility meritocracy university tuition student diversity educational inequality global education online course benefits promote education equity reduce educational barriers flexible learning merit-based admissions access to higher education cost reduction in education remote learning advantages expanding university enrollment global education opportunities enhance meritocracy in education online courses education access university education meritocracy financial barriers flexibility remote learning cost reduction merit-based admission global education underprivileged students developing countries online learning educational accessibility merit-based education cost reduction flexible education university enrollment global education meritocracy improvement tuition fees work-life balance online courses education accessibility university education merit-based system financial barriers tuition fees online learning flexible education distance learning meritocracy underprivileged students developing countries online courses access to education university education meritocracy financial constraints flexible learning cost reduction distance education educational merit less affluent backgrounds developing countries online courses educational access university education meritocracy cost reduction flexibility distance learning income distribution undergraduate education merit-based admissions less developed countries online learning meritocracy education costs flexible education university enrollment remote education global education access educational equity cost barriers merit-based education
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols intervention in religion bans on veils Belgium privacy rights individual choice muslim veil ostracism confined to home religious symbols individual choice intervention in religion privacy rights full Muslim veil Belgian veil ban freedom of expression cultural sensitivity human rights religious freedom public space personal identity secularism multiculturalism discrimination privacy invasion individual liberty religious symbols intervention in religion bans on religious attire muslim veil ostracism privacy individuality culture clash international law religious freedom discrimination European Union religious symbols individual choice intervention in religion privacy rights full Muslim veil criticism of bans religious freedom personal identity cultural practices public space secularism human rights civil liberties political correctness freedom of expression minority rights social exclusion religious symbols intervention in religion bans on headscarves privacy individuality muslim veil ostracism Belgium cultural practices religious symbols personal choice intervention in religion privacy rights individuality full Muslim veil criticism ostracism banning religious symbols religious symbols personal choices individual rights intervention in religion privacy full Muslim veil bans ostracism home confinement criticism freedom of expression cultural practices secularism human rights multiculturalism discrimination identity freedom of belief religious symbols intervention in religion bans on religious attire muslim veil privacy rights individual choice ostracism home confinement Belgium religious symbols intervention in religion bans on veils Belgium privacy individual rights muslim veil privacy violation cultural practices religious symbols intervention in religion bans on religious clothing Muslim veil private choice personal symbols individual rights privacy infringement ostracism freedom of religion beliefs and practices cultural sensitivity discrimination
test-economy-thsptr-pro01a	Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: progressive taxation economic justice income distribution wealth pover regressive tax vat equality sacrifice burden economic security disposable income essential goods progressive_taxation economic_inequality wealth Redistribution sacrifice_principle regressive_taxes vat pay_capability wealthy_poor_difference equality_of_sacrifice economic_security disposable_income wealth_accumulation tax_burden [1] [2] tax_system_design wealth_taxation financial_wherewithal progressive taxation equality sacrifice wealth poverty regressive taxes economic security disposable income just social justice inequality socialism economics politics wealthy poor regulations government fairness vat socialist liberalism wealth_tax redistribution 财政 税收 平等 牺牲 富人 穷人 累进税 间接税 经济安全 可支配收入 正义 社会福利 自由主义 社会主义经济学 progressive taxation wealthier individuals disposable income economic security regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living equality of sacrifice state revenues financial wherewithal taxation justice economic inequality tax burden sacrifice equality fiscal responsibility economic stability poverty alleviation tax efficiency progressive taxation economic security disposable income sacrifice equality regressive taxes VAT wealth redistribution economic justice progressive taxation equality sacrifice wealthy poor tax burden regressive taxes VAT essential goods economic security disposable income justification economic justice standard of living progressive taxation equality sacrifice wealthy poor regressive taxes VAT economic security disposable income essential goods standard of living just taxation inequality financial resources progressive taxation economic inequality sacrifice equality wealthy poor regressive taxes VAT disposable income economic security essential goods standard of living just tax system progressive taxation equality sacrifice wealthy poor tax burden regressive taxes VAT economic security disposable income essential goods economic justice equality of sacrifice progressive taxation economic inequality wealth distribution tax burden disposable income regressive taxes equality of sacrifice fiscal justice income redistribution social welfare economic security
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con03a	Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org survival fittest darwin natural_selection origin_species competition struggle_for_life human_animal_relationship exploitation natural_right ecology brutality animal_farming speciesism ethics Darwin survival natural selection species struggle environment exploitation rights animal farming nature pain competition evolution Darwin survival natural selection On the Origin of Species struggle for existence animal rights ethical farming nature's order evolution environmental exploitation survival%20of%20the%20fittest Charles%20Darwin On%20the%20Origin%20of%20Species natural%20selection human%20exploitation animal%20farming nature%20struggle humans%20rights species%20pain natural%20environment Darwin survival of the fittest natural selection On the Origin of Species Charles Darwin exploitation animal farming brutality nature's order competition evolution survival_of_the_fittest darwin origin_of_species natural_selection human_exploitation animal_farming nature_struggle species_right pain_animals wild_brutality favored_races environmental_exploitation Darwin On the Origin of Species natural selection struggle for existence animal farming brutality nature's order survival of the fittest Charles Darwin environmental exploitation species hierarchy animal cruelty natural rights survival_of_the_fittest darwin natural_selection origin_of_species farming rights_of_humanity animal_exploitation wild_nature brutality natural_right species_struggle equality_in_nature pain_infliction survival_of_the_fittest darwin natural_selection origin_of_species species_competition human_animal_relationship ethics_of_farming animal_pain nature_vs_culture biological_determinism ecological_impact survival%20of%20the%20fittest darwin origin%20of%20species natural%20selection human%20exploitation animal%20farming brutal%20struggle natural%20environment species%20competition pain%20and%20hardship eating%20other%20species cruelty%20in%20nature right%20over%20species contemporary%20perspectives
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con03a	Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. reparations colonialism taxpayers historical accountability direct profits public apology financial burden moral responsibility historical guilt disconnect taxpayer burden colonial powers modern consequences indirect guilt reparations colonialism taxpayer burden historical accountability modern responsibility economic fairness moral obligation colonial legacy public apology historical guilt financial compensation historical justice taxation policy colonial exploitation modern-day consequences historical blame direct profits ethical obligations reparations colonialism taxpayer guilt public apology historical responsibility exploitation injustice modern-day consequences colonial powers indigenous communities financial burden historical accountability reparations mechanism punishment mechanism unfair reparations Colonial legacy public apology monarch apology government apology taxpayer burden colonial exploitation history responsibility disconnection guilt hostility towards former colonies irrelevance of current taxpayers reparations taxpayers colonial powers historical responsibility public apology taxation injustice financial burden historical disconnect guilt imposition reparations controversy colonial guilt taxpayer burden historical justice modern punishment financial responsibility colonial legacy public apology direct compensation historical exploitation guilt imposition reparations colonialism taxpayer burden historical responsibility public apology direct profits historical injustice colonial exploitation guilt imposition financial compensation disconnect taxation colonial legacy modern-day consequences reparations colonialism taxpayer injustice historical responsibility public apology direct profits exploitation guilt connection hostility reparations colonialism taxpayer fairness historical responsibility public apology economic burden guilt colonial powers direct profits indirect responsibility historical injustice contemporary implications reparations colonialism taxpayers historical guilt direct profits public apology colonial powers unpaid debt modern-day consequences historical injustice accountability economic burden
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro01a	A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. teacher student relationship social media sexual misconduct authority figure mentor innocence respect distance educator role suspicion professional boundaries Carol Shakeshaft education ethics teacher-student relationship social media sexual misconduct Carol Shakeshaft professional boundaries respect distance authority figure mentor student learning innocent friendships suspicion educator role teacher student relationship Carol Shakeshaft social media teacher misconduct professional boundaries mentorship authority figure student learning friendship ethical teaching educational ethics social media risks teacher integrity student-teacher dynamics teacher student relationship Carol Shakeshaft social media educator behavior mentoring authority figure student learning friendship boundaries professional conduct educational ethics social media privacy teacher integrity student-teacher dynamics mentorship roles digital communication ethical teaching social media risks educational misconduct teacher reputation student safety teacher-student relationship Carol Shakeshaft social media sexual misconduct mentoring authority figure respect educator friendships personal information professional boundaries mentorship suspicion role strain teacher-student relationship Carol Shakeshaft sexual misconduct social media personal conversations intimate contact authority figure mentor student learning respect distance friendships suspicion educator role social media teaching transparency openness safety teacher-student relationship social media sexual misconduct authority figure mentor innocent friendships career strain respect distance educator suspicions Carol Shakeshaft teacher student relationship Carol Shakeshaft social media intimacy education ethics mentorship authority figure student learning friendships respect boundaries professional conduct educator responsibility social media safety transparency teacher student relationship social media sexual misconduct authority figure mentor Carol Shakeshaft respect distance student learning friendship innocence suspicion educator role The New York Times 2011 teacher-student relationship social media sexual misconduct Carol Shakeshaft respect distance authority figure mentor suspicion educator role student learning friendship innocent interactions intimate conversations hanging out beach meetings
test-science-eassgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal_suffering moral_consistency disabled_people experimentation_ethics persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities research_morality animals_suffering persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities moral_consistency medical_research experimental_ethics animals_suffering persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities moral_consistency medical_research animal_experiments disabled_rights ethics_comparisons moral_consistency animal_rights suffering_capacity ethical_research disability_rights medical_ethics persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities research_considerations animals suffering people morality vegetative state intellectual disabilities research consistency animal experimentation moral consistency suffering capacity persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical research suffering comparison disabled rights animal welfare bioethics animals suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities morality research consistency ethics ethical considerations animal experimentation moral consistency persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities research ethics suffering comparison biomedical research ethical dilemmas animal welfare suffering capacity moral consistency animal experimentation disabled individuals ethical research persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical considerations animal testing moral philosophy disability rights suffering comparison persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities research ethics experimental animals
test-international-ipecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek default Eurozone countries Porugal Spain Italy Ireland Germany Netherlands ECB fiscal crisis default speculation government bonds international capital flows budget deficit interest rates GDP ratio economic contagion Greek default Eurozone countries tremendous shockwaves investor confidence Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flows Germany Netherlands default speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit Eurozone stability ECB financial support Greece exit Greece Eurozone capital flight default risk assessment bond market interest rates budget deficit economic impact speculation financial support ECB Germany economic stability market confidence currency union capital flows Greek default Eurozone countries Greek exit economic impact financial crisis speculation debt interest rates budget deficit ECB support capital flow safe havens market confidence credit rating financial instability Greek default Eurozone countries investor confidence capital flight default speculation interest rates budget deficit ECB Germany financial support Greece default impact Eurozone stability Risk contagion financial crisis speculation market reaction capital flight interest rate rise default speculation budget deficit GDP ratio Eurozone support ECB intervention Greece Eurozone capital flight default risk assessment bond market interest rates budget deficit economic contagion ECB Germany speculation financial support Greek default Eurozone countries Greece exit euro economic contagion financial stability PORITSI Spain default Italy default Ireland default capital flight German economy Netherlands economy government bond demand rising interest rates budget deficit European Central Bank Euro crisis Greece Eurozone default economic impact speculation Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight bond demand interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greece Eurozone capital flight default risk speculation bond yields international finance Germany ECB economic impact financial support Dutch Italy Portugal Spain Ireland credit rating debt sustainability budget deficit
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con03a	As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 business ethics international business regulatory compliance political interference cross-cultural business chinese economy foreign investment domestic policy sovereignty technology companies business ethics political interference sovereignty foreign policy corporate responsibility international relations censorship free speech technology regulation China-US relations business ethics sovereignty foreign investment political interference corporate responsibility international relations regulatory compliance domestic policy free speech globalization technology regulation geopolitical tensions censorship human rights market entry multinational corporations local governance business ethics international business political interference corporate governance cross-border operations sovereign rights cultural sensitivity global market regulations multinational corporations political neutrality business conduct foreign investment domestic policies critical comments corporate responsibility regulatory compliance country sovereignty internet companies chinese companies tech industry government relations free speech criticism management market entry strategies local regulations foreign direct investment business expansion policy enforcement international cooperation regulatory challenges legal compliance ethical business practices critical evaluation geopolitics business strategy international business environment trade business politics separation foreign operations regulations respect sovereignty criticism domestic policies outsider interference Chinese companies Western countries relations business politics separation foreign country regulations respect sovereignty criticism domestic policy Chinese company criticism Google interference domestic affairs business ethics political interference sovereignty international business corporate governance domestic policies foreign investment regulatory compliance political neutrality market entry strategies business politics separation foreign country regulations respect sovereignty domestic policy criticism outsider interference chinese companies abroad tech industry governance business politics separation Chinese company foreign policy Google interference domestic politics critical stance sovereign state international business regulations sovereignty respect tech regulation international companies business politics separation foreign operations regulations respect sovereignty international business ethics Chinese company criticism domestic policies mixing business and politics tech company foreign policy
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman UN Security Council External Action Service policy coordination European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making EU nations foreign policies spokesman coordinated external policy EU foreign ministers agenda shaping Security Council External Action Service policy specialists EU foreign service European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making EU nations foreign policies spokesman coordination EU foreign ministers agenda shaping Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement European consciousness political unity High Representative catalytic role facilitator decision-making EU foreign policies spokesman coordinated external policy EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influencing outcomes common foreign policy positions UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman UN Security Council External Action Service foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity High Representative catalytic role facilitator decision-making EU foreign policies spokesman coordination agenda shaping UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists global representation foreign service European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making EU nations foreign policies spokesman coordination EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity High Representative effectiveness facilitator catalyst decision-making foreign policies EU nations UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman foreign policies coordination EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common positions UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists nuclear safety enlargement European consciousness political unity Policies High Representative catalytic role facilitator decision-making EU foreign policy spokesman EU nations external policy coordination EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influencing outcomes common foreign policy authority in UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists EU foreign service European consciousness political unity
test-society-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment health effects mental health psychological impact social networks social capital physical health labor market depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa women employment job market social well-being family impact generational effect unemployment psychological effects mental health issues depression suicide anxiety substance abuse African unemployment social networks social capital labor market participation physical health impacts job market re-entry unemployment family impact intergenerational effects unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital labor market physical health downward spiral unemployment mental health impacts unemployment social network loss unemployment and depression african unemployment effects unemployment on physical health unemployment confidence levels unemployment and suicide risk unemployment and substance abuse unemployment social capital unemployment family impact unemployment generational effects unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women labor market physical health status downward spiral re-employment communication skills family generations unemployment health effects mental health unemployment depression and unemployment suicide rates due to unemployment unemployment anxiety african unemployment impacts unemployment family impact generational effects unemployment social networks unemployment women labor market participation social capital unemployment job market reentry unemployment physical health unemployment confidence unemployment psychological impact unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women labor market physical health downward spiral re-enter job market unemployment health effects unemployment mental health unemployment social networks unemployment social capital unemployment physical health unemployment depression unemployment anxiety unemployment substance abuse unemployment family impact unemployment generational impact unemployment labor market unemployment communication skills unemployment women empowerment unemployment health effects African unemployment mental health unemployment unemployment social networks unemployment physical health unemployment confidence unemployment suicide unemployment anxiety unemployment substance abuse unemployment social capital unemployment labor market unemployment family impact unemployment intergenerational effects unemployment health effects African unemployment mental health impacts unemployment social networks social capital unemployment and physical health unemployment psychological impact unemployment suicide unemployment depression unemployment anxiety unemployment substance abuse unemployment and family unemployment intergenerational unemployment labor market women unemployment unemployment communication skills unemployment vulnerability
test-society-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. migration restrictions economic benefits urban sociology population growth public resources food security city development humanitarian crises basic services social exclusion crime urban planning political economy rural-to-urban migration resource allocation Sahara migration restrictions economic benefits of city living population growth public resource allocation urban development social exclusion humanitarian crises in cities food security subsaharan africa city attractiveness for businesses unemployment crime rates economic progress reasonable migration limits urban food security migration restrictions economic benefits urban appeal population growth public resources food security water supply sanitation productivity taxation basic needs humanitarian crises unemployment criminal activity rural perceptions development progress sub-saharan africa political economy World Development migration restrictions economic benefits of limiting migration population growth and city services costs of overpopulation in cities humanitarian crises due to migration impact of migration on urban infrastructure relationship between migration and public resources role of productive people in city services urban development and migration control economic implications of excessive migration migration policies and city planning rural to urban migration impacts city planning and migration management public services strain from migration inequality in resource distribution urban economics and migration city development and migration limits food security in cities and migration urbanization challenges and solutions impacts of migration on urban economies resource migration restrictions economic benefits urban appeal population growth social issues public resources humanitarian crises basic goods food security city development rural beliefs criminal activities resource allocation productivity taxation subsistence levels environmental impact migration restrictions urban development economic benefits social benefits public goods humanitarian crises urban food security political economy Sub-Saharan Africa rural areas crime economic growth migration restrictions economic benefits social impacts urbanization population growth public services humanitarian crisis basic goods malnutrition thirst healthcare unemployment crime economic development city planning rural areas food security political economy South Africa migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits population growth city development public resources humanitarian crises food security urban planning economic exclusion crime taxation productivity resource allocation rural beliefs subsaharan africa city infrastructure migration restrictions economic benefits cities population growth humanitarian crises public resources urban development social exclusion crime economic impact rural areas food security sub-Saharan Africa urban planning public goods migration restrictions economic benefits social impacts population growth cities public services humanitarian crises urban development basic goods malnutrition thirst crime economic exclusion food security sub-Saharan Africa political economy
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro04a	The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 attorney-client privilege relevance independence solicitor in house lawyers recession 2008 Legal Services Act 2007 counsel privilege eradication attorney-client privilege relevance legal services act 2007 independent legal advice in house lawyers recession 2008 economic impact on legal practices privilege erosion financial independence of lawyers counsel independence jurisprudence update attorney-client privilege legal services act 2007 in-house lawyers financial independence client-attorney privilege relevance legal profession recession 2008 solicitor independence New Law Journal attorney-client privilege relevant expansion phrases declining relevance solicitor independence Legal Services Act 2007 in house lawyers financial independence client-attorney privilege relevance eradication new law journal attorney-client privilege relevance recession 2008 Legal Services Act 2007 independent solicitor in house lawyer privilege eradication new law journal attorney-client privilege relevance legal services act 2007 independence in house lawyers recession of 2008 New Law Journal counsel relevance economic impact on legal privileges attorney-client privilege legal independence recession Legal Services Act 2007 in-house lawyers relevance privilege erosion New Law Journal attorney-client privilege recession Legal Services Act 2007 in-house lawyers financial independence legal ethics relevance of legal privileges legal profession changes solicitor independence client-attorney privilege eradiation attorney-client privilege relevance 2008 recession Legal Services Act 2007 independent solicitors in-house lawyers relevance of legal privileges privilege erosion counsel independence attorney-client privilege relevance after 2008 recession impact Legal Services Act 2007 independent solicitors eradication of privilege in-house lawyers financial independence client-attorney privilege New Law Journal
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con03a	"Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. animal testing non-animal testing phase I clinical trials drug development novel drugs me-too drugs potential harm legal consequences scientific prediction human volunteers pharmaceutical companies suffering alternative methods ethical considerations scientific progress regulatory safety medical advancement animal testing novel drugs phase I clinical trials benefits of animal research non-animal testing development of new medicines potential side effects of drugs legal consequences of drug testing suffering in medical research moral implications of animal research pharmaceutical industry ethics alternatives to animal testing animal testing novel drugs suffering clinical trials phase I non-animal testing prediction me-too drugs legal consequences incurable conditions safety assessment policy benefits risk management human volunteers scientific research ethical considerations pharmaceutical industry moral obligations scientific progress Vivisection criticism alternatives ethics public health innovation social responsibility research methodology animal welfare mortality rates risks benefits analysis drug development scientific innovation public safety medical advancement societal impact healthcare improvements experimental procedures scientific accuracy animal testing novel drugs research ethics clinical trials pharmaceutical industry suffering alternatives to animal testing human volunteers risk assessment policy implications ethical considerations animal research drug development novel drugs phase I clinical trials non-animal testing suffering ethics legal consequences scientific prediction volunteer risks me-too drugs animal research novel drugs phase I clinical trials non-animal testing risk assessment human volunteers suffering legal consequences drug development scientific advancement ethical considerations medical benefits animal testing non-animal testing phase I clinical trials drug development novel drugs side effects suffering human volunteers scientific research ethical considerations legal consequences animal research novel drugs clinical trials phase I suffering risk assessment predictive testing legal consequences pharmaceutical companies incurable conditions me-too drugs ethical considerations scientific advancement volunteer risks treatment development animal research drug development novel substances clinical trials phase I trials side effects non-animal testing human volunteers ethical considerations legal consequences pharmaceutical industry scientific advancement suffering potential benefits animal testing novel drugs phase I clinical trials non-animal testing potential legal consequences ethical considerations scientific advancement drug safety human suffering alternative methods risk assessment pharmaceutical industry animal welfare clinical trials medical research public health experimental ethics biomedical innovation regulatory standards"
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, ICC funding ICC budget constraints ICC state party negotiations ICC operational costs ICC investigative closure international criminal court expenses state party austerity measures ICC enforcement challenges ICC budget ICC funding ICC expenses state parties funding ICC austerity ICC investigation costs ICC financial constraints ICC funding ICC budget ICC expenses enforcement costs state party responsibilities international criminal court budget negotiations austerity measures ICC finances investigative funding ICC operations costs ICC funding ICC budget state party contributions ICC expenses international criminal court enforcement costs austerity measures investigative resources state responsibility budget negotiations ICC financial challenges ICC budget austerity funding investigations costs enforcement arm state parties europeana ICC budget enforcement arm costs state negotiations ICC funding issues investigative closures state party roles budget austerity ICC expenses ICC funding ICC budget ICC expenses enforcement arm cost state party role international criminal court austerity measures investigative costs budget negotiation ICC financial constraints ICC budget austerity measures ICC funding ICCA enforcement costs of ICC international criminal court funding negotiations states budgeting ICC resource allocation ICCA finances investigation costs ICCA operations ICC budget ICC funding ICC enforcement state party responsibilities international criminal court budget negotiations state austerity ICC expenses investigative costs ICC budget state parties austerity measures investigative costs funding constraints enforcement arm necessity state responsibility ICC expenses resource allocation
test-education-udfakusma-pro03a	Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. open access economic impact research benefits academic publishing accessibility scientific dissemination human genome project economic growth university research scientific community publications innovation academic freedom information sharing cost savings business research scientific collaboration global research knowledge economy scientific communication scientific advancement open science academic journals publishing industry technological innovation peer review free research scientific discovery scientific transparency academic impact scientific progress public engagement open data scientific dissemination author rights publishing economics scientific community benefits open research scientific knowledge sharing academic openness scientific open access economic impact research dissemination human genome project academic publishing university of leicester new statesman economic benefits wider audience research costs scientific collaboration publication speed academic freedom innovation government policy internet access peer review process public knowledge sharing copyright issues oa journals library resources doi system impact factor altmetrics repository management open access economic impact research dissemination academic publishing public access scientific collaboration innovation government policy scientific community education healthcare technology transfer patent applications copyright royalty fees peer review repository system internet accessibility global knowledge sharing academic freedom scientific progress resource allocation information technology librarianship legal aspects publisher model author-pays model funding sources impact factor metrics oa journals article processing charges gratis vs libre access barriers doi system citation advantage discovery tools metadata semantic web open data software licensing open access benefits economic impact of open access increased research accessibility research cost reduction wider audience for research human genome project economic benefits of open access open access research advantages scientific research dissemination shorter development cycles [1] Anon. [2] Carr and Kiley open access economic impact research dissemination academic publishing public access scientific communication genomic research university publications scientific collaboration innovation stimulation economic growth information accessibility peer-reviewed journals cost reduction scientific progress global knowledge sharing publication latency academic transparency scientific community resource allocation scientific advancement open access research benefits economic impact research dissemination scientific publication academic freedom scholarly communication knowledge sharing innovation stimulation cost reduction broader audience open access movement research collaboration economic growth research accessibility intellectual property digital library scholarly impact academic publishing scientific community public access academic impact research visibility knowledge economy scientific transparency open science research funding academic journals scholarly articles academic publishing trends research dissemination methods open access policies academic impact measurement research dissemination channels academic openness scientific collaboration research transparency academic freedom benefits open access advantages research dissemination challenges open access research benefits economic impact publication accessibility wider audience research costs development time academic dissemination scientific advancement knowledge sharing economic growth open access publishing research transparency public access to research innovation stimulation scholarly communication digital libraries scientific collaboration open access economic impact research accessibility publications dissemination academic openness genome project economic benefits accessibility improvements university research scientific advancement public research openness in research innovation促进 知识共享 学术自由 科研效率提高 经济增值 信息透明度 科学研究 开放获取政策 学术资源利用 科研成果转化 经济效益增加 open access research benefits economic impact publication access wider audience human genome project research costs economic activity academic openness open access research benefits economic impact publication accessibility wider audience research costs economic activity development time scientific advancement academic dissemination scholarly communication knowledge sharing innovation promotion intellectual property open source digital library information diffusion academic freedom policy implications technology transfer funding models scholarly impact citation analysis scholarly communication systems peer review process academic integrity data sharing research collaboration educational resources public engagement scientific community policy making technological advancement global knowledge scholarly network academic transparency scholarly metrics scientific publishing open data research infrastructure scholarly impact measurement academic standards
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro02a	Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 conflict resolution Africa civil wars endings insurgencies battle deaths genocide mass killings trends peace processes conflict resolution Africa war trends genocide African peace insurgency end war trends in conflict armed conflict peacekeeping efforts conflict resolution Africa political stability insurgency warfare battle deaths genocide mass killings conflict reduction peacekeeping warfare trends African peace进程 冲突减少 非洲和平 progression of peace African conflict reduction military interventions insurgency trends battle death statistics genocide incidence peacekeeping efforts conflict resolution strategies peacebuilding processes peace studies African security conflict dynamics peace research peace treaties nonviolent conflict resolution humanitarian interventions ceasefire agreements post-conflict reconstruction peacekeeping operations conflict transformation peace economics conflict prevention conflict management peace psychology peace education conflict analysis conflict mediation peace negotiations peace activism conflict resolution methods peace and security conflict sociology peace diplomacy peace technology conflict history peace theory conflict indicators peace monitoring conflict resolution Africa trend analysis war scale battle deaths genocide mass killing conflict resolution Africa wars trend analysis genocide reduction military conflicts insurgency increase battle deaths war trends conflict decline conflict resolution Africa conflict trends war decline genocide insurgency battle deaths peace progress progress in非洲冲突 非洲冲突减少 冲突规模缩小 武装冲突转变为小规模叛乱 战争死亡人数下降 罕见大屠杀事件 冲突数量减少 历史数据对比 冲突趋势分析 conflict resolution Africa wars endings genocide insurgencies battle deaths trends conflict reduction political stability conflict resolution Africa wars insurgencies battle deaths genocide mass killing trends conflict reduction peacebuilding
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining chip cultural investment rights free speech academic freedom Singapore government Yale university cultural diplomacy international relations educational standards democratic speculation prisoner of conscience political opposition university autonomy censorship cultural exchange academic partnerships press freedom democracy promotion international law educational reform graduates rights human rights western universities global education political prisoners academic freedoms free press democratic values international cooperation higher education public discourse academic integrity civil liberties academic restrictions education policy international students academic environment educ bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights cultural diplomacy academic freedom western universities prisoner of conscience political opposition University governance free press democratic speculation Yale University Singapore government Western Europe education contemporary reform trends future challenges bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights cultural diplomacy academic freedom prisoner of conscience political opposition free speech Western universities Singaporean government Yale graduates educational reform censorship university autonomy democratic speculation academic freedoms Western values higher education policy international relations free press bargaining chip cultural investment rights secured legislation improvement free speech Western university academic freedoms prisoner of conscience political opposition university life Yale graduates Singaporean government action European educational reform academic freedom challenges bargaining chip cultural investment legislation free speech western university academic freedoms prisoner of conscience political opposition university life Singaporean government Yale graduates democratic speculation educational reform future challenges bargaining chip cultural investment rights free speech academic freedoms Western universities Singaporean government Yale graduates prisoner of conscience political opposition leader cases of academic restrictions national library restrictions educational reform twentieth century reform trends future challenges bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights free speech Western universities Singaporean government academic freedoms yellow pages prisoner of conscience political opposition university life academic freedom Yale graduates benefits national library history society contemporary reform bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government yale graduates prisoner of conscience political opposition academic freedom china education system cultural diplomacy international university relations civil liberties speech restrictions university governance international cooperation educational standards censorship democratic speculation intellectual freedom global academic norms higher education policy international human rights bargaining chip cultural investment rights free speech Western universities Singaporean government academic freedoms Yale graduates prisoner of conscience political opposition university life democratic speculation cases of Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng national library History Society of NUS Western Europe educational reform twentieth century reform trends future challenges bargaining chip cultural investment legislation rights free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government Yale graduates democratic speculation prisoner of conscience political opposition university life academic freedom china higher education Western Europe educational reforms
test-culture-mthbah-con03a	Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements healthy products lifestyle promotion advertising regulations School Food Trust celebrity endorsements fast food marketing public health business ethics child welfare regulatory control public pressure marketing strategies unhealthy product promotion cigarette advertising alcohol advertising fast food health messaging Advertising regulation public health celebrity endorsements fast food advertising alcohol advertising restrictions fast food health messaging child health public pressure business ethics advertising success stories health campaigns regulatory bodies advertising trends dietary health smoking cessation beverage advertising nutritional information marketing strategies food industry consumer behavior public relations health promotion media influence health awareness social responsibility Advertisements promotion healthy products lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust celebrities public health marketing fast food child health public pressure tobacco advertising alcohol restrictions business ethics public relations campaign effectiveness healthy products lifestyles advertising regulations unhealthy promotion school food trust celebrity endorsements fast food marketing public health child welfare regulatory control advertising trends cigarette advertising alcohol restrictions healthier options public pressure business ethics Advertisements healthy products lifestyles advertising regulation School Food Trust celebrities public pressure fast food child health cigarette advertising alcohol restrictions business reputation regulatory control Advertisements healthy products lifestyle promotion advertising regulations School Food Trust celebrity endorsements public health fast food messaging business reputation child safety public pressure regulatory control cigarette advertising decline alcohol advertising restrictions health campaigns advertising promotions health products lifestyles regulations School Food Trust celebrities public health marketing fast food cigarette advertising alcohol fast food messaging child safety public opinion industry self-regulation campaign effectiveness advertising regulations healthy product promotion unhealthy product restriction celebrity endorsements in ads school food trust public health advertising advertising impact on business image fast food marketing strategies child health advocacy popular opinion on advertising regulated advertising practices advertisements promotion healthy products lifestyles regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust celebrities public health fast food business ethics public pressure successful regulation advertising laws health campaigns search outcomes beneficial expansion terms query enhancement advertisements healthy products lifestyles regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust Britain celebrities advertising health eating habits public pressure regulation enforcement fast food healthier options children protection marketing strategy campaigns
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con01a	Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. democratic principles checks and balances corruption authoritarianism social reform drug cartels free media legal system political accountability risk acceptance governance leadership democracy government transparency political reform civic engagement democratic checks balance politics authoritarianism corruption social reform drug cartels free media legal system accountability individual empowerment political risk governance Putin government corruption adviser influence media freedom legal framework societal fear leadership ethics institutional integrity democratic checks balances corruption authoritarianism social reform drug cartels free media legal system political accountability individual empowerment risk acceptance governance political corruption media freedom legal reforms political systems political critique democratic checks and balances corruption authoritarian leaders social reform free media legal system empowerment risk acceptance problem-solving centralizing power government corruption accountability free press critique political reforms media freedom judicial independence political accountability citizen participation governance issues democratic checks balance authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels societal fear powerful leader individual empowerment risk acceptance governance free media legal system accountability government corruption Putin centralisation adviser influence political reform media freedom legal accountability democratic checks balance corruption authoritarian leaders social reform drug cartels oppressive power individual empowerment free media legal system political accountability governance risks 普京完全清白 democratic checks balance power corruption prevention authoritarianism risks social reform drug cartel elimination free media legal system government accountability individual empowerment political risk acceptance Putin critique centralised power consequences media freedom legal accountability democratic safeguards corruption inevitability government effectiveness democratic checks balance authority corruption prevention authoritarianism risks social reform promises drug cartel eradication empowered individuals risk acceptance Putin critique media freedom legal system accountability mechanisms corruption inevitability governmental efficiency free press importance democratic checks balance corruption authoritarianism social reform drug cartels free media legal system accountability governance political theory leadership risk acceptance individual empowerment Putin government structure corruption prevention media freedom legal accountability political critique democratic checks balance politics corruption prevention authoritarianism social reform drug cartel eradication free media legal system government accountability individual empowerment risk acceptance Putin 顾问腐败 媒体自由 法治体系 民主监督 官员问责制
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists' rights public space creative commons copyright artistic legacy Samuel Beckett performance standards reinterpretation artistic expression justice legacy protection work control public funding artistic integrity copyright mechanism contract rights cultural impoverishment artists public space rights expression creative commons copyright legacy performance standards Beckett interpretation justice Artists copyright creative commons public space legacy performance reinterpretation control justice Samuel Beckett theatre Artists' rights public space copyright protection creative commons artistic legacy performance standards intellectual property reinterpretation external appreciation artist's control justice theater rights copyright mechanism artistic expression Artists copyright public space creativity legacy interpretation control justice performance Samuel Beckett creative commons artists copyright public space interpretation legacy control performance creativity justice creative commons Artists' rights public space creative commons copyright legacy interpretation performance creators' control Beckett theater rights copyright protection artistic integrity artists right control public space reinterpretation expression legacy copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett performance standards meaning protection legacy rights policy adulation appreciation Artists right to control public space publicly funded creator's expression reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expansion revision consent legacy copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett performance standards artistic works legal protection Artists' rights public space reinterpretation copyright legacy creative commons Samuel Beckett performance standards artistic control public funding justice contractual rights
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con01a	Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 democratic participation divided government single party government policy enactment voter enthusiasm legislative compromise congressional legislation presidential mandate electoral mandate government responsiveness divided government effects democratic participation legislation enactment political compromise electoral mandate single party government bipartisan compromise electorate's will policy implementation separated system presidential mandate democratic participation divided government policy enactment electoral mandate legislative process single party government political compromise public will government responsiveness policy implementation electoral cycle legislative effectiveness political polarization voter preferences legislative priorities executive authority congressional power voter turnout policy success government stability democratic participation divided government policy enactment voter enthusiasm legislative compromise single party government electoral mandate government responsiveness policy credibility democratic participation divided government single party government policy enactment voter enthusiasm legislative process presidential mandate electorate responsiveness democratic participation divided government single party government policy enactment voter choice legislative compromise government responsiveness electoral mandate policy platform congressional legislation democratic participation divided government single party government policy enactment voter choice legislative process political compromise congressional power presidential mandate electoral mandate policy responsiveness democratic participation divided government policy enactment voter enthusiasm legislative process single party government electorate responsiveness political compromise government effectiveness voter will policy implementation electoral mandate congressional power presidential authority separated system politics search optimization democratic participation divided government compromise policy enactment voter preference single party responsiveness electorate legislation presidential mandate separation systems political science governance effectiveness representation voter_choice policy_impact legislative_process political_opposition electoral_outcome political_science voter_satisfaction policy_discretion governmental_effectiveness voter_engagement political_theory democratic_principles political_influence legislative_effectiveness political_division voter_will policy_making government_structure political_behavior democratic_process political_system democratic participation divided government single party government policy enactment voter mandate political compromise legislative process congressional action presidential influence electoral outcome government responsiveness
test-education-egtuscpih-pro01a	Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. online education distance learning e-learning webinars asynchronous learning virtual classrooms flexible schedules remote education adult learning online degrees blended learning digital learning educational technology MOOC benefits online course advantages home learning self-paced courses university alternatives lifelong learning digital literacy accessibility in education online education trends massive open online courses flexibility in learning scheduling convenience home-based learning traditional university alternatives rigidity of academia personalized education work-life balance in learning childcare friendly education online course benefits motivation for online learning online learning benefits advantages of online courses flexibility in online education MOOC popularity convenience of online studies remote learning opportunities online course flexibility personalized learning experience online education vs traditional online degree benefits online learning vs classroom learning online education accessibility distance learning advantages online study flexibility online course convenience MOOC features online learning versus on-campus online education benefits advantages of distance learning online learning flexibility online education versus traditional online course advantages online learning convenience remote education benefits online learning accessibility online education advantages online course flexibility features online education advantages flexible learning schedule MOOC benefits remote learning perks home study convenience adaptability in education work-friendly courses childcare compatible learning individualized education experience scheduled vs unscheduled learning online courses MOOCs convenience traditional university flexibility remote learning homeschooling schedule freedom personal approach work flexibility childcare digital education virtual classrooms accessibility educational technology online degree lifelong learning self-paced learning global reach educational innovation online learning advantages MOOC benefits flexible education remote course benefits convenience of online studies home learning advantages asynchronous learning advantages e-learning benefits personalized learning workplace education childcare friendly education scheduled vs asynchronous learning online education MOOCs convenience flexibility remote learning home study schedule freedom personal learning work compatibility childcare flexibility university alternatives online learning benefits mooCs personalized education scheduling flexibility remote studying e-learning advantages home-based learning university alternatives flexible coursework education accessibility online education MOOC benefits home learning university flexibility remote study personalized learning online course advantages educational convenience distance learning academic flexibility e-learning advantages online learning advantages MOOC benefits flexibility in education remote course options convenience of study online degree flexibility home learning education technology asynchronous learning personalized education
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con03a	Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) democracy true democracy tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria French Revolution inequality United States government good governance House of Lords mob-rule public consensus industry experts democratic institutions monarchy liberal democracy democracy definition tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France revolution French Revolution US inequality government role House of Lords effective governance liberal democracy monarchy vs democracy inequality impact democracy flaws democracy definition tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria good governance House of Lords French Revolution inequality USA political science democracy liberty history mob rule democracy democracy limitations tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France revolution US inequality governance definition House of Lords political institutions public consensus majority rule mob rule better governance liberal democracy democracy end-point aspiration government majority industry experts public consensus bigger picture interest groups tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France monarchy mob-rule inequality America government function House of Lords political science inequality democracy assessment democracy definition tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria France revolution French Revolution mob rule inequality in USA government role better governance House of Lords importance democracy vs governance democratic institutions government democracy true democracy tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy good governance House of Lords mob-rule inequality political science balance of interests public consensus industry experts government structure democratic institutions historical examples political systems democratic theory democracy limitations tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria good governance House of Lords inequality in USA French Revolution mob-rule democracy criticism government balance intellectuals versus public opinion democracy end-point aspiration government majority knowledge industry experts public consensus bigger picture different interest groups tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France monarchy descent international democracy inequality United States governance House of Lords institution nature of government liberty mob-rule voting inequality good governance [1]Zakaria [2]Doyle [3]American Political Science Association task force Perspectives on Politics government effectiveness tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria democracy limitations public consensus mob rule French Revolution inequality in USA better governance House of Lords political science good governance liberal democracy
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 banning symbols discrimination religious symbols government policy society veil kirpan public safety sacred symbols free speech civil rights consequences contextual bans equality secularism plurality religious freedom ban religious symbols discrimination government policy societal impact religious freedom multiculturalism Quebec kirpan case Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil public safety symbolic value equal treatment rallying cries government interests consequences religious symbols banning symbols discrimination Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil free speech government policy social consequences cultural sensitivity religious freedom religious symbols banning symbols discrimination social consequences uproar public safety cultural sensitivity government policy symbolic importance religious freedom Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil search efficiency expand query religious symbols discrimination banning symbols government interests societal impact Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil sacred symbols public safety rally cries religious symbols banning symbols discrimination sikh kirpan muslim veil government decisions societal impacts equality issues public safety symbolic importance ban symbol equality discrimination religious symbols Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil government society cultural sensitivity consequences rallying cries sacred symbols public safety banning symbols equality discrimination Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil religious symbols government policy social consequences uproar sacred symbols public safety search optimization religious symbols banning symbols discrimination Sikh Kirpan muslim veil government policy social consequences uproar public safety cultural sensitivity banning religious symbols discrimination Muslim veil uproar consequences Sikh Kirpan public safety symbolic value
test-law-ilppppghb-pro04a	"Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", self-determination ethnic differences religious differences historical accidents decolonisation postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War boundaries artificial borders international community principle application Kashmir dispute partition British colonialism Indian independence Pakistani independence Falkland Islands dispute UK Argentina conflict UN Committee right to self-determination territorial disputes global examples historical perspectives legal perspectives geographical perspectives inhabited views UN principles self-determination historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial borders former Soviet Union Asia Africa artificial borders international community Kashmir dispute partition British India Pakistan Falkland Islands UK-Argentina dispute 1982 war UN Committee inhabitants rights territorial disputes self-determination principle global security Falkland Island Government self-determination ethnic differences religious differences historical accidents decolonisation postcolonial borders post-Cold War artificial borders territorial disputes international community Kashmir Falkland Islands UN Committee right to self-determination inhabited population's view geopolitical conflicts global politics international law historical perspectives geographical considerations self-determination ethnic differences religious differences historical accidents decolonisation processes postcolonial boundaries former Soviet Union Asia Africa international community artificial borders Kashmir dispute Falkland Islands dispute UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination intractable disputes historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries artificial borders international community principle application Kashmir partition British India Pakistan Falkland Islands UK Argentina Falkland Island Government UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries artificial borders international community Kashmir dispute Falkland Islands dispute UN right to self-determination ethnic groups religious groups historical accidents decolonisation processes territorial disputes inhabited territory rights global conflicts border disputes international law historical conflicts self-determination ethnic differences religious differences historical accidents decolonisation artificial borders postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War territorial disputes international community Kashmir Falkland Islands UN Committee inhabitants' rights principle application unresolved conflicts global examples geographical factors legal perspectives historical perspectives political solutions territorial integrity sovereignty claims self-determination historical accidents decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries artificial borders international community Kashmir dispute Falkland Islands dispute UN Committee right to self-determination territorial disputes geopolitical conflicts kinship historical geography law political science sovereignty claims self-determination ethnic conflicts decolonization territorial disputes international law historical accidents postcolonial states geopolitical boundaries kinship ethnic groups religious differences Kashmir dispute Falkland Islands UN right to self-determination geopolitical history self-determination ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries artificial borders historical accidents decolonisation territorial disputes Kashmir Falkland Islands UN Committee right to self-determination international community principle application future resolution competing views incompatible views inhabitant's rights historical accident decolonization processes ethnic group religious group postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War kinship self-governance territorial integrity international law geopolitical conflicts sovereignty issues global security political geography historical context legal perspectives conflict resolution territorial disputes resolution human rights"
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 EU military integration European military framework common security and defense policy EU institutional bodies European Union security strategy military envoys Europe EU battlegroups US views on EU CFPSP EU military integration European security and defense policy EU battlegroups EU military capacity EU political and security committee EU military staff EU common security and defense policy EU military envoys EU security strategy EU foreign policy EU military framework EU defense cooperation EU military capabilities EU security and defense EU military structure EU security policy EU defense policy EU military planning EU defense initiatives EU military operations EU security challenges EU defense budget EU military technology EU defense industry EU military training EU defense education EU security assistance EU military alliance EU defense strategy EU EU military integration European security strategy Common Security and Defense Policy European battlegroups EU military capacity EU military envoys EU defense policy EU security strategy EU military framework EU defense cooperation EU military institutions EU defense budget EU defense capabilities EU military readiness EU defense planning EU military operations EU defense structure EU defense reform EU military doctrine EU defense priorities EU defense capability development EU military training EU defense industry EU defense technology EU defense research EU defense education EU defense policy evolution EU defense policy implementation EU defense policy challenges EU military integration common military framework European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU battlegroups Common Security and Defense Policy military envoys EU security strategy international peace justice development EU unification military framework UK France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views Common Foreign and Security Policy EU military integration common military framework European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU security strategy military envoys Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups international peace justice development U.S. views on EU CFSP EU unification military framework pool European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Balkans Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups international peace justice development Schnabel article EU military framework common military capacity UK and France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views on EU CFSP EU military integration common military framework European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views on EU CFSP international peace justice development EU military integration common military framework European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views on the EU CFSP
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro01a	In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion authority belief public safety ethical considerations harm principle individual rights mass casualty national security emergency response human rights terrorism intelligence gathering coercion legality ethics moral dilemma civilian protection imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion ethical considerations public safety harm principle -terrorism response information gathering legal limits moral dilemma civilian rights imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion authority belief harm outweighed practical decision pain infliction life preservation information gathering ethical considerations legal implications human rights intelligence gathering terrorism prevention moral dilemma public safety imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion authority belief threat assessment pain infliction information gathering ethical considerations public safety legal implications harm minimization life-saving measures imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion public safety authority discretion ethical considerations harm minimization life-saving information imminent attack nuclear explosion forceful interrogation authority belief realistic threat information gathering harm outweighed individual pain saving lives tactical decision ethical considerations intelligence gathering national security moral dilemma legal implications public safety risk assessment emergency response coercive measures strategic decision-making civilian protection counter-terrorism ethical hacking cyber threats intelligence agencies law enforcement humanitarian concerns diplomatic relations international law human rights civil liberties surveillance technology privacy issues imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion authority belief information gathering ethical dilemma public safety life-saving措施 proportionality原则 imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion public safety ethical dilemma harm minimization authority discretion life-saving information imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion public safety ethical considerations authority discretion harm principle life-saving information imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear explosion authority belief harm outweighed practical necessity information gathering realistic threat downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv
test-science-eassgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing laws government policy animal abuse consistency laws cruelty prevention legal framework ethical considerations animal welfare laws scientific testing regulations animal cruelty laws government policies on animal testing legal protection for animals enforcement of animal rights animal experimentation laws moral implications of animal testing international animal welfare standards ethical considerations in animal research animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing laws against cruelty government policies ethical considerations enforcement of laws animal rights legislation effectiveness public opinion animal welfare laws scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing regulations government policies on animal abuse laws preventing animal cruelty consistent messaging in policy UK animal testing laws ethical treatment of animals regulation discrepancies in animal rights animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing laws government policies cruelty abuse regulations ethical considerations enforcement consistency legal framework animal welfare laws scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing regulations government stance on animal abuse consistency in animal rights legal discrepancies in animal testing prevention of cruelty to animals ethical considerations in animal testing laws protecting animals enforcement of animal welfare animal welfare scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing legality government policies animal cruelty laws uk animal testing regulations enforcement of animal rights ethical animal experimentation comparative animal protection laws public opinion on animal testing consistent message animal welfare laws prevent animal cruelty animal testing criminalize animal testing Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 government animal abuse policies legal loopholes in animal protection enforcement of animal rights optimize search results suggest meaningful expansion terms enhance query animal welfare laws prevent animal cruelty animal testing UK's Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 government stance on animal abuse legal discrepancies in animal rights ethical considerations in animal testing enforcement of animal protection laws animal welfare laws scientific procedures act animal testing regulations government policies on animal abuse legality of animal testing cruelty prevention laws
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con04a	The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations power dynamics colonialism economic dependency neocolonialism government influence policy control former colonies development independence [1] historical power structures reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic dependency colonial powers influence policy control independent nation development historical power structures neo-colonialism reparations former colonies dependency theory colonial powers economic development independence policy influence postcolonialism global economics historical injustice neo-colonialism payments reparations former colonies economic dependency influence policy areas government strength national development old power structure reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic dependency government influence policy control development independence historical power structures reparations power dynamics colonialism economic dependency influence policy control development neocolonialism former colonies recolonization reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic dependency government influence policy control development independence historical power structures reparations economic dependency neo-colonialism power dynamics former colonies development independence policy influence recipient country donor government old power structures reparations power dynamics colonialism economic dependency influence policy control neo-colonialism development former colonies dependency theory power structures reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic dependency government influence policy areas independence development old power structures
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro03a	Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes peasant farmers Bolivia eradication attempts economic benefits coca chewing production increase agriculture fisheries mining legalization cocaine coca leaves uses stimulant flavouring agent syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic fear stigma international law drug policy poppy cultivation taxation regulated market alternative development United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) legal coca cultivation economic benefits developing states social unrest Bolivia coca farming income source Andes peasant cultivators coca chewing economic growth stigma illegal use cocaine stimulant flavouring agent syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic international recognition legalization domestic products legal coca cultivation economic benefits developing states south america coca leaves poverty reduction Andes region farmer livelihoods coca eradication social unrest international law drug policy recreational use coca derivatives economic growth legalization stigma cocaine coca leaf uses global market stimulant flavouring agent anaesthetic agriculture fisheries mining syrups teas shampoo toothpaste Transnational Institute legalize coca cultivation economic benefits coca coca leaf benefits coca farming economics coca leaf uses coca economics debate coca cultivation impacts coca as medicine coca legal status coca trade benefits coca leaf industry coca leaf economy coca leaf production coca cultivation social impact coca leaf alternatives coca leaf products coca leaf market coca leaf legalization coca leaf medicinal uses coca leaf cultural significance Legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states Andes region social unrest coca leaf economics peasant cultivators coca as stimulant legalization stigma Anaesthesia distinction from cocaine coca products economic benefits coca cultivation economic benefits developing states South America Andes legal expansion income source social unrest global legalization product development economic growth coca leaf uses stimulant flavoring agent domestic products anaesthetic drug policy Legalize coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes peasant cultivators agricultural benefits stimulant flavoring agent syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic drug policy social unrest legalization potential legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves poverty alleviation Andes peasant farmers bolivian coca farm social unrest coca chewing economic benefits agriculture fisheries mining coca leaf uses stimulant flavouring agent syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic illicit drug stigma globally legalized coca Legalize coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes peasant cultivators agricultural benefits stimulant flavoring agent anaesthetic economic potentials stigma cocaine legalization global benefits legalize coca cultivation economic benefits developing states Andean region coca leaf uses agricultural benefits pharmaceutical potential social stigma income source coca farming coca economics coca legality coca consumption coca controversy
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission decision making process common EU foreign policy model for foreign and defense policy symbolism in EU unity solidarity harmony European Union High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President Commission decision making process common EU foreign policy cooperative model common ground international system symbols of EU unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy EU Commission Vice President decision making process common EU foreign policy model for foreign and defense policy member states cooperative model international system symbols of Europe European Union unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission decision making process common EU foreign policy nation state cooperative model common ground symbolism unity solidarity harmony international system EU's role in world politics stated goals of the EU High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President Commission decision making process common ground symbolic representation unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President Commission decision making process common ground common foreign and security policy stable international system symbols of Europe unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU post Vice President Council of Europe foreign policy symbolism cooperative model international system common foreign and security policy nation state decision making process European Union 12 stars unity solidarity harmony High Representative EU foreign policy Common European security policy Vice President of the Commission symbolism in the EU Unity in Europe Solidarity in Europe Harmony in Europe Nation state cooperation EU decision making process High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission HRVP Common foreign and security policy Decision making process Symbolism in EU 12 stars in a circle Unity solidarity harmony European Union policy High Representative EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission decision making process common EU foreign policy symbolism of EU 12 stars unity solidarity harmony political integration cooperative model nation state international system european union symbols
test-international-ipecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Economic stability investor confidence growth stimulation austerity measures Greek economy currency collapse hyperinflation trading efficiency Eurozone benefits default risks stability concerns long-term effects Eurozone Greece economic stability default hyperinflation austerity measures European trade currency collapse investment efficiency economic growth long-term benefits short-term costs [1] [2] Greece Eurozone default economic growth hyperinflation austerity measures European trade stability currency collapse investor confidence Open Europe The Guardian economic stability trade efficiency euro exit short-term costs long-term benefits Economic stability hyperinflation investor confidence trade efficiency austerity measures single currency advantages Greek economy Eurozone benefits default consequences long-term growth short-term costs Leaving Eurozone Greece long-run economic benefits default hyperinflation austerity measures Euro stability investor confidence Eurozone trade Open Europe Ray Barrell Economic stability Eurozone benefits Austerity measures Greek economy Hyperinflation risk Trade efficiency Currency collapse Investment attractiveness Long-term costs Short-term sacrifices Greece default risks Euroscepticism Greece Eurozone currency stability default hyperinflation austerity economic benefits international trade inflation risk management long-term vs short-term European Union Open Europe Ray Barrell Eurozone Greece economic stability hyperinflation austerity measures trade efficiency single currency investor confidence default long-term benefits short-term costs search optimization keywords suggest expansion terms enhance Greece Eurozone default economic growth stability investors currency collapse hyperinflation investments transactions trade austerity measures European union economic analysis impact policy consequences beneficial expansion terms Greece Eurozone defaulting hyperinflation austerity measures economic stability international trade euro collapse long-term benefits investor confidence Open Europe Ray Barrell
test-society-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural-urban migration economic growth decision making national policy urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment cultural divisions workforce migration investor attraction Sub-Saharan Africa China political economy food security urbanization resource allocation rural development rural-urban migration economic growth rural areas urban areas decision making resource allocation China urban privilege special economic zones income inequality rural development workforce migration investment strategies cultural divides sub-saharan africa urban food security urban-rural divide rural-urban migration economic growth rural areas urban areas decision making investing in rural areas urban privilege special economic zones cultural divisions workforce migration food security sub-saharan africa china economic development rural development urbanization impacts economic disparities resource allocation urban privilege rural migration special economic zones workforce distribution investment in rural areas urban-rural divide China's urban policy balanced workforce food security political economy social change restrictions rural areas unlimited rural-urban migration economic erosion cities economic growth available resources decision makers national level urban areas special economic zones infrastructure culture divisions urbanites rural areas backward investment rural workforce investing rural communities balanced workforce investors urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy social change china 21st century rural-urban migration economic growth cultural divide investment in rural areas urban privilege workforce migration infrastructure development urbanization impact decision making prioritization of urban areas resource allocation special economic zones cultural division workforce retention rural development city investment rural workforce food security sub-saharan africa urban modernization China's urban-rural divide rural-urban migration economic growth city development cultural divide investment in rural areas workforce migration China urbanization urban privilege special economic zones resource allocation political economy rural development urban-rural divide sub-saharan africa urban food security rural-urban migration economic growth city investment national policy rural development urban privilege special economic zones workforce retention cultural divisions resource allocation investor attraction sub-saharan africa urban food security China's urbanization rural-urban migration economic growth rural areas city development resource allocation investment urban privilege workforce infrastructure urbanization cultural divide development disparities China special economic zones sub-saharan africa food security political economy rural-urban migration economic growth rural areas urban areas investment prioritization special economic zones infrastructure cultural divide workforce urban privilege China sub-Saharan Africa food security urban food security political economy resource allocation economic zones workforce development investor attraction divided economy
test-society-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies equal rights female workforce productive sphere reproductive sphere male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action_taken Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere reproductive sphere equality work rights public space male breadwinner community lawyers domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network Declaration Conferences information sharing upholding conditions labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights power dynamics domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network community lawyers gender norms male breadwinner workplace equality female workforce domestic labor workplace rights labour force statistics employment rights feminism gender equality labour market workplace diversity gendered roles workplace discrimination labour law labour economics gender studies workplace activism gendered spaces labour market participation gender-based violence labour rights workplace inclusion gender inequality labour force trends Labour participation gender rights equal rights cultural ideologies productive sphere reproductive sphere male breadwinner community lawyers domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network Declaration conditions Conferences information action Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights power dynamics domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network community lawyers gender norms Declaration Conferences information sharing male breadwinner Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies equal work rights power dynamics productive sphere reproductive sphere female breadwinner domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network community lawyers Declaration upholding conditions changing conditions information sharing gender norms Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies equal work rights pUBLIC SPACE challenging gender norms domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network community lawyers Conferences information sharing upholding conditions Labour participation equality gender rights cultural norms productive sphere work rights pubic space male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights pubic space male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies productive sphere equal work rights personal space male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers Conferences information sharing action
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con04a	"Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. animal research alternative methods 3Rs doctrine genetic modification scientific ethics regulatory requirements research funding physiological studies pathologies computational models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic engineering scientific innovation welfare considerations animal research 3Rs doctrine alternatives to animal testing genetic modification computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies ethical considerations scientific necessity regulatory requirements scientific accuracy cost-effectiveness animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU research methods genetically modified animals human microdosing population studies computer models cell cultures scientific research methods alternatives to animal testing reducing animal use scientific ethics experimental design animal welfare biomedical research genetic research scientific regulations ethical research scientific funding experimental biology animal research alternatives 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU genetic modification animals non-animal research methods scientific experimentation refinement animal testing regulations cost-effectiveness animal research computer models in research cell cultures for research human microdosing population studies ethical considerations in animal research genetic research limitations financial incentives for non-animal research animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU scientific alternatives genetic modification research ethics cost-effectiveness relevance expansion phrases animal research alternative methods 3Rs doctrine quality regulation refinement replacement reduction ethics physiology pathologies computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetics genetically modified interaction cost accuracy incentive animal research non-animal research 3Rs doctrine ethical considerations scientific methods genetic research population studies computational models cell cultures genetic modification regulatory requirements cost-effectiveness animal research 3Rs doctrine alternative methods genetic modification scientific ethics regulatory compliance cost-effectiveness non-animal alternatives scientific innovation animal welfare animal research 3Rs doctrine alternative research methods genetic modification regulatory requirements scientific ethics cost-effectiveness physiological research pathologies computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies scientific licensing welfare considerations Animal research alternative methods 3Rs doctrine genetic modification cost-effectiveness scientific regulations ethical considerations research methods comparison population studies cell cultures computer models genetic modified animals scientific accuracy"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree value critical thinking academic rigor university exclusivity elite universities western education creativity free thinking educational reputation plagiarism government policies graduate skills Asian campuses university ranking degree value employer expectations western universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity education reputation creativity free thinking government policies graduate skills plagiarism Asian campuses higher education quality university rankings degree value critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking plagiarism government policy education quality Asian universities western education impact critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity reputation management creativity western universities degree value government policies educational standards plagiarism Asian campuses home institution university rankings degree value critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking government policies plagiarism education quality international universities Asian campuses critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity reputation creativity plagiarism education standards government policies university rankings graduate skills cultural impact degree value critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking government policies educational standards plagiarism Asian campuses western universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity degree value western universities creativity challenging ideas government policies education quality plagiarism Asian campuses search optimization degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity university reputation creativity free thinking educational quality government policies plagiarism international education Asian campuses western universities skill acquisition critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity reputation management plagiarism government policies creativity western universities degree value international education academic standards
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro05a	Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. attorney-client privilege situations necessity balancing exceptions pUBLIC INTEREST client confidentiality social safety vital information court decisions endangerment candid communication death impact legal ethics judicial discretion attorney-client privilege public interest necessity exception client confidentiality posthumous disclosure public safety judicial discretion legal ethics privileged communication criminal defense client rights balancing test ethical considerations legal professional privilege disclosure exceptions client candidness legal confidentiality privileged information client interest societal interest legal privilege disclosure rules legal ethics principles privilege limitations legal precedent judicial review client confidentiality exceptions attorney-client privilege situational exceptions public interest balancing interests legal ethics client confidentiality social justice counsel disclosure risk assessment legal communication moral obligations confidentiality limits ethical considerations attorney client privilege situations defendant's interests confidential information incriminate candid with lawyers mortality public interest safety vital information balancing exceptions jurisdiction courts decision-making attorney-client privilege situations defendant candid communication public interest balancing exceptions courts client's interests social safety vital information attorney client privilege situations defendant's interests confidential information preserving candor after death pUBLIC INTEREST EXCEPTIONS courts balancing interests social welfare legal confidentiality rigid privilege rules vital information disclosure client's rights safety risks attorney-client privilege situational limitations public interest client's death candid communication legal ethics safety risks confidentiality exceptions judicial discretion attorney-client privilege situations defendant's interests confidential information incriminate client's death publi attorney-client privilege situational limitations defendant interests confidential information client's death pubic interest exception rules social safety court balancing legal ethics attorney client privilege situations necessity public interest justice public safety exceptions candid communication confidential information client interests social impact legal ethics legal exceptions
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con01a	An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. ICC enforcement state capability voluntary appearances difficult defendants current system effectiveness ICC enforcement state parties capability defendant supply voluntary appearances current system effectiveness difficult cases capture ICC enforcement state parties responsibility voluntary appearances difficult defendants capture current system effectiveness international criminal court operations state cooperation defendant supply ICC operations state capability assessment ICC enforcement state parties capability voluntary appearances defendants supply system effectiveness capture difficulties ICC enforcement state parties capability voluntary appearances difficult to capture current system efficiency defendants supply ICC operations state cooperation international justice ICC enforcement state parties responsibility voluntary appearances difficult defendants capture current system effectiveness defendants supply ICC enforcement state parties defendants trials voluntary appearance current system effectiveness capturing defendants international criminal court state capability decision enforcement ICC enforcement state parties capability voluntary appearances difficult defendants current system effectiveness ICC enforcement state capabilities defendant supply voluntary appearances current system effectiveness difficult cases capture ICC enforcement state parties responsibility voluntary appearances effective international justice defendant cooperation limitations of ICC enforcement
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con01a	Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. nutrition omnivore canine digestion meat plants natural diet evolution hunting domestication ethics balance nutrition diet omnivore hunter gourmet culture ethics domestication ancestry health evolution vegan vegetarian meat vegetables hunting balance nature humans omnivores nutrition meat plants canine teeth digestive systems ancestors diet western countries self-indulgent nature balance hunting progress domestication farm animals descent wild slaughter cruelty ethics omnivore natural diet meat vegetables hunter gain weight balance health western countries human evolution domestication hunting survival instinct anatomical adaptation intuitive eating ethics nutrition omnivore canine digestion stomach meat vegetables natural balance western self-indulgence ancestors hunters domestication agriculture evolution nutrition choices omnivore diet meat benefits vegetarian concerns hunting history domestication impact animal rights balanced diet natural selection ethical meat nutrition omnivore human diet teeth digestion stomach balance natural meat plants ancestors civilization domestication agriculture nutrition plan omnivores sharp canine teeth digestive systems stomach adaptation natural diet western countries self-indulgence hunter wild animals domestication farm animals dietary balance natural balance hunting history brutal killing rights concept progress evolution nutrition omnivore canine digestion western countries self-indulgence natural balance meat vegetables domestication evolution hunting rights nutrition diet omnivore canine teeth digestive system stomach hunter gathering farming domestication mortality species
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con02a	"Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia democracy criticism elections fairness governance media basic freedoms journalists academic freedom University of St Petersburg interregional electoral chains of support Russia democracy controversy election criticism OSCE administrative resource abuse Russia media bias ruling party political competition limitation United Russia election results academic freedom restrictions Russia European University St Petersburg closure Interregional Electoral Chains of Support murdered journalists Russia basic freedoms denial strong leadership ethics democracy governance elections freedom journalism academic自由 媒体自由 选举公正 政治监督 民主批评 权力集中 记者安全 教育独立 国家领导 公民权利 Russia democracy critique election fairness debate media bias in Russia academic freedom restrictions government surveillance journalist safety concerns political repression civil liberties in Russia authoritarian leadership consequences Russia democracy criticism elections fairness administrative resources media coverage political competition parliamentary election United Russia European University at St Petersburg academic freedom journalists murder free press strong leadership freedoms Russia democracy controversy electoral fairness criticism political competition limitations academic freedom restrictions journalist murders basic freedoms denial strong leadership debate Russia democracy election fairness Council of Europe OSCE standards administrative resources abuse media bias political competition limitation United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg Interregional Electoral Chains of Support murdered journalists basic freedoms strong leadership criticism Russia democracy controversy election criticism Russia OSCE elections administrative resource abuse media bias governance political competition limitations United Russia election results academic freedom restrictions European University St Petersburg closure Interregional Electoral Chains of Support murdered journalists Russia basic freedoms denial strong leadership debate Russia democracy governance elections corruption media freedom academic journalism surveillance leadership rights Russian democracy criticism election fairness in Russia media bias Russia academic freedom Russia journalism safety Russia governance critique Russia political competition limitations basic freedoms denial Russia strong leadership ethics Russia"
test-education-udfakusma-pro02a	Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. universities funding publisaccess academicwork tuitionfees governmentspending europe unitedstates educationpolicy highereducation payertocollectivegood universities public funding academic materials tuition fees taxpayer Europe higher education spending access rights lecturers publications developed countries universities funding pubicly materials United States expensive tuition fees academic work europe government sources taxpayers access lecturers publishing higher education costs tuition expenses publicly funded open access academic work public funding university transparency tuition fees taxpayer rights higher education spending open access European university funding public access to research universities public funding academic materials transparency tuition fees accessibility government spending Europe United States funding sources public demand higher education policy taxpayer rights publicly funded universities academic work accessibility tuition fees funding taxpayer rights higher education spending European university funding university transparency academic materials open access academic work public funding university transparency tuition fees taxpayer rights higher education spending European university funding public access to research open educational resources government subsidies publicly funded universities academic openness tuition fees government spending European university funding taxpayer rights academic materials accessibility publicly-funded-universities academic-material-access university-funding-models tuition-fees taxpayer-rights higher-education-spending open-access-academic-work european-university-funding us-university-funding universities funding publicly funded academic materials tuition fees access to knowledge government spending Europe United States paywall copyright open access
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro01a	"Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . independence Quebec French culture language immigration Bill 101 Canadian federation sovereignty identity preservation Canadian politics Quebec nationalism Quebec independence cultural preservation language protection Bill 101 immigration restrictions Canadian federation Quebec sovereignty PQ strategy french-quebecois culture CBS News Canada Quebec independence cultural preservation language rights immigration control Bill 101 Canadian federalism French-Canadian identity sovereignty movement cultural dilution Quebec nationalism Canadian politics Quebec independence cultural preservation language rights immigration restrictions Bill 101 sovereignty movement Canadian federation Quebec identity cultural dilution federal courts independence Quebec language culture immigration Bill 101 Canadian federation French-Quebecois Canadian courts independence cultural preservation language rights Quebec separatism Bill 101 immigration control federal courts French-Canadian identity independence Quebec language preservation cultural protection immigration Bill 101 Canadian federation Quebecers French-Quebecois Canadian courts independence Quebec culture language immigration Canadian federation Bill 101 French-Quebecois federal courts sovereignty cultural preservation independence Quebec language protection cultural preservation Bill 101 immigration restrictions Quebec sovereignty Canadian federation French-Quebecois culture cultural dilution linguistic rights federal courts provincial autonomy independence Quebec culture language immigration Bill 101 Canadian federation French-Quebecois cultural protection"
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro01a	It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. confidentiality attorney_client_privilege legal_ethics criminal_defense justice_system lawyer_lies client_confessions legal_advice criminal_cases ethical_issues attorney client privilege confidentiality legal ethics legal deception justice system corruption abolish attorney-client privilege legal ethics debate lawyer lying client confession confidentiality judicial integrity ethical implications law attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics judicial system criminal defense confession legal strategy justice system legal transparency courtroom deception client confidentiality ethical dilemma lawyer lying legal ethics violations judicial fairness confidentiality attorney client privilege legal ethics judicial system criminal defense concealed confession justice fairness legal strategy ethical dilemma courtroom deception client rights legal reform attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics judicial system criminal defense confession legal strategy justice fairness ethical dilemma courtroom deception legal reform confidentiality attorney-client privilege justice system legal ethics confession disclosure judicial fairness criminal defense lawyer deception client rights legal strategy courtroom integrity attorney client privilege confidentiality legal ethics judicial system criminal defense justice system client confidentiality legal deception attorney-client communication confession suppression legal strategy ethical dilemma criminal justice privileged information lawyer deception Attorney-client privilege confidential communications judicial ethics legal strategy confidentiality in law justice system criminal defense legal deception client rights judicial integrity ethical dilemmas legal ethics attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics justice system criminal defense confidential communications lying client confession legal strategy judicial integrity abolishing privilege attorney-client privilege legal ethics judicial integrity confession suppression criminal defense confidentiality laws justice system fairness ethical dilemmas legal consequences client rights attorney misconduct criminal justice reform legal accountability truth in courts ethical obligations
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artistic control profit motive copyright system intellectual property artistic output originality creativity copyright protections artistic laziness economic incentives creative investment ownership rights copyright law artistic disincentive copyright enforcement creative freedom artistic risks copyright infringement creative market copyright evolution artistic freedom intellectual property rights copyright protection creative incentives originality artistic investment legal ownership economic disincentives cultural production innovation fair use derivative works creative economy artistic collaboration intellectual commons artistic integrity cultural entrepreneurship copyright artistic incentives ownership rights originality creativity intellectual property art market copyright protection artistic output innovation intellectual laziness artistic freedom copyright protection profit motivation originality creative investment intellectual property rights artistic disincentive ownership rights copyright enforcement innovation promotion artistic output encouragement legal safeguards creative incentives intellectual property law copyright infringement prevention artistic creativity stimulation copyright importance artistic control intellectual property value creative work protection copyright benefits artistic motivation copyright debates copyright advantages artistic output profit copyright ownership investment creativity originality incentive disincentive intellectual property marginal cases creative urges artistic control profit incentive copyright protection creative investment originality promotion intellectual property rights artistic disincentive ownership guarantee innovation stimulation copyright system artistic output legal protections creative freedom artistic risk intellectual property creativity incentives copyright infringement artistic integrity economic factors artistic rights copyright enforcement creative motivation artistic ownership intellectual property law artistic incentives copyright debates creative investment回报 艺术控制 利润激励 版权保护 创造性投资 原创性促进 知识产权权利 艺术动力减弱 所有权保证 创新刺激 版权系统 艺术产出 法律保护 创造性自由 copyright artistic incentives ownership rights originality intellectual property creativity profit motive investment in art protection disincentive artistic output innovation legal safeguards creative freedom duplication adaptation new ideas copyright artistic incentives profit motive ownership rights creativity originality intellectual property disincentive investment in art marginal cases installation art copyright protections artistic output creative endeavors intellectual laziness artistic freedom intellectual property rights copyright protection economic incentives originality creativity investment in art ownership rights disincentive to creation copyright system artistic output profit motive legal protections innovation in art copyright law artist rights creative investment copyright infringement artistic incentives copyright enforcement copyright debates copyright economics copyright ethics intellectual property copyright benefits artistic control profit motivation copyright system originality artistic incentives intellectual property rights creativity stimulation ownership rights artistic disincentives copyright protections artistic investment innovation encouragement copyright enforcement copyright evolution creative freedom copyright debates artistic productivity
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro01a	"Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" sexism advertising power dynamics feminism body image gender stereotypes media influence cultural norms equality discrimination media literacy consumer culture gender roles united nations cedaw objectification eating disorders beauty standards masculinity subservience violence against women gender objectification discrimination feminism media stereotypes body image advertising united nations cedaw equality violence sexualization men masculinity eating disorders beauty standards consumer culture gender歧视 广告物化女性 自我形象受损 联合国消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约 女性刻板印象 性别偏见 媒体美化身体 消费主义 食物失调 美容产品过度消费 男性刻板印象 sexist advertising objectification diminishing self-image CEDAW stereotypes gender prejudice subservience sexualization violence against women eating disorders beauty products ideal body image media portrayal masculinity stereotypes sexism advertising gender stereotypes objectification self-image CEDAW United Nations media representation eating disorders beauty standards masculinity gender inequality gender stereotypes objectification self-image sexism in advertising CEDAW UN Convention sexist marketing body image eating disorders beauty standards masculinity stereotypes sexist advertising objectification diminishing self-image CEDAW stereotypes power dynamics gender discrimination eating disorders masculinity media influence ideal beauty subservience sexualization violence against women unequal representation consumer culture gender stereotypes media literacy advertising ethics female empowerment gender roles visual messages verbal messages gendered ads implied messages advertising impact gender inequality advertising and health gender studies advertising and psychology advertising regulations advertising and gender gender and media advertising and society gender and advertising Sexist advertising harmful to society women objectification diminishing self-image CEDAW stereotypes power dynamics media representation eating disorders beauty standards masculinity stereotypes advertising impact female subordination gender discrimination advertising ethics media influence gender roles social norms visual messaging verbal messaging gender equality sexualization violence against women consumer behavior search optimization advertising analysis gender stereotypes objectification self-image CEDAW United Nations sexist ads media impact women rights discrimination media literacy advertising ethics gender equality eating disorders consumer behavior advertising psychology social media influence body positivity gender roles visual communication verbal messaging consumer culture feminist advertising advertising regulation gender studies media representation marketing strategy consumer awareness sexism advertising objectification self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes United Nations women's rights media representation eating disorders masculinity gender roles consumer behavior stereotypes body image violence against women ideal beauty media influence"
test-culture-mthbah-con02a	Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. advertising consumer choices product features marketing strategies economic decisions information dissemination consumer behavior competition value for money information awareness advertising benefits consumer decision making marketing impact product differentiation price competition information provision purchasing behavior economic influence brand awareness market trends advertising consumer choices marketing strategies product features price competition information provision purchasing decisions societal impact advertising role consumer choices product features price comparison decision making marketing strategies consumer behavior information provision shopping habits brand awareness advertising impact market competition consumer benefits search efficiency query expansion advertising role consumer choice modern society product features price competition decision making information provision advertising decision-making competitive advertising informative ads consumer choice product features pricing strategies marketing impact advertising effectiveness consumer awareness brand selection market influence ad relevance purchasing behavior advertising benefits advertising consumer_choice marketing_strategies product_features price_competition information_pro provision shopping_behavior economic_decisions Advertising effects consumer choice modern society product features marketing strategies price competition information provision spending decisions search optimization keyword expansion advertising benefits consumer decision-making product differentiation marketing strategies information provision consumer behavior economic decision-making advertising impact advertising benefits consumer choice product features price competition information provision purchasing decisions marketing effectiveness societal impact advert analysis economic influence
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro05a	Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. political prosecutions motivated by partisanship political opponents intimidation illegal actions well-functioning government powerful politicians immobilization justice political prosecutions motivation behind prosecutions political corruption partisan politics legal actions against politicians power dynamics in politics immobilizing political opponents law enforcement and politics justice in politics working together in politics political persecution politicization justice partisanship legal opposition corruption investigations influence accountability democracy ethics power law prosecution incentives political system cooperation legality motivation conflict governance political prosecution partisan politics legal accountability judicial motivation electoral strategy political corruption judicial activism legal ethics political influence legislative integrity prosecutions politicians partisan concerns legal decisions political opponents immobilize multipartisan system powerful politicians justice relevance expansion phrases prosecution politicians motivation partisan decisions illegal incentivize opponents politically justice functioning multipartisan cooperation power immobilize extreme cases prosecutions politicians partisan concerns legal decisions political opponents multipartisan system powerful politicians intimidation justice Prosecutions politicians partisan concerns decision multipartisan system justice powerful politicians immobilize opponents legal choices working together ends intentions efficacy keywords search improve increased incentivize motivated immobilize politically extreme cases political enemies actions past illegal difficult representatives work together ends well-functioning steeped above note not motivated conducive representatives partisan motives political prosecutions legal accountability power dynamics incentivizing opposition justice vs politics multipartisan governance legal incentives political tactics intimidation legality and politics Prosecutions politicians partisan concerns legal decisions powerful politicians immobilize opponents multipartisan system justice
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 culture religion Islamic culture Christian culture religious symbols religious books individuality cultural rights uniform dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion Islamic symbols religious freedom cultural rights secular laws religious books Christianity personal items individuality uniform dissent culture religion Islamic Christian symbolism personal items cultural practices religious books individuality uniformity cultural sensitivity religious freedom secular diversity accommodation rights tradition culture religion personal items Islamic culture Christian culture religious symbols individuality cultural practices religious books uniform dissent religious freedom secular matters culture religion personal items Muslim Christian Bible individuality uniform dissent cultural practices culture religion personal items religious book Islamic culture Christian culture symbolic garments individuality uniform dissent cultural rights culture religion Muslim cultural practices religious symbols individuality personal items The Bible uniform dissent The Guardian culture religion Muslim religious symbols individuality personal items The Bible Islamic ruling cultural methods secular intrusion Christianity religious books uniform dissent culture religion Islamic culture Christian religion religious symbols personal items cultural practices religious books The Bible religious individuality uniform dissent cultural rights religious freedom symbolic bans culture religion Muslim Christian religious symbols individuality cultural practices religious books The Bible Islamic rulings uniform dissent
test-society-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urbanmigration developingnations mythspropagation uninformeddecisions mediaeffectiveness educationgap forcedlabour begging prostitution hukou socialexclusion marketmechanisms unscrupulousorganizations desperation trafficking vulnerability lifechances foodproduction urbanrelations FAO UNInterAgencyProject HIV/AIDS developmentissues poverty informalsector slums inequality developmentstudies populationdynamics MigrationStudies EconomicGrowth RuralDevelopment SocioeconomicDisparities rural-urban migration developing nations poor uneducated people misconceptions media influence education gap unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou system market economy life chances urban-rural relations food production processing issues United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations misinformation urban myths media influence education deficits human trafficking forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou system market economy unscrupulous organizations life chances poverty uneducated migrants developing country challenges urbanization problems rural-urban migration poor people uneducated migrants city myths media influence educational gaps unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor social exclusion hukou system market economy life chances food production urban-rural relations trafficking exploitation prostitution development challenges rural-urban migration poor uneducated developing nations media education myths unscrupulous organizations forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou market female migrants vietnam asia cities misinformation trafficking powerlessness life chances rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated people misinformation media influence education gap urban myths unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor begging prostitution life chances hukou system social exclusion market dynamics rural-urban migration developing nations misconceptions uneducated people urban exploitation forced labor trafficking social exclusion hukou system media influence education deficiency unscrupulous organizations urban poverty urbanization challenges rural development migration patterns human rights urban slums economic disparity rural-urban migration poor people uneducated migration myths propagation media impact education shortfall unscrupulous organizations hukou system social exclusion forced labor begging prostitution trapped migrants developing nations urbanization challenges FAO report UNIAP project rural-urban migration developing nations poverty education misinformation urban myths hukou system social exclusion market economy forced labor human trafficking unscrupulous organizations urbanization challenges food production urban-rural relations UNIAP FAO rural-urban migration developing nations misinformation hukou system social exclusion urban exploitation forced labor human trafficking unscrupulous organizations media influence education gap life chances urban myths market dynamics food production urban processing rural development migration policies
test-international-ipecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greece euro crisis austerity measures default banking sector ECB devaluation inflation unemployment savings imports Drachma collapse crisis management population impact political economy economic sanctions foreign debt European Union market stability capital flight financial aid national bankruptcy credit crunch international relations Eurozone policy analysis geopolitics economic sanctions government failure poverty alleviation trade disruptions interest rates monetary policy credit rating market confidence public finance financial stability debt sustainability macroeconomics global economics Greece economy austerity measures Greek banking collapse Greek debt ECB liquidity Greek currency devaluation inflation unemployment Greece crisis savings loss Greek imports food shortages poor impact Greece exit euro Greece default consequences Greece political instability Greece social impact Greece fiscal policy Greece euro exit default austerity savings debt crisis banking collapse inflation unemployment population impact credit shortage Greek economy Greek government fiscal policy eurozone(EXIT) Drachma recession population hardship bankruptcy economic instability Central Bank of Greece European Central Bank( ECB) imports export controls trade disruption poverty public services Greek politics international relations Eurozone stability European Union(EU) integration Greek demographics economic forecast government failure Greek society economic crisis management financial crisis monetary policy market turmoil Greece default consequences economic collapse Greek banking system Austerity measures savings loss inflation rise unemployment increase basic needs poor impact euro exit credit shortage Greek debt Drachma devaluation imports cost food supply disruption European Central Bank liquidity Greece euro crisis austerity measures default banking collapse devaluation inflation unemployment poverty collapse ECB imports credit shortages default Greece euro exit consequences Greek banking collapse debt implications ECB liquidity inflation surge drachma devaluation unemployment rise basic needs failure economic crisis impacts austerity measures discussion default austerity crisis Greece economic collapse banking sector ECB liquidity inflation unemployment devaluation Drachma imports living costs supply chain poverty government failure default Greece economic crisis Greece austerity measures banking collapse devaluation currency inflation rise unemployment increase basic needs debt crisis euro exit ECB liquidity drachma depreciation imported goods supply disruption poverty impact default Greece austerity measures Greek banking sector collapse Greek debt ECB liquidity Living costs inflation unemployment drachma devaluation imports savings credit shortages basic needs population impact Greek crisis solutions euro exit open economy analysis Greek debt crisis economic consequences Greek financial system EU impact Greek economy prognosis Greek government failure Greek citizen welfare Greek fiscal policy Greek political economy Greek economic crisis analysis Greek financial stability Greek economic recovery Greek debt sustainability Greek economic growth Greek fiscal constraints Greek economic resilience Greek economic indicators Greek economic forecast default consequences Greece crisis austerity measures euro exit banking collapse devaluation inflation unemployment poor savings credit shortage government failure imported goods ECB reliance shortages negative impact
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con04a	The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, public opinion reform House of Lords economic climate coalition government political climate British politics Alternative Vote popular opinion changing politics UK governance legislative reform political apathy public opinion reform political reform House of Lords economic climate coalition government popular opinion alternative vote chamber reform parliamentary reform democratic reform public opinion reform political reform House of Lords economic climate coalition government popular opinion Alternative Vote House of Commons apathy political change Labour Party BBC News parliament reform voting systems elections public apathy reform of House of Lords economic climate priorities coalition government House of Lords reform attempts House of Commons reservations Alternative Vote British public opinion political reform parliamentary reform voter sentiment political climate democratic reforms legislative changes government initiatives public engagement political apathy voting systems constitutional reform political priorities public apathy reform efficiency economic climate political coalition House of Lords House of Commons Alternative Vote popular opinion change initiative policy delay political reservations voter turnout election outcome public apathy reform of House of Lords coalition government economic climate House of Commons Alternative Vote British opinion political reforms parliamentary reform public opinion on reform legislative changes government priorities democratic processes voter attitudes political systems constitutional changes political climate public opinion reform House of Lords coalition government economic climate popular opinion Alternative Vote Labor's attempts political apathy chamber reform public apathy reform House of Lords economic climate popular opinion coalition government past reform attempts House of Commons reservations Alternative Vote BBC News The Guardian Labor Party reform efforts public apathy reform of House of Lords economic climate popular opinion coalition government House of Lords reform BBC News Alternative Vote Labor's attempts to reform House of Lords public opinion reform of House of Lords economic climate coalition government popular opinion Alternative Vote House of Lords reform political climate initiate reforms drive through measures House of Commons reservations on change public apathy change initiatives BBC News Labor Party The Guardian UK election
test-law-ilppppghb-pro03a	"Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited self-determination international law minority rights United Nations International Court of Justice Western Sahara right to decide futures leadership culture independence territory will governance UN studies constitutional arrangements self-determination international law minority rights United Nations Western Sahara International Court of Justice cultural rights constitutional arrangements political autonomy factors of self-determination United Nations studies self-determination international law minority rights United Nations Western Sahara self-governance cultural identity territorial integrity liberal democracy sovereignty autonomy human rights legal principles self-determination right to self-determination international law United Nations minority rights International Court of Justice factors of a people criteria for self-determination Western Sahara Case Critescu and GrosEspiell self-determination international law United Nations minority rights cultural identity territorial integrity Political autonomy national independence international court justice self-determination international law minority rights liberal democracy United Nations constitutional arrangements political autonomy cultural identity territorial integrity self-determination international law minority rights United Nations cultural rights political autonomy factors for self-determination Western Sahara Case UN studies on self-determination self-determination right international law minority rights United Nations culture territory independence will to govern constitutional arrangements factors for self-determination Western Sahara Case International Court of Justice self-determination international law minority rights United Nations Western Sahara International Court of Justice cultural identity territorial integrity liberal democracy UN studies political autonomy self-determination rights international law minority rights United Nations culture independence territory International Court of Justice Western Sahara UN studies"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro02a	Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. cultural grounds coca chewing Andes peoples religious traditions pachamama international ban union of south american nations indigenous rights cocaine coca production evo morales martin jelsma cultural justification coca leaf chewing Andean tradition religious practices pachamama cocaine ban indigenous rights international law UNASUR declaration cultural grounds Andean peoples coca leaves religious traditions Pachamama UNASUR ancestral expression indigenous rights cocaine international ban drug policies cultural justification coca production Andean culture coca leaf chewing religious traditions pachamama ancestral practices international bans indigenous rights cocaine distinction South American nations UNASUR declarations cultural grounds Andean peoples coca production religious traditions ancestral rights international ban pharmaceutical history indigenous communities Pachamama UNASUR declarations cultural justification coca leaf chewing Andean tradition religious practice indigenous rights cocaine distinction pachamama south american nations cultural expression international ban Cultural grounds Andean peoples coca leaf chewing religious traditions Pachamama UNASUR indigenous rights international bans drug policies cultural expression Cultural grounds Andes social relationship coffee international ban prevalence coca leaves 3000 BC religious traditions Pachamama UNASUR indigenous rights coca culture Andean people ancestral expression moral level cocaine Transnational Institute Evo Morales cultural grounds Andean peoples coca chewing Pachamama UNASUR ancestral traditions indigenous rights moral level cocaine transnational institute Evo Morales Cultural grounds Andes peoples social relationship coffee comparison pre-Inca history Pachamama religious traditions UNASUR declarations indigenous rights moral acceptance coca leaf chewing cocaine distinction international bans
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con01a	Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations time victims opportunity precedent wealth independence economic_depression justice history countries colonization time opportunity reparations victims delayed precedent descendants economic_depression payment criteria reparations history colonization impact victim identification economic development time effects precedent setting descendants rights economic depression property restoration war reparations reparations ethics time impact victim identification financial compensation cultural heritage delayed justice precedent setting wealth inequality historical accountability economic depression reparations historical injustices victim identification time limitations economic development compensation ethics intergenerational justice postcolonial reparations legal precedents time opportunity reparations victims precedent economic_depression descendants wealth justice difficulty time opportunity reparations victims wrongdoing history countries development descendants wealth economic depression payments judgment precedent time opportunity reparations victims development countries precedent descendants wealth economic depression payment judgment reparations historical injustice colonialism victim identification economic impact moral obligation legal precedents delayed justice intergenerational wealth economic development compensation methods reparations history colonization effects victim identification time decay economic impact precedent setting descendants rights financial compensation morality debates
test-science-eassgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal testing ethical concerns alternative methods animal rights laboratory animals scientific research welfare issues ban experiments humane alternatives regulatory standards animal experimentation ethics alternatives to animal testing animal rights consequences of animal research banning animal research animal welfare in science medical testing on animals ethical considerations in animal research animal research alternatives preventing animal suffering animal testing ethical concerns alternative methods scientific research welfare issues banning experiments wildlife release pet adoption experimental procedures statistical impact humane alternatives animal research ethics alternative research methods animal rights scientific testing alternatives welfare of laboratory animals banning animal experiments harm reduction in research humane animal research animal welfare laws ethical treatment of lab animals animal research harm ethical concerns alternatives ban welfare suffering experimentation ethics statistics alternatives research animal rights animal research ethics alternatives to animal testing animal welfare in research banning animal testing consequences of animal experimentation humane research methods reduce animal suffering animal rights in science ethical considerations in biomedical research sustainable research practices animal research ethical concerns alternatives experimentation welfare banning scientific advancements alternatives testing humane methods animal rights statistics consequences ethical implications wildlife release pet suitability scientific ethics animal research ethics animal rights alternatives to animal testing humane research methods banning animal experiments welfare concerns scientific progress versus animal suffering release of lab animals pet suitability for research animals animal experimentation regulations ethical considerations in medical research animal welfare ethical concerns alternatives to animal testing ban animal research reduce animal suffering compassionate research practices scientific methodology humane experimentation animal rights ethical dilemmas bioethics animal testing controversies animal ethics vivisection debates animal liberation cruelty-free products non-animal testing methods humane alternatives animal testing regulations ethical standards in research animal welfare legislation compassionate science harm reduction in research animal ethics principles banning animal research improving animal research ethical treatment of animals animal testing impact animal research benefits animal rights activism compassionate alternatives ethical research practices animal welfare ethical concerns alternatives to animal testing banning animal research animal rights humane treatment scientific controversies conservation issues animal experimentation ethics animal testing alternatives
test-international-appghblsba-con02a	A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, decentralization better governance Lesotho South Africa population size local government democracy voting power secession movements accountability abaThembu kingdom decentralization local governance Basotho nation South Africa politics secession movements democracy in Lesotho accountability issues European secession African governance regional autonomy decentralization local governance Lesotho South Africa democracy representation secession accountability population size government effectiveness voter influence regional autonomy political solutions African governance democratic deficits minority rights comparative government decentralized governance local authority benefits Basotho representation South Africa vs Lesotho secession movements democratic accountability regional autonomy comparative governance models minority rights political decentralization voting significance governance proximity state integration challenges local governance decentralized authority Lesotho South Africa representation democracy accountability secession voting power governance efficiency Southern Africa political representation decentralized government local authority Lesotho South Africa Basotho accountability democracy secession movements representation vote importance decentralized governance Lesotho South Africa local authority representation population size accountability secession movements democracy political representation voting power government responsiveness Southern Africa decentralized authority Lesotho South Africa population size effectiveness government response representation democracy secession movements accountability voting power local governance Europe abaThembu king Dalindyebo local governance decentralized authority Lesotho South Africa population size democratic representation secession movements accountability political representation voting power governance structure African politics regional governance comparative governance local governance benefits of decentralization democracy in Lesotho voice in governance population size impact vote importance secession movements South Africa integration accountability issues Lesotho's leadership in democracy king Dalindyebo independence movement
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. copyright protection creative output financial support creative commons material wants talented individuals struggling artists successful artists copyright protection pay for art family support talent revenue creative commons material wants artistic output copyright protection financial support creative output creative commons material wants talented individuals appreciation struggling artists successful artists copyright protection relevant expansion phrases financial support creative output legal recognition talent material wants creative commons secure copyright appreciation copyright protection financial support creative output creative commons policy impact family support material wants artistic copyright struggling artists successful artists copyright protection relevant expansion phrases financial support families creative commons talent material wants robust system copyright protection creative output financial support creative commons material wants talent recognition family support economic burden copyright protection financial support creative commons material wants talented individuals family support struggling artists successful artists copyright protection creative commons artists income intellectual property fair compensation copyright law creative output financial support family needs economic burden artistic revenue material wants talented individuals appreciation alone copyright policy copyright protection financial support creative commons material wants policy impact artist rights family support revenue generation creative output
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro01a	Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarianism Rwanda Kagame visionary leader silencing critics media restrictions free speech government officials exile police state democracy opposition unconditional dialogue inclusive dialogue media freedom loyal opposition future stability country development patriotism Authoritarianism Rwanda Kagame media censorship free speech political opponents opposition parties government transparency national dialogue inclusive governance patriotism democracy development civil liberties press freedom intelligence chief murder exile silencing critics one-party system secretive government elections loyal opposition transparency pluralism dissent rule of law Authoritarianism Rwanda Kagame censorship democracy opposition political repression media speech freedom patriotism inclusive dialogue intelligence exile conflict prevention Authoritarian leadership Rwanda Kagame critical opposition media restrictions democracy opposition views free speech national dialogue patriotism loyal opposition inclusive governance government transparency intelligence chief assassination dictatorship one-party state secretive state media censorship counter arguments regime change dictatorial rule political repression elections rural governance rule of law political freedom political pluralism political participation good governance civil liberties transparency international scrutiny opposition parties anti-government sentiment civil society peaceful transition dictator Authoritarian leadership Rwanda President Kagame visionary leader censored media opposition silence government dialogue inclusive democracy free speech political opposition exile surveillance state democratic progress patriotic opposition loyal opposition national unity authoritarianism Rwanda Kagame political repression democracy opposition media censorship free speech national dialogue inclusive governance patriotism loyal opposition government stability authoritarian leadership Kagame Rwanda critics silenced media free speech government dialogue inclusive democracy freedom of speech loyal opposition patriotism civil rights opposition rights political repression political freedom election control democracy progress intelligence chief assassination Rwandan exile Authoritarian leadership Rwanda Kagame censorship democracy opposition media speech facade government dialogue inclusive patriotism free speech exile security conflict terms progress police state unconditional national dialogue loyal opposition election control views opposition leaders intelligencechief security forces public opinion stable future Authoritarian leadership Rwanda Kagame censorship democracy media speech opposition exile political repression national dialogue loyal opposition government stability media freedom free speech political prisoners patriotism Rwandan opposition authoritarianism Rwanda President Kigame censorship democracy opposition media speech dialogue inclusion free press patriotism conflict prevention
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro01a	"Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 radical changes Catholic Church Church of England women bishops contraception banned gay priests schism tension denominations doctrines teachings stability set apart fears global Anglican schism priests history radical changes Catholic Church stability Church doctrines teachings Church of England women bishops controversy schism contraception ban gay priests tension denominations faiths global Anglican schism radical changes Catholic Church Church of England women bishops gay priests schism contraception ban doctrines teachings tension stability denominations faiths massive controversy schismatic risk radical changes Catholic Church stability Church doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops controversy Catholic Church contraception ban gay priests schism global Anglican schism potted history radical changes Catholic Church doctrinal stability tension within Church women bishops contraception ban religious schism Anglican Church gay priests radical changes Catholic Church Church doctrines teachings controversy Church of England women bishops gay priests schism ban contraception stability risks radical changes Catholic Church doctrines tension women bishops contraception Church of England Anglican church schism stability faith traditions religious divisions doctrinal disputes radical changes Catholic Church stability Church doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops schism contraception ban gay priests radical changes Catholic Church Church of England women bishops schism contraception gay priests denominations religious stability tension doctrines teachings ban denomination differences Church stability global Anglican schism radical changes Church stability Catholic Church doctrines tension Anglican Church contraception schism religious denominations faiths bishops gay priests"
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con01a	Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) animals rights morality speciesism brain development social groups communication consciousness experimentation ethical considerations moral standing Frey R. G. animals rights morality human brains social communication desires preferences interests awareness experimentation speciesism moral standing ethical considerations moral harm moral good animals rights morality speciesism brain development social groups communication existence mortality moral consideration experimentation ethical treatment inequality harm benefits ethical justification Frey moral standing ethics moral consideration human rights animals rights social groups complex beings moral worth speciesism interconnected desires rights truncation benefit to humans moral harm moral good [1] Frey animals rights moral consideration human rights complex beings social groups communication awareness experimentation speciesism ethical justification moral harm moral good Frey ethics animals rights moral worth human rights complex beings brains social groups communication desires preferences interests moral consideration inequality experimentation benefits harm speciesism ethical considerations moral standing Frey ethics moral consideration speciesism rights brain development social groups communication existence mortality experimentation ethical treatment inequality benefits harm justification moral worth speciesism complex beings brain development social groups communication desires preferences interests awareness mortality moral consideration animal rights experimentation ethical justification harm benefits moral standing Frey animals rights moral consideration complexity brain development social groups communication existence morality speciesism experimentation ethics Frey animals rights morality humans complex brains social communication existence mortality moral consideration experimentation speciesism ethical treatment benefits harm Frey
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con01a	Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Chinese market Growth rate Business strategy Baidu Market share Gmail Android Incident impact Search market value Chinese market Growth rate Business opportunity Market share Loss Baidu Mobile platform Gmail Android 2010 incident Search market value search market China Google Baidu market share loss advertising revenue Internet censorship localization strategy government regulations technology partnership online advertising growth Asian economy Baidu analytics search market China market share loss business opportunity Google Baidu competition mobile platform strategy market growth analysis search market China Google Baidu market share business opportunity mobile platform Android economic growth internet regulation technological competition search market analysis China digital economy Baidu competition Google market strategy technology business growth Chinese internet users emerging market opportunities online advertising expansion global tech giants China mobile platform development search engine market share search market China growth rate market share business opportunity Baidu Gmail Android economic analysis technology market internet industry competition globalization digital economy search market China business opportunity market share growth rate Baidu Gmail Android 2010 incident Reuters market analysis search market China growth rate market share business opportunity Google Baidu mobile platform Android Gmail 2010 incident Reuters economic analysis search market China 2010 incident market share business opportunity Google Baidu Gmail Android growth forecast competition advertising revenue localization strategy regulatory environment user base technological advancement
test-international-bldimehbn-pro01a	Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, broadcasting standards journalistic ethics censorship cultural sensitivity news reporting media regulation offensive content public reaction editorial discretion market considerations journalism studies ethical journalism harm minimization cultural relativism news impact media influence press freedom journalistic judgment news value media criticism broadcasting standards journalistic ethics censorship market considerations editorial discretion offensive content graphic images personal details minor protection news outlet practices cultural sensitivity free speech Arab media Western media harm minimization journalist ethics study broadcasters journalists judgement expletives graphic images offence distress minors legal protection news ethics free speech market considerations diversity sensibilities harm minimization cultural differences Arab world homosexuality Western journalism editorial policies reporting standards ethics studies media bias broadcasters torture torment offence journalists editors judgment acceptability expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors law truth self-censorship discretion free speech market readership harm ethics Arab world homosexuality cultural sensibilities autonomy transparency harm journalism perceptions broadcasters torture torment journalists judgement expletives graphic images violence sex distress minors reporting harm free speech readership ethics Arab world homosexuality cultural sensibilities harm avoidance news outlets broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement acceptability expletives graphic violence sex personal distress minors law truth self-censorship discretion professionalism news outlets market readership harm ethics study cultural sensitivities Arab homosexuality Western journalism autonomy transparency perceptions manifestations broadcasters torture journalists judgement expletives graphic images violence sex distress minors free speech market harm ethics reporting arab world homosexuality cultural sensibilities news outlets editorial policy autonomy transparency harm perceptions news journalists Western journalists Arab world liberal newspapers broadcasters torture torment journalists judgement expletives graphic images violence sex distress minors free speech self-censorship market harm reporting cultural sensibilities Arab world Western journalists homosexuality American intelligentsia broadcasters journalism ethics self-censorship graphic content offense news outlets market considerations cultural sensitivity editorial policies harm minimization journalistic judgment media bias homosexuality Arab culture free speech media studies journalistic standards journalism censorship ethical journalism media ethics self-censorship news reporting harm minimization journalistic discretion market considerations cultural sensitivity press standards editorial policies offensive content graphic images news dissemination reader reception cultural differences media influence
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro02a	Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorism Al-Qaeda government response torture civil liberties human rights counterterrorism political violence state actions security measures Terrorism Al-Qaeda government response torture civil liberties international law counterterrorism human rights security measures state violence Terrorism Al-Qaeda government responses extreme measures torture civil liberties counterterrorism international law human rights security policies military tactics political violence intelligence gathering detainee treatment ethical considerations counterinsurgency legal frameworks terror organizations al qaida government response torture debate civil liberties protection of innocents counter-terrorism tactics ethical considerations human rights violations extreme measures policy analysis international law security vs freedom government authority moral philosophy political ideology Terrorist organisations Al Qaida human rights legal due process government roles protection of citizens torture extreme measures fear tactics random death societal safety terror organizations al qaida government torture protection of citizens fear tactics innocent civilians legal due process extreme measures counterterrorism human rights political torture intelligence gathering interrogation techniques international law civil liberties security vs freedom ethics of torture state terrorism terrorist organizations al qaida human rights government response torture extreme measures counter-terrorism protection of civilians legal due process ethical considerations terrorist organizations al qaida human rights government actions torture protection innocent civilians legal due process extreme measures fear tactics counterterrorism strategies moral implications state violence international law terrorist organizations al qaida human rights government counterterrorism torture debate fear tactics innocent civilians legal due process state security measures Terrorist organizations Al Qaida government responses torture debate legal due process civil liberties counter-terrorism strategies human rights violations state security measures international law moral considerations
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance health care poor access loans credit financial inclusion health education Ghana non-financial services poverty prevention financial institutions health accessibility economic inclusion microcredit health outcomes financial assistance health financing social protection economic empowerment health literacy financial health healthcare affordability financial exclusion economic vulnerability health inequality financial inclusion policies microfinance health care poor financial inclusion health education non-financial services healthcare systems poverty prevention Ofori-Adjei Ghana loan accessibility credit facilities microfinance healthcare poverty loans credit services health education Ghana integration protection financial inclusion illness household inaccessibility poor income non-financial services Ofori-Adjei microfinance health care poor's financial inclusion healthcare accessibility financial services for poor health education through microfinance poverty prevention through microfinance microfinance and healthcare systems integration of microfinance in healthcare Ghanaian microfinance models microcredit for health non-financial services in microfinance benefits of microfinance for poor microfinance health care poor access loans credit financial services health education integration poverty protection Ghana Ofori-Adjei healthcare systems microfinance health care protection poor loans credit financial services non-financial services health education income irregularities healthcare systems accessibility poverty prevention Ofori-Adjei Ghana microfinance health care poor access to loans credit facilities health services financial inclusion healthcare systems Ghana non-financial services health education poverty prevention economic empowerment microfinance health care poor access loans credit healthcare systems Ghana financial services non-financial services health education poverty protection financial inclusion irregular incomes economic empowerment health outcomes economic accessibility social protection financial health health financing microfinance health care poor access loans credit financial services health education non-financial services economic inclusion poverty alleviation healthcare systems integration Ghana Ofori-Adjei financial inclusion health outcomes irregular income protection against poverty household finances healthcare accessibility microfinance health care poor households financial inclusion healthcare systems non-financial services economic protection health education poverty alleviation Ghana Ofori-Adjei financial assistance
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con03a	The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. status quo Russia dictatorship strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev power struggle Kremlin elite circles political analysis internal policy external policy clans decision making Russia political structure Putin Medvedev relationship Kremlin power dynamics Russian oligarchs decision-making process in Russia Russian government elite status quo in Russia influence of Putin Russian political analysts Russian governance model Russia power dynamics dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin clan system Kremlin influence decision making elite network wealth external policy internal policy elections 2008 elite management interlocking clans ruling class status quo intellectual analysis political analyst Yevgeny Volk status quo russia powerful figures dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin influence analysts Kremlin clans elite internal policy external policy decision making ruling elite interlocking networks competition wealth accumulation public figures decision makers political analysts Moscow status quo powerful influential people dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev pawn Putin Russian politics 2008 elections Kremlin interlocking clans ruling elite decision making power Putin's inner circle Russia's best interest Russian politics Putin Medvedev dictatorship Kremlin political analysts influential people internal policy external policy ruling elite power structures status quo status quo Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin pawn Kremlin influence powerful clans ruling elite internal policy external policy decision making elite interests status quo Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin pawn Kremlin external policy internal policy ruling elite clans decision making power elite clique influence power structure Russian politics search results keyword expansion Russia politics Putin Medvedev political analysts Kremlin power structure decision-making internal policy external policy influential figures elite clans status quo democracy dictatorship governance political analysis Russian leadership political influence oligarchs Putin's influence political system political commentary political analysts Moscow political power dynamics Russian elite political reform authoritarianism political transition Russian government political stability political corruption dictatorship Putin Medvedev Kremlin Russian politics oligarchy power structure internal policy external policy political analyst status quo
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro02a	It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. evidence legal system attorney-client privilege justice empirical evidence beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities criminal cases civil matters document disclosure judicial transparency evidence-based legal system burden of proof jus law attorney-client privilege revelation of documents empirical evidence justices domain beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities evidence legal system justice attorney-client privilege criminal cases civil matters empirical evidence just result document disclosure beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal system evidence beyond reasonable doubt burden of proof attorney-client privilege jurisprudence civil matters criminal cases empirical evidence justices domain evidence legal system justice attorney-client privilege empirical evidence criminal cases civil matters burden of proof reasonable doubt just result evidence-based justice attorney-client privilege empirical evidence just result legal system transparency beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities document accessibility judicial independence evidence disclosure legal reform criminal case standards civil case standards empirical data in law justice system integrity evidence beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal system attorney-client privilege empirical evidence justice courtroom proceedings document access legal ethics evidence-based justice attorney-client privilege empirical evidence legal system transparency beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities judicial access document retention just law criminal cases civil matters evidentiary burden evidence-based justice beyond reasonable doubt civil law criminal cases attorney-client privilege empirical evidence judge's role legal transparency due process evidence-based legal system attorney-client privilege empirical evidence judicial access legal justice beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities document disclosure legal transparency
test-education-udfakusma-pro01a	Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, open educational resources universal education accessibility in education academic resources global education inequality economic impact education digital learning platforms free online courses democratizing knowledge education technology lifelong learning remote education educational policy socio-economic barriers educational equity global education disparities online higher education education funding academic inclusivity educational opportunity higher education access open educational resources global education inequality academic resources availability universal education free online courses digital education gap economic growth through education educational opportunities worldwide education expansion open educational resources global education accessible education educational equity university access economic growth through education digital learning resources lifelong learning free online courses distance education educational technology inclusive education higher education affordability academic resources global education gap higher education access open educational resources global education academic resources universal education economic growth through education educational inequality free online courses open university digital learning platforms lifelong learning accessibility in education equitable education online education platforms education for all global education initiatives open access remote education technology in education education policy educational opportunity international education educational disparities digital divide education financing academic inclusivity global education gap education access resources universities affordability academic global economic development opportunities open educational resources OER inequality knowledge sharing digital divide recommending relevant expansion phrases elevate search performance open education higher education access global education disparities affordable education academic resources open educational resources economic growth through education universal education rights education higher education open education educational resources global education access to education open educational resources economic growth academic work educational opportunities universal education educational institutions economic inequality education disparities digital learning online education e-learning free education academic accessibility educational funding academic inclusivity global education policy educational technology knowledge sharing educational development education equality universities accessibility resources globalization opportunity costs academic development economic growth open higher principle open educational resources universal access academic resources economic growth global education educational inequality higher education affordability online learning digital divide lifelong learning educational technology UNESCO open access educational opportunities global education policy knowledge sharing educational equity education equity open educational resources global education access to higher education economic growth through education academic resources educational inequality online education free university courses digital learning platforms universal education lifelong learning global education policies
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro02a	"Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . self-determination Quebec constitutional rights governance Meech Lake Accord Canadian Constitution sovereignty representation independence special status federalism Quebec self-determination Canadian government patriation Meech Lake Accord Constitutional legitimacy special status distant society rejection international law secession representation rights legitimacy dispute self-determination Quebec Canadian government Meech Lake Accord constitutional recognition political representation special status sovereignty systemic denial backroom deal historical context self-determination Quebec independence Meech Lake Accord constitutional rights systematic denial political representation sovereignty Canadian federation backroom deals special status Quebec self-determination Canadian government Constitution patriation Meech Lake Accord special status representation legitimacy independence distant society self-determination Quebec independence constitutional rights Meech Lake Accord political representation special status systemic denial Canadian federation sovereignty backroom deal Quebec self-determination Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord special status distant society representation right to govern independence.systematically denied Quebec self-determination systematic denial constitutional rights Meech Lake Accord special status Canadian federation political representation independence historical context self-determination Quebec constitutional rights Meech Lake Accord Canadian government sovereignty political representation constitutional legitimacy special status self-determination Quebec Meech Lake Accord Canadian Constitution backroom deal special status systemic denial political representation sovereignty independence"
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro02a	"Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 gender equality stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification advertising influence younger generations human rights sexual harassment workplace inequality news articles gender studies social justice feminism media representation women's rights equality issues gender stereotypes cultural impact women rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification younger generations advertising influence gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination human rights media impact gender studies gender stereotypes women empowerment sexualization objectification in media women's health gender equality feminist theory gender equality stereotypes women's rights objectification advertising impact younger generations sexual harassment workplace discrimination human rights media influence gender inequality study findings sexualized images stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender inequality sexual harassment work place advertising influence younger generations objectification violence gender studies sexualized images women rights women rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination)objectification younger generations advertising gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination Newswise study images 2010 women rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification younger generations advertising messages human rights gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination newswise.com stereotypical images sexualized images stereotyping women's rights prejudice discrimination)objectification younger generations advertising influence gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination newswise.com sexualized images women's rights research stereotyping women's rights prejudice discrimination)objectification younger generations advertising messages gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination newswise.com sexualized images stereotyping women's rights prejudice discrimination objectification younger generations advertising messages human rights gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination newswise.com stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender inequality sexual harassment advertising influence younger generations Newswise.com gender stereotypes workplace discrimination sexualized images women's rights"
test-culture-mthbah-con01a	Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. small business advertising marketing strategies level playing field consumer awareness freedom of information large company advantage product promotion advertising impact market equality small business advertising marketing strategies advertising importance leveled playing field product visibility consumer interest information freedom corporate competition small business marketing advertising importance market leveling consumer awareness freedom of information business growth strategies advertising impact small enterprise promotion competition fairness marketing strategies for small businesses advertising for small companies small business advertising advertisement benefits marketing strategies advertising importance free market information large company dominance consumer awareness advertising equality product promotion business growth through advertising small businesses advertising product awareness market leveling consumer interest freedom of information large companies small business advertising advertising importance marketing strategies advert benefits competition leveling product visibility consumer interest information freedom restriction market equality small business advertisements product awareness market freedom leveled playing field large companies consumer interest marketing strategy information restriction small business advertising increase brand awareness marketing strategies advertising freedom leveled playing field effective marketing product visibility small company success consumer interest stimulation advertising importance small businesses advertising product awareness market leveling freedom of information large companies consumer interest marketing strategies restriction impact brand visibility small business advertising marketing strategies advert benefits competition leveling product awareness advertising importance consumer interest freedom of information market equality
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con02a	There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, vegetarianism veganism iron absorption dietary deficiencies health impacts work performance economic impact nutrition health symptoms malnutrition depression productivity losses vegetarianism veganism iron absorption dietary deficiencies nutrition health effects work performance economic impact malnutrition iron deficiency anemia symptoms breathlessness fatigue concentration illness depression Bupa health information vegetarianism veganism iron deficiency dietary iron sources absorption issues anemia symptoms health impacts productivity loss economic effects nutritional deficiencies mental health frequent illness malnutrition vegetarian iron deficiency vegan iron absorption pulses iron content green leafy vegetables iron nuts iron absorption symptoms of iron deficiency anemia iron deficiency fatigue tiredness from iron deficiency attention span iron deficiency concentration issues iron deficiency school performance iron deficiency work productivity iron deficiency iron deficiency illness iron deficiency depression iron deficiency malnutrition bupa health information iron deficiency anemia causes iron absorption rates in vegetarians iron deficiency treatment options iron rich vegetarian foods iron supplements for vegetarians iron deficiency symptoms checklist vegetarianism veganism iron deficiency absorption pulses green leafy vegetables nuts symptoms breathlessness fatigue attention span malnourishment productivity economy illness depression Bupa iron-deficiency anaemia vegetarian iron deficiency vegan iron absorption pulses iron content green leafy vegetables iron nuts iron absorption symptoms of iron deficiency iron deficiency anemia tiredness due to iron deficiency breathlessness iron deficiency attention span iron deficiency work performance iron deficiency school performance iron deficiency frequent illness iron deficiency depression iron deficiency malnourishment iron deficiency bupa iron information vegetarianism veganism iron absorption pulses green leafy vegetables nuts iron deficiency anemia breathlessness fatigue concentration school performance work productivity depression malnutrition health impacts economic effects vegetarianism iron deficiency vegan diet health impact symptoms of iron deficiency anemia iron absorption from plant sources vegetarian nutrition issues iron deficiency consequences on cognition iron deficiency anemia workplace performance iron deficiency and productivity iron deficiency symptoms in vegetarians iron deficiency and mental health iron deficiency and immune function iron deficiency and depression in vegetarians iron-rich vegetarian foods nutritional deficiencies in vegetarians iron absorption rates in plants iron deficiency anemia causes iron deficiency and physical endurance iron deficiency and concentration iron deficiency and student performance iron deficiency and job performance economic impact of dietary iron vegetarianism veganism iron absorption pulses green leafy vegetables nuts iron deficiency symptoms breathlessness fatigue concentration productivity malnutrition depression economic impact vegetarianism health iron absorption vegan diet symptoms of iron deficiency anemia impact work performance school performance economic impact nutrition deficiencies pulse iron leafy vegetables iron nut iron breathlessness tiredness attention span malnutrition depression bupa health information
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro01a	The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. ICC war criminals United States ratification Prosecutor grave offences genocide human rights judicial discretion arrest warrant pre-trial chamber preliminary investigation ICTY KFOR Kosovo peacekeeping force ICC international criminal court war criminals United States ratification prosecutor genocide human rights jurisdiction statute judges arrest warrant preliminary investigation ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia KFOR Kosovo peacekeeping force ICC war criminals United States ratification preliminary investigation Prosecutor Statute judges arrest warrant ICTY KFOR Kosovo peacekeeping scrutiny ICC war criminals law-abiding states United States ratification Prosecutor grave offences genocide systematic mass violations human rights discretion judges arrest warrant preliminary investigation ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny ICC war criminals United States ratification Prosecutor grave offences jurisdiction spurious accusations credibility ICTY KFOR Kosovo preliminary investigation peacekeeping force ICC war criminals law-abiding states United States ratification prosecutor discretion Statute arrest warrant preliminary investigation genocide human rights judicial review ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force ICC war criminals United States ratification Prosecutor jurisdiction genocide human rights preliminary investigation ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny ICC war criminals United States ratification Prosecutor grave offences jurisdiction preliminary investigation discretion judges arrest warrant pre-trial chamber statute spurious accusations ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo Scrutiny ICC war criminals ratification United States preliminary investigation Prosecutor discretion jurisdiction genocide human rights KFOR ICTY peacekeeping force ICC war criminals ratification law-abiding preliminary investigation discretion judges arrest warrant statute genocide human rights prosecution ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny
test-international-ipecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece Eurozone default economic crisis public sector corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures IMF ECB supervision funding reform inefficiency[1] Greece economic inefficiency corruption tax evasion default impact Eurozone exit austerity measures IMF support public sector reform job cuts tax system improvement European Union aid financial crisis solutions Greece eurozone crisis default economic recovery austerity measures public sector efficiency tax evasion corruption IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision [1] Barrell Ray Greece economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion default impacts Eurozone exit austerity measures IMF funding ECB European Commission supervision long-term solutions short-term pain export recovery taxpayer burden structural reforms Greece default economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures IMF ECB Eurozone tax cuts job cuts borrowing reforms taxpayer burden relevance expansion phrases query search performance Greece defaulting problems inefficiency public sector corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery underlying issues austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision crisis borrowing taxpayers future solutions search accuracy expansion terms enrich query defaulting Greece economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion export boost underlying problems Eurozone exit austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission borrowing access taxpayer burden future crises economic recovery structural reforms Greece default economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion export boost Eurozone exit austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission borrowing access taxpayer burden structural reforms Greece Eurozone crisis default public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision reform economic recovery Greece economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion default impacts export recovery Eurozone exit austerity measures IMF assistance ECB supervision European Commission funding
test-law-ilppppghb-pro02a	Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. self-determination indigenous rights colonialism reparations autonomy education justice systems sharia courts representation identity self-determination indigenous rights colonialism reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts minority peoples restitution identity choice self-determination indigenous rights colonial history minority peoples political autonomy restitution compensation sharia courts education rights justice systems representation identity choice outcomes unfair treatment proprietary rights minority rights land rights reparations self-determination indigenous rights colonial history reparations political autonomy education rights justice systems sharia courts representation identity choices self-determination indigenous peoples colonialism reparations autonomy education justice systems sharia representation identity self-determination indigenous rights colonial history restitution political autonomy education justice systems sharia courts representation identity outcomes self-determination indigenous rights colonial history reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems representation identity choice self-determination indigenous rights colonial legacy reparations political autonomy education rights justice systems sharia courts minority rights restitution identity representation unfair treatment self-determination indigenous peoples colonialism proprietary rights restitution political autonomy education justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination indigenous peoples colonialism reparations autonomy education justice systems sharia courts representation identity outcomes
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro01a	Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. coca chewing equivalence harmfulness coffee comparison narcotics cocaine extraction World Health Organisation 1995 study indigenous Andean populations obesity addiction ban cultivation rights Morales Evo legislative reform drug policies Coca_leaf_benefits Coca_leaf_harm Coca_vs_cocaine World_Health_Organization coca_chewing coca_leaf_addiction coca_cultivation coca_and_obesity coca_leaf_legalization narcotics_convention indigenous_cultures coca leaf cocaine hard drugs narcotics World Health Organisation 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs obesity addiction indigenous Andean populations traditional use ban chewing mild effects sacred functions therapeutic functions lifting the ban Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Coca leaf benefits coca leaf health effects coca leaf addiction coca leaf comparison to coffee coca leaf traditional use coca leaf and obesity coca leaf versus cocaine coca leaf world health organization coca leaf and narcotics coca leaf cultural significance Coca chewing cocaine paste concentrate narcotic World Health Organisation indigenous Andean populations obesity addiction ban legislative reform drug policies coca leaf benefits coca chewing harm coca compared to coffee coca leaf vs cocaine world health organization coca coca leaf traditional use coca leaf obesity coca leaf non-addictive coca leaf legal status Coca chewing coffee hard drugs narcotics cocaine World Health Organisation indigenous Andean populations obesity addiction ban traditional form Morales Evo NY Times Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing transnational institute Coca chewing harmless compared to coffee cocaine extraction natural coca leaf benefits World Health Organisation coca leaf health impacts Andean cultures coca leaf addiction obesity treatment coca leaf traditional use coca leaf cocaine drugs harmfulness coffee World Health Organisation narcotic obesity addiction traditional use ban Andean populations Morales Evolutionary theory legislative reform coca leaf benefits coca leaf comparison coca leaf health impacts coca leaf addiction coca leaf traditional use coca leaf versus coffee coca leaf versus cocaine world health organization coca coca leaf obesity coca leaf cultural significance
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con02a	Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 search algorithm censorship internet freedom China Baidu Google China information access local servers user rights content filtering global vs local online restrictions digital rights network neutrality government control technological impact user experience market presence regulatory environment internet censorship Google China search engine freedom Baidu Chinese web access information control global vs local search China's digital divide internet regulation online freedom search algorithms censorship internet freedom Baidu China Google policy information access user rights digital rights web filtering online monitoring local search global versus local content availability regulatory environment search engine censorship internet freedom in China Baidu Google China censored Google human rights information access local accessibility global restrictions local regulations online freedom Chinese internet regulations alternative search engines global vs local versions internet governance Internet in China 2006 Google China entry Google China testimony Google Baidu Chinese internet freedom censorship testimony information access search engine market entry Internet in China search optimization keyword expansion internet freedom censorship Baidu Google China information access user experience localization digital rights online censorship search engine limitations global vs local content internet governance search accuracy enrich query helpful expansion terms Chinese internet freedom Google censorship Baidu information access local accessible version testimony Internet in China knowledge sharing censored content human rights global access local optimization online freedom internet regulation international business multinational corporation policy impact market entry geopolitical considerations information control internet governance search engine neutrality internet restrictions internet openness internet surveillance China digital divide internet censorship Internet freedom free speech online privacy internet laws internet regulations online access China's Great Firewall Google China strategy internet filtering search efficacy expansion keywords Chinese internet freedom Google censorship information access Baidu internet regulation local access global monitoring search optimization expansion terms Google China internet freedom Baidu censorship information access local accessibility Google Baidu Chinese internet freedom information access censorship testimony search engine market Hong Kong local accessibility
test-science-eassgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical concerns scientific advancements alternative methods medical research animal welfare animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical concerns scientific advancements alternative methods surgical skin animal research animal testing drug development chemical testing computer simulations tissue experiments surgical leftovers ethical alternatives animal testing alternatives drug development chemical simulation tissue experimentation surgical leftovers ethical research scientific advancement animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation surgical skin ethical considerations animal testing drug development ethical considerations chemical testing computer simulations tissue experimentation surgical leftovers advancement history animal testing drug development chemical simulations tissue experimentation skin samples ethical concerns scientific advancements animal testing drug development chemical research computer simulations tissue experimentation surgical skin ethical alternatives animal testing drug development chemical research computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical considerations medical advancements animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical concerns scientific advancements alternative methods animal research surgical skin chemical testing
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con02a	Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations economic impact long-term solutions sustainable growth colonialism international relations trade rules debt relief dictatorship symbolism foreign policy negative impacts Libya Gaddafi Mugabe reparations developing countries sustainable growth long-term systems fair trade debt relief colonial history international relations Robert Mugabe Italian reparations to Libya Gaddafi dictatorship reparations developing countries long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief colonialism international relations symbolic value dictatorships foreign policy aid allocation historical accountability economic measures global inequality reparations developing countries sustainable growth long-term systems fair trade rules debt relief international relations colonial powers dictators blame West Libya Gaddafi Mugabe short-term economic measure symbolism of reparations reparations developing countries sustainable growth long-term systems fair trade debt relief symbolic value foreign policy international relations colonial powers Robert Mugabe dictatorship Gaddafi Libya West search performance relevant expansion phrases developing countries long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief international relations colonial powers Robert Mugabe Gaddafi dictatorship Libya West symbolism of reparations negative impacts foreign policy blame economic measure reparations developing countries long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief symbolic value foreign policy international relations dictators colonial history Libya Italy Gaddafi Robert Mugabe reparations economic measures long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade rules debt relief international relations dictators colonial powers foreign policy developing countries symbolism Mugabe Gaddafi Libya Italy West reparations developing countries long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief colonialism international relations dictators foreign policy symbolism economic measures aid allocation global economics historical responsibility political implications development aid reparations developing countries sustainable growth long-term systems fair trade debt relief symbolic value foreign policy international relations colonialism dictators Robert Mugabe Gaddafi Libya
test-international-appghblsba-con01a	Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, cooperation intergovernmental organizations Southern Africa Lesotho South Africa integration annexation national identity EU Southern African Development Community African Union customs union monetary area trade justice system foreign investment cooperation examples inter-governmental organizations Southern African Development Community African Union trade benefits cultural cooperation integration benefits lesotho south africa justice system similarity common monetary area southern african customs union federalism advantages cooperation examples intergovernmental organizations Southern African Development Community African Union Courts of Appeal justices national identity trade benefits integration benefits Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area foreign investment law system similarities Lesotho South Africa relations cooperation examples intergovernmental organizations trade benefits social connections legal systems similar legal structures African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area integration benefits loss of national identity EU comparisons Annexation national identity international cooperation trade relations socioeconomic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area foreign investment Law systems jurists integration EU search optimization keyword recommendation international cooperation Lesotho South Africa intergovernmental organizations trade relations law system integration socio-economic benefits political security customs union monetary area national identity EU comparison annexation impact Annexation cooperation law system justices inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity EU foreign investment Annexation cooperation between countries Lesotho South Africa international organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area integration economic benefits national identity trade law system jurists intergovernmental organizations social connections foreign investment Annexation cooperation countries Lesotho South Africa integration international organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area trade justices jurists national identity EU foreign investment socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation law systems intergovernmental organizations foreign direct investment trade agreements social connections justice system integration national sovereignty cooperation examples inter-governmental organizations Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union African Union integration benefits loss of national identity foreign investment justice system similarities Lesotho-South Africa partnership
test-society-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable poverty financial capital women employment income Kenya jewellery healthcare education economic security asset capital assets access control empowerment household income generation microfinance gender equality vocational training entrepreneurship community development social impact income inequality labor market skills development unemployment income generation programs job creation women's rights economic empowerment labor economics poverty reduction workforce development microcredit economic growth social welfare income distribution economic justice human development socioeconomic status employment opportunities financial independence income security jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty sustainable livelihoods women's employment Kenya jewellery design economic security healthcare education employment benefits asset building gender equality rural development microfinance income generation community impact jobs livelihoods empowerment financial capital employment poverty sustainability women's rights economic independence asset building microfinance gender equality income generation development economics social impact entrepreneurship community development labor market human capital social capital economic empowerment rural employment artisanal crafts microenterprise income security healthcare education empowerment studies economic growth labor force participation job creation poverty alleviation social welfare economic resilience workforce development income distribution labor economics employment opportunities financial inclusion women's economic empowerment livelihood security economic stability job creation programs jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable livelihoods tackling poverty capital assets financial capital access to capital loans wages woman's control household burden financial security good healthcare education employment earning income empowerment Kenya jewellery design further readings gender equality poverty reduction economic empowerment social impact [1] [2] jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable poverty financial capital access capital assets women employment income Kenya jewellery healthcare education economic security empowerment asset building long-term benefits search performance relevant expansion phrases query expansion livelihoods jobs importance financial capital empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital women employment income generation home-based jobs Kenya jewellery design economic empowerment healthcare investment education poverty alleviation employment benefits household economics jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable poverty financial capital access control women employment income Kenya jewellery healthcare education economic security asset empowerment livelihood improvement workforce participation gender equality jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment sustainability poverty women employment Kenya jewellery income healthcare education asset building economic security jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment tackling poverty sustainable livelihoods access to capital assets women's empowerment workforce participation home-based employment jewellery design Kenya education healthcare female employment economic security burden of poverty financial independence employment benefits sustainable development poverty alleviation gender equality capital assets workforce development entrepreneurship small business development local economy community impact job creation skill development market access entrepreneurial opportunities work-life balance job security financial management asset accumulation resource jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty sustainable livelihoods women employment Kenya jewellery healthcare education economic security asset building microfinance gender equality income generation rural development community impact economic empowerment
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro03a	It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts legal ethics client interests attorney_client_privilege solicitor_moral_burden moral_conflicts_lawyer client_solicitor_relationship confidentiality_laws solicitor_role_advocacy ethical_obligations_lawyers moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege moral conflicts legal ethics client confidentiality professional responsibility attorney_client_privilege solicitor_moral_burden moral_conflicts_lawyers client_confidentiality legal_ethics lawyer_moral_stress confidential_information_lawyers lawyer_role_advocacy moral_dilemmas_lawyers moral burden solicitor attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts legal ethics professional responsibility moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts legal ethics client interests moral burden solicitor attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests legal ethics professional responsibilities excessive moral burden solicitors moral conflicts attorney-client privilege confidential information legal ethics juridical responsibilities professional duties moral burden solicitor attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts legal ethics professional responsibility client interests moral burden solicitor attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts legal ethics client interests
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro04a	Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . baseball collisions catcher runner advantage fairness rules slide block home plate Major League Baseball amateur baseball sports commentary imbalance baseball homeplate collisions catcher runner advantage imbalance rules amateur fairness commentator MLB safety strategy collisions baseball catcher runner fair play rule changes sliding blocking advantage dynamics professional baseball amateur baseball Major League Baseball sports strategy umpire enforcement player safety collisions baserunner catcher baseball rules advantage unfair sliding blocking path innings contact fairness dynamic match plate even uneven safe unsafe protection integrity rule变化 公平性 滑垒 阻挡 保护 规则调整 碰撞 优势 劣势 棒球规则 安全与危险 比赛平衡 collisions baseball catcher runner unfair advantage rule changes sliding blocking fairness dynamics home plate Major League Baseball commentator amateur baseball search optimization keyword expansion baseball rule changes collision in baseball fair play in sports sliding rules catcher blocking runner advantages sports commentary baseball injuries collisions baseball rules catcher advantage runner advantage sliding rule blocking rule home plate collisions fair play sports commentary collisions baseball catcher runner fairness advantage rule changes sliding blocking baseball dynamics fairness in sports baseball collisions catcher runner fairness rule advantage sliding block imbalance professional amateur sports safety injury collisions baseball rules fair play catcher advantages runner advantages sliding rules home plate blocking sports fairness baseball strategy
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. underground storage nuclear waste radioactive waste nuclear power nuclear technology renewable energy medical imaging Germany nuclear waste disposal deep geological repositories alternative solutions radioactive elements nuclear waste management underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management radiactive waste medical imaging nuclear power generation renewable energy energy demand nuclear technology application of nuclear waste deep geological repositories radioactive elements nuclear research nuclear medicine environmental safety radioactive contamination radioactive materials subsurface disposal radioactive waste treatment nuclear facility waste alternative waste management deep geologic repositories nuclear energy storage radioactivity management nuclear waste disposal geological storage solutions nuclear power plants nuclear fuel cycle radioactive isotopes nuclear policy energy security radioactive decay radioactive waste processing nuclear underground storage nuclear waste nuclear technology medical imaging radioactive waste renewable energy nuclear power government policy environmental safety radioactivity subsurface disposal energy demand nuclear facilities radioactive materials alternative energy sources geological disposal nuclear energy radioisotopes nuclear medicine energy security nuclear safety radioactive contamination deep geological repositories underground nuclear storage nuclear waste disposal nuclear power generation renewable energy sources radioactive waste management nuclear technology research medical imaging equipment energy demand nuclear waste recycling alternative energy solutions nuclear waste disposal methods nuclear power benefits nuclear technology development radioactive materials in medicine nuclear energy sustainability nuclear waste policies deep geological repositories nuclear waste regulation international nuclear standards nuclear safety regulations nuclear energy economics nuclear power plant operation underground nuclear storage nuclear waste nuclear technology renewable energy medical imaging radioactive waste nuclear power nuclear waste management deep geological repositories nuclear waste disposal energy demand radioactive elements nuclear medicine nuclear research non-nuclear states alternative solutions Germany nuclear power generation technological capabilities underground nuclear storage necessary nuclear waste research and medicine radioactive waste medical imaging equipment nuclear power energy generation renewable energy deep underground storage Germany nuclear technology radioactive elements nuclear waste disposal [1] underground storage nuclear waste nuclear technology medical imaging renewable energy nuclear power nuclear waste management radioactive waste Germany energy demand nuclear power stations reliable energy deep geological repositories underground storage nuclear waste nuclear power nuclear technology radioactive waste medical imaging energy demand renewable energy storage solutions nuclear waste management alternative disposal methods nuclear research nuclear energy deep geological repositories underground storage nuclear waste nuclear technology renewable energy radioactive waste nuclear power medical imaging Germany nuclear waste disposal nuclear energy radiation safety deep geological repositories underground storage nuclear waste nuclear power nuclear technology radioactive waste renewable energy nuclear research medical imaging Germany nuclear energy production nuclear waste management deep geological repositories nuclear waste disposal nuclear power generation radioactive elements nuclear material nuclear medicine nuclear research and development nuclear power viability
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con02a	People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. animal testing drug development medical research cost-benefit analysis drug approval pharmaceutical industry ethical considerations public health scientific advancement drug efficacy patient access drug affordability historical medicine medical ethics pharmaceutical policy innovation incentives medical breakthroughs drug safety global health research funding drug regulation health economics animal testing drug development medical ethics pharmaceutical industry cost-benefit analysis drug approval research funding drug safety public health historical drug impact profit margin analysis animal testing drug approval pharmaceutical research medical benefits cost-benefit analysis drug development drug safety animal welfare public health scientific advancement ethical considerations medical ethics drug efficacy global health pharmaceutical industry drug regulation scientific testing medical innovation patient access medical breakthroughs economic impact drug pricing drug safety testing clinical trials scientific progress drug efficacy testing animal rights public health policy medical research drug safety standards scientific method medical ethics debates drug discovery process pharmaceutical costs scientific innovation medical advancements ethical dilemmas scientific rigor medical treatment options animal testing safety checks drug development medical benefits potential profits drug discovery research costs patient access future generations penicillin impact drug breakthroughs ethical considerations suffering reduction dying preventively public health scientific advancements biomedical research veterinary science pharmaceutical industry clinical trials testimonials healthcare outcomes global health innovation challenges policy implications animal testing drug safety new drugs research costs profit margins drug development patient suffering future generations medical advancements drug breakthroughs public health ethical considerations pharmaceutical industry scientific testing global health medical ethics drug approval long-term impacts animal testing drug development cost-benefit analysis medical research pharmaceutical industry public health scientific progress ethical considerations drug approval patient access medical innovation drug safety economic impact drug discovery global health suffering profitability life-saving drugs medical breakthroughs drug research welfare innovation ethical dilemma public policy scientific advancement healthcare costs medical ethics animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research cost-benefit analysis medical advancements drug approval profit margins public health ethical considerations scientific progress medical ethics drug safety historical medical breakthroughs penicillin impact future patient care global health scientific research funding animal testing drug safety medical research costs profit margins drug development public health suffering life-saving drugs scientific progress ethical considerations pharmaceutical industry drug approval process historical medicine global health impacts innovation incentives scientific advancement animal testing drug development cost-benefit analysis medical ethics drug approval research funding pharmaceutical industry patient suffering public health historical drug impact innovation incentives scientific progress animal testing drug approval medical research costs drug development public health pharmaceutical industry innovation ethical considerations scientific advancement patient care global health penicillin history drug efficacy cost-benefit analysis suffering reduction future treatments life-saving medications
test-international-bldimehbn-pro02a	On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, gay marriage human rights privacy rights self-determination procon religious views offensive content news ethics gay rights intervention rights gay marriage human rights activists privacy rights homosexual relations news viewer offensive content self-determination legal rights religious objections procon org gay marriage human rights privacy rights self-determination news ethics offensive content procon org legal rights religion and sexuality privacy principle gay marriage human rights activists privacy rights homosexual relations self-determination religious communities offensive content news ethics legal rights ProCon gay marriage human rights activists privacy religious beliefs same-sex relations rights to self-determination news ethics offense avoidance gay marriage human rights activists privacy rights homosexual relations self-determination news ethics offensive content legal rights religious objections privacy invasion gay marriage human rights activists privacy homosexual relations self-determination news stories offense legal rights ProCon.org gay marriage human rights activists privacy rights self-determination offensive content news stories legal rights ProCon.org gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination news ethics offense procon religious freedom rights debate gay marriage human rights activists privacy rights homosexual relations self-determination religious communities news ethics procon org
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro03a	Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. time crisis extremists enhanced interrogation force fear quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine basis effective fast responding terrorist threats due process legal procedure trials questioning crisis management extremism enhanced interrogation quick results force fear bomb threat Manhattan due process legal procedure terrorist threats minutes hours days weeks time urgency crisis management extremists fear tactics enhanced interrogation waterboarding effective measures quick results terrorist threats legal procedures due process bomb threat Manhattan security response crisis management extremism enhanced interrogation waterboarding rapid response bomb threat Manhattan legal procedures due process terrorism response crisis management extremism enhanced interrogation force fear effectiveness quick results terrorism legal process time constraints time urgency crisis response extremist threat enhanced interrogation forceful methods fear tactics bomb threat Manhattan security due process legal proceedings trial efficiency rapid information extreme circumstances legal constraints swift action tactical effectiveness painful techniques security protocols counterterrorism measures time crisis extremists fear enhanced interrogation bomb Manhattan information due process legal procedure effectiveness quick results waterboarding diehard proponents pleasurable routine basis terrorist threats minutes hours days weeks time crisis extremists fear enhanced interrogation bomb Manhattan information quickly due process legal procedure effective techniques waterboarding pleasant routine trial questioning(minutes hours weeks) time crisis extremists virtue death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information urgency diehard proponents pleasant routine effectiveness speed responding terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis management extremest enhanced interrogation waterboarding legal procedure due process bomb threat Manhattan terrorist threats rapid response legal efficiency time constraints
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro01a	Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, personal information privacy violation data collection online privacy data breaches customer data marketing practices data misuse third-party sales credit scores online profiling data security data protection privacy rights surveillance capitalism online privacy data privacy personal data data collection privacy invasion data breaches privacy rights data misuse online profiling customer data data protection privacy laws surveillance capitalism privacy violations data security personal information privacy consent digital privacy privacy ethics privacy concerns data sharing data resale credit scores privacy infringement digital rights data tracking data surveillance privacy policy privacy regulations data protection laws privacy advocacy online monitoring privacy issues privacy management data ethics privacy breach privacy threats data exploitation privacy safeguards data governance privacy enforcement privacy standards data personal information privacy violation data collection online privacy data misuse data breaches third-party sales credit scores corporate data practices internet privacy surveillance capitalism data protection regulations privacy rights online tracking collecting personal information selling personal data privacy violation internet privacy invasive data collection online privacy privacy breaches data misuse credit score impact profit-driven companies data protection privacy rights third party data sale information security data breaches individual privacy online services privacy privacy control privacy data collection online surveillance data breaches personal information marketing data misuse consent credit scores corporate ethics internet privacy consumer rights privacy concerns data protection online tracking personal data data breaches marketing practices customer information data misuse credit scores internet privacy surveillance data security privacy invasion digital privacy data privacy laws consumer rights data selling information security personal information management online privacy data exploitation personal information privacy violation data collection online privacy data misuse data breaches credit scores data selling privacy rights online profiling personal information privacy violation data collection online privacy data misuse data breaches data selling credit scores online profiling data protection consumer privacy privacy invasion third-party data sharing data security digital privacy data ethics data rights data surveillance internet privacy data consent data privacy laws data protection regulations data misuse consequences privacy threats data exploitation personal data protection privacy data collection online privacy data protection personal information data breaches surveillance marketing consent data misuse internet privacy digital privacy privacy invasion data security consumer rights data trading personal data digital surveillance privacy laws data privacy online privacy privacy infringement data protection personal data collection data misuse data breaches privacy violations individual privacy data security digital privacy privacy rights personal information protection data sharing consumer privacy privacy concerns online tracking privacy legislation privacy ethics data surveillance privacy threats privacy invasion data exploitation privacy laws privacy policies data protection regulations
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. agricultural development Africa rural communities food security climate change vulnerability small scale agriculture sustainability microfinance Kiva remote communities irrin zimbabwe small scale farming households communities nation unstable demand political tensions tool rental resources microfinance rural communities food security climate change small scale agriculture sustainable agriculture Kiva Zimbabwe IRIN Morrison rental system agricultural support agrarian crisis political tensions community development sustainable development agricultural innovation farmer loans resource access agricultural resilience food production agricultural financing agricultural policy community empowerment agricultural technology agricultural extension rural development sustainable farming agricultural risk management agricultural development Africa rural communities microfinance food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainability growth small scale agriculture Zimbabwe Kiva NGO remote communities tools resources rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security vulnerability to risks climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture small scale agriculture small scale farming zimbabwe farming production improvement Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities small-scale farmers tool rental system Agricultural systems agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change demand instability political tensions sustainable agriculture small scale agriculture growth community benefits Zimbabwe small scale farming production improvement Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities tool rental resource borrowing agricultural expansion climate change adaptation sustainable agriculture rural development food security microfinance benefits small scale farming community resilience risk mitigation agricultural innovation microfinance impact Kiva loans Zimbabwe agriculture agrarian crisis solutions agricultural systems agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainability small scale agriculture growth community benefits Zimbabwe small scale farming production improvement Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities tool borrowing resource rental rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture small scale agriculture growth communities Zimbabwe farming production households Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities small-scale farmers tools resources Agricultural systems agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainability small scale agriculture growth communities Zimbabwe small scale farming production IRIN Morrison Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities tools resources rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture growth community development Zimbabwe small scale farming Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities tools rental system
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con02a	Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms food supply developing countries benefits pesticide use environment crop yield food prices vitamin A deficiency GMOs Golden Rice beta-carotene childhood blindness population increase environmental deterioration technology will to solve problems Western governments necessary predictions scientific research development agriculture health economic impact policy public opinion social issues ethical considerations regulation global food genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits pest resistance environmental impact crop yield food prices water conservation vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will population increase environmental deterioration necessity genetically_modified_organisms food_supply_developing_world pest_resistance crop_yield vitamin_A_deficiency golden_rice beta_carotene childhood_blindness environmental_impact political_will economic_will world_health_organization world_population_growth environmental_deterioration genetic_modification benefits_disadvantages genetically modified organisms food supply developing world pest resistance reduced pesticide use environmental benefits crop yield food prices water conservation drought tolerance vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will GM food world population environmental deterioration genetically modified organisms food supply developing world pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact crop yield food prices water scarcity vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will global population environmental deterioration genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits pest resistance pesticide use environment crop yield food prices water shortage GMOs vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits pest resistance environmental impact crop yield food prices water scarcity vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact crop yield food prices water conservation vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will population increase environmental deterioration genetically_modified_organisms food_supply_developing_world benefits_GM_food pest_resistance pesticides_environment crop_yield food_prices vitamin_A_deficiency Golden_Rice beta_carotene childhood_blindness political_will economic_will GMO_policy world_population_growth environmental_degradation genetic_modification_technology genetically modified organisms food supply developing world environmental impact pest resistance crop yield water conservation vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will population increase environmental deterioration
test-law-ilppppghb-pro01a	"Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. self-determination minority cultures human rights cultural preservation indigenous rights stolen generation Tibet cultural dilution autonomy sovereignty ethnic minorities identity governance multiculturalism policy analysis historical context political activism self-determination minority cultures cultural preservation indigenous rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese government policies Aboriginal rights cultural dilution human rights violations cultural assimilation cultural identity ethnic minorities political autonomy cultural revitalization international law cultural genocide sovereignty ethnic cleansing cultural protection indigenous knowledge cultural erosion cultural maintenance minority empowerment self-determination minority cultures rights of minorities cultural preservation indigenous rights stolen generation Tibet cultural dilution Chinese government policies Australian Aboriginal rights cultural identity human rights violations cultural assimilation autonomy genocide prevention cultural revival minority language preservation ethnic cleansing cultural heritage sovereignty human rights activism self-determination minority cultures cultural preservation indigenous rights cultural assimilation stolen generation Tibet Chinese government policies cultural dilution Aboriginal rights human rights violations self-determination minority cultures cultural rights majority culture Aboriginal rights stolen generation indigenous Australians Tibetan culture Chinese government policy cultural preservation human rights minority protection future generations cultural assimilation political rights ethnic diversity cultural dilution indigenous rights sovereignty cultural heritage self-determination minority cultures cultural preservation indigenous rights policy analysis historical context cultural assimilation human rights violations Australian Aboriginals Tibetan culture cultural dilution self-determination minority cultures cultural preservation Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government policies cultural dilution indigenous rights human rights minority protection sovereignty cultural heritage ethnic minorities political autonomy genocide prevention cultural assimilation indigenous peoples cultural revitalization self-determination minority cultures cultural rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government policies indigenous rights cultural preservation minority protection autonomy human rights cultural dilution indigenous languages policy analysis historical injustices self-determination minority cultures cultural preservation human rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese policy cultural dilution indigenous rights cultural protection future generations government policies cultural assimilation self-determination minority cultures cultural preservation indigenous rights Tibet China Australia stolen generation Aboriginal rights cultural assimilation human rights policy analysis cultural identity language preservation sovereignty ethnic diversity cultural protection political representation cultural dilution rights advocacy"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con04a	"Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. corruption russia strong leadership president medvedev prime minister poutine powerful leaders enrichment palaces yachts state upkeep opposition figures costly maintenance presiding over authority management power report corruption minimization corruption in russia strong leadership russia prime minister vladimir putin russia corruption report russia president dmitry medvedev wealth russia political corruption russia opposition figures russia corruption statistics russia government corruption russia elite wealth corruption russia leadership vladimir Putin dmitry medvedev opposition figures political corruption economic corruption governance state corruption power structure political influence oligarchy government officials wealth accumulation state resources political system corruption reports anti-corruption efforts government corruption economic leadership political leadership corruption in russian government influence of strong leadership on corruption role of russian president in corruption prime minister vladimir putin corruption corruption reports on russian leaders wealth of russian leaders state resources for leaders opposition views on corruption corruption minimization strategies economic impact of corruption corruption Russia leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment palaces yachts state upkeep political influence economic impact governance systemic issues power dynamics investigative journalism corruption Russia leadership influence Putin corruption opposition reports government enrichment presidential palaces political authority impact corruption minimization prime minister power corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment palaces yachts state upkeep governance economic influence political power corruption minimization government structure official wealth political corruption corruption Russia strong leadership Russia Putin corruption Medvedev corruption opposition report Putin prime minister corruption presidential corruption state resources corruption elite corruption governance effectiveness corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition report political corruption government corruption wealth accumulation state assets opposition figures political influence economic growth corruption report Putin's authority Putin's management Russian president prime minister corruption corruption investigation political scandal elite enrichment state expenses opposition claims leadership role in corruption Putin's power Medvedev's role corruption minimization political system corruption corruption in russia strong leadership impact opposition reports Putin corruption Medvedev corruption state assets corruption economic impact of corruption political influence on corruption corruption minimization strategies leadership corruption analysis"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con01a	Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. freedom of speech political regulation Voltaire banning ideas altruistic self-interest equality lifestyles social development cultural developments hidden unspoken open debate freedom of speech regulation of speech Voltaire political correctness banning ideas historical context intellectual construct altruistic self-interest Voltaire quote equality for all lifestyle acceptance locking people up emancipation liberation open debate social development cultural developments being offended hidden truths unspoken fears productive answers freedom of speech political regulation Voltaire intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas equality lifestyles social developments offense open debate freedom of speech regulation of speech political correctness Voltaire banning ideas social development cultural developments offense hidden truths open debate emancipation liberation freedom of speech regulation Voltaire intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas equality lifestyles liberty social developments being offended open debate freedom of speech political regulation Voltaire idea suppression equality lifestyle acceptance social developments open debate hidden fears freedom of speech political regulation Voltaire intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas equality for all lifestyles liberty offense social development open debate hidden truths freedom of speech political regulation Voltaire equality social developments cultural developments open debate hidden truths freedom of speech regulation political influence historical context intellectual construct altruistic self-interest Voltaire banning ideas equality lifestyles social development cultural progress open debate hidden issues emancipation freedom of speech political regulation Voltaire banning ideas altruistic self-interest social developments emancipation cultural progress open debate
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con03a	If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. political slogans badge wear religious conviction iconography consumer expectations endorsements jobs revelation God symbols offense airline tickets healthcare imagery political slogans badge wear iconography religious convictions job relevance political candidates corporate branding endorsements religious faith outcry god worship images symbols consumer expectations offense airline tickets healthcare imagery political slogans badge endorsement religious convictions job relevance political branding corporate imagery consumer expectations symbolic representation offense airline tickets healthcare imagery political slogans iconography religious convictions employment relevance political candidates consumer expectations religious endorsement consumer objection symbolic meaning offense airline tickets healthcare imagery badge political slogan iconography political candidate corporate branding religious conviction consumer expectations symbolism offense imagery airline tickets healthcare badge political slogan iconography religious conviction employment relevance political candidate corporate branding consumer expectation symbolic meaning offense airline tickets healthcare badge political slogan iconography political candidate company endorsement employment relevance religious conviction consumer expectation branding religious imagery offensive symbolism consumer objection political slogans iconography religious convictions job relevance consumer expectations reversal argument symbolic meaning offense airline tickets healthcare imagery badge political slogan iconography political candidate company endorsement court case religious conviction employment relevance consumer expectation political branding corporate branding religious imagery consumer offense airline tickets healthcare imagery wearing badges political slogans iconography political candidates corporate branding religious convictions consumer expectations imagery meanings offense representation
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro03a	International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > international law self-determination Quebec independence Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 federal government Canada representation cultural rights international law self-determination Quebec independence Canadian federalism systematic oppression language rights cultural preservation supreme court of canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Bill 101 Maxime Bernier international law self-determination Quebec independence Canadian federation Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 federal government representation cultural rights Supreme Court ruling Quebec sovereignty self-governance rights oppression definition international community intervention international law self-determination Quebec independence denial of self-governance Canadian federal government Quebecois rights Bill 101 supreme court of canada international community oppression systemic discrimination legal right to secession international law mandates independence right to self-determination oppressive government representation cultural rights language rights legal action Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 Quebecois international law mandates independence rights self-determination Quebec federal government cultural protection recommendation search performance expansion phrases International Law Mandates Quebec Independence Self-Determination People's Right Supreme Court Canada Representation Culture Language Legal Right international law Quebec independence self-determination Canadian federal government Bill 101 Supreme Court of Canada Quebecois rights representation cultural protection international law self-determination Quebec independence representation federal government Canadian law Supreme Court Bill 101 oppression sovereignty international law self-determination Quebec independence Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 federal government Canada language rights cultural rights representation rights oppression self-governance
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership creative commons profit motives artistic experience societal benefit commercial use monopoly power innovation encouragement tangible assets non-commercial use social good fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership monopolies tangible assets Creative Commons non-commercial use artistic experience societal benefit intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection dissemination public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible safeguards intangible assets investment encouragement Creative Commons non-commercial use artistic experience societal benefit intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership creative commons licenses profit motive artistic experience social good commercial use financial gain innovation encouragement intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection idea ownership public domain Creative Commons profit motives artistic experience fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership Creative Commons non-commercial use artistic experience monopoly power investment encouragement innovation societal benefit profit motives financial gain social good intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible assets Creative Commons non-commercial use artistic experience fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection idea ownership public domain Creative Commons non-commercial licenses monopoly power physical property tangibility investment encouragement profit motives social good artistic experience outmoded copyright commercial use rights fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection idea ownership public domain creative commons non-commercial use profit motives society benefit artistic experience innovation encouragement property right monopoly power tangible assets functional value social good intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership property right tangible assets monopoly power efficient use physical property intangible assets investment encouragement creative commons non-commercial use artistic experience societal benefit commercial rights fair compromise
test-religion-frghbbgi-con01a	Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. revealed wisdom godly human criticism morality science revelation understanding fundamental limitation divine intellect human limitations revelation scripture morality science understanding God's will nature of humanity revealing understanding divine limitation revelation morality science interpretation faith theological apologetics omniscience omnipotence revelation divine understanding limits morality science interpretation faith biblical revelationwisdom theological comprehension spiritual knowledge criticism humanlimits divineinsight revelationmeaning faithbased theologicalarguments spiritualwisdom divineunderstanding revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom criticism morality science divine revelation limitations of human understanding theological concepts revealing divine wisdom limitations of human understanding divine revelation moral arguments irrelevant scientific critique godly revelation interpreting divine wisdom human versus divine wisdom understanding divine will divine guidance relevance revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom criticism moral arguments scientific arguments understanding God divine revelation theological limits biblical wisdom spiritual knowledge divine nature limitations of human understanding Revealed wisdom Godly wisdom human wisdom criticism morality science revelation nature of humanity God's wisdom understanding God arguments limitations revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom criticism morality science divine revelation theological concepts understanding limitations religious philosophy revealedwisdom godlywisdom humanwisdom criticismlimitations understandgod moralityarguments scientificevidence godrevelation wisdomlimits
test-environment-opecewiahw-con04a	The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, cost analysis Grand Inga project funding challenges DRC economy infrastructure development private sector investment renewable energy costs project feasibility economic impact international funding cost analysis financing challenges Grand Inga project funding problems private sector investment infrastructure costs economic feasibility DRC economy renewable energy projects development financing cost analysis Grand Inga project funding issues private investment infrastructure development DRC economy energy costs project feasibility funding challenges international investment Grand Inga cost Inga III funding issues private investment risk DRC GDP comparison renewable energy projects funding cost analysis Grand Inga financing challenges infrastructure project funding problems GDP comparison private investment risk alternative energy Congo DRC project feasibility Grand Inga cost Inga III funding issues private investment risks DRC economy project feasibility infrastructure financing challenges cost estimation Grand Inga project funding challenges infrastructure development economic feasibility private investment Congo GDP energy projects financial backing project risks cost Grand Inga funding problems private investment GDP Westcor Inga III financial backing cost optimization Grand Inga hydroelectric project funding challenges infrastructure investment private sector involvement cost estimation economic feasibility project financing risk assessment Congo DRC cost analysis cost overruns financial feasibility private investment risk assessment gdp comparison project funding infrastructure costs Grand Inga cost estimates DRC economy energy projects funding challenges
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con03a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation criminal behavior file sharing copyright violation graduated response policy HADOPI digital signatures online business tax reporting digital rights management piracy internet economy offline to online transition government policy copyright law internet safety cybercrime intellectual property user privacy digital identity online transactions internet regulation copyright violation graduated response policy HADOPI digital signatures online tax reporting Internet Service Providers(ISPs) offline to online transition citizen rights music piracy movie piracy government policy internet criminal behavior economic impact of internet piracy enforcement internet regulation copyright violation digital signatures graduated response policy HADOPI right of ownership file sharing online business offline activities e-commerce piracy Internet Service Providers legal measures invasive policies government policies internet economy citizen rights artwork protection internet criminal behavior economic impact digital economy internet governance piracy laws offline signatures online signatures privacy concerns online business practices legal enforcement Internet law internet regulation copyright violation graduated response policy HADOPI digital signatures offline activities online business Internet Service Providers piracy fine enforcement government policies economic impact Internet criminal behavior legal rights artwork protection online file sharing tax reporting handwritten signatures e-commerce online piracy Internet governance legal measures privacy concerns Internet regulation copyright violation digital signature graduated response policy HADOPI online economy file sharing cybercrime intellectual property piracy ISP monitoring tax reporting digital rights management online commerce digital identity online transactions e-commerce internet governance cyber law legal frameworks internet security privacy protection cyber ethics internet economics internet regulation criminal behavior file sharing copyright violation graduated response policy HADOPI digital signatures online business tax reporting offline activities internet regulation criminal behavior file sharing copyright violation ISPs graduated response policy HADOPI digital signature online business tax reporting digital rights internet economy piracy offline to online government policy internet crime digital identity e-commerce online security user privacy internet governance intellectual property online transactions digital rights management Internet regulation copyright violation graduated response policy HADOPI digital signatures offline activities online business economic crimes piracy Internet Service Providers criminal behavior economic policy government intervention offline to online transition handwritten signatures online tax filing online commerce artwork ownership Internet economy Internet regulation copyright violation graduated response policy HADOPI digital signatures economic impact of internet piracy fine enforcement offline to online transition Internet Service Providers legal rights in digital age online transactions France's internet piracy law handwritten signatures legal protection in cyberspace online business security internet regulation copyright violation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers online piracy HADOPI digital signatures e-commerce government intervention infringement offline to online conversion rights protection piracy fine systems economic impact citizen rights artwork protection internet crime legal enforcement online business privacy concerns legal technology effective policies internet economy public policy offline activities online equivalents citizen empowerment copyright enforcement Internet governance internet safety cybercrime online security legal measures Internet regulation strategies internet legal framework internet rights保护措施 在线签名技术 数字版权
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro04a	This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. search effectiveness expansion terms public places smoking ban introduction notice clarity implementation regulation policy enforcement 公共场所禁烟 政策实施 公告通知 规则清晰度 ban introduction easy public places smoking notice rules availability country comparison implementation social impact policy effectiveness public health legal enforcement notices difficulties clear communication examples comparison study public place smoking ban easy implementation notice period saudi arabia airport smoking ban clear rules availability public places smoking ban social impact smoking ban implementation notice period clear rules enforcement comparison existing bans smoking regulations saudi arabia airport smoking ban popularity smoking ban introduction difficulties search efficiency expand query public places ban introduction smoking regulations notice given clear rules implementation difficulties Saudi Arabia Commons Library Standard Note smoking ban effectiveness relevant phrases recommendation system public place smoking ban introduction difficulties notice period rules clarity implementation challenges existing regulations public health legal compliance enforcement strategies smoking restrictions social norms policy change notification procedures clear communication government action health impacts public response search accuracy query expansion public places ban smoking restrictions implementation notice clear rules legislative introduction policy enforcement comparative analysis notice period regulatory compliance ban introduction ease public places smoking notice clear rules implementations lexis NHS guidelines search optimization expansion terms enhance query ban public places introduction difficulties notice rules clarity availability examples implementation smoking legislation policy notice communication enforcement compliance regulations public health restrictions regulation legislation analysis legislative process smoking ban history successful implementation public space management legal changes smoking prevention notice period rule clarity enforcement mechanisms compliance monitoring legal standards policy effectiveness public opinion legal framework smoking regulations public health policies legal implementation notice requirements public space usage legal compliance public health measures public places smoking ban introduction difficulties notice given clear rules implementation examples Saudi Arabia airport smoking ban
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con01a	“Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, capital punishment deterrence cost savings justice Africa international crime drugs conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade capital punishment benefits deterrence value cost savings principles of justice international crime Africa crimes against humanity conflict death penalty support West African cocaine trade capital punishment deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade capital punishment benefits deterrence value cost savings international crime Africa crimes against humanity death penalty support West African cocaine trade African Arguments capital punishment deterrence value cost savings principles of justice international crime Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade capital punishment benefits deterrence effectiveness cost savings crimes against humanity drug-related offenses international crime universal applicability death penalty support Africa crime issues war on drugs capital punishment deterrence value cost savings justice international crime Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade capital punishment benefits Africa deterrence cost savings justice international crime drug trafficking conflict capital punishment support capital punishment controversy capital punishment deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflicts crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade capital punishment benefits Africa deterrence cost savings crimes against humanity international crime drug trafficking conflict justice death penalty support Cockayne West African cocaine trade
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro04a	Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, minority affirmative action college admissions standardized tests socio-economic status educational inequality quota system Brazil university diversity racial bias college admission quotas racial inequality in education affirmative action policies standardized tests bias minority student enrollment socio-economic impact on college admissions university diversity initiatives educational equity social justice in higher education affirmative action debates minority college admissions affirmative action quotas socioeconomic status standardized tests educational inequality diversity Brazil university admissions social justice discrimination race income education policy Minority students college admissions standardized tests affirmative action educational inequality quota systems social justice diversity academic performance socioeconomic status educational opportunities racial bias university admissions socioeconomics higher education access social mobility Minorities College admissions Impersonal processes Favourable bias Quotas Standard tests Affirmative action Educational inequality Brazil Brown students Black students University admission Standardized exams Fairness Admission rates Socioeconomic status White students Rich students Higher education access minority quotas college admissions fairness standardized tests racial inequality affirmative action Brazilian education system socioeconomic status admission exams university diversity search accuracy query expansion minority students college admissions quota system standardized tests fairness in education brazilian affirmative action racial inequality education disparity admission biases affluent students search efficacy expansion keywords minority students college admissions quota system standard tests educational inequality affirmative action Brazil socioeconomic status test performance university enrollment racial bias search optimization minority students college admissions quota system educational inequality standard tests affirmative action Brazil mixed race black students socio-economic status higher education access search outcomes improve minority college admission processes biases standard tests quotas fairness education inequality affirmative action Brazil mixed black students socioeconomics performance university affirmative admission policies socioeconomic disparities diversity selection criteria access educational opportunities social justice
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro02a	Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians difficult decisions incarceration state monopoly legitimate force government responsibility civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies state resources power abuse public interest decision-making risk aversion prosecution political crimes national security CIA public discourse political abuses citizen rights Politicians power decision making state authority legitimate use of force civil unrest terrorists economic policies abuse of power risk aversion public interest international law civil liberties immunity limited system criminal prosecution political abuses citizen rights nuclear threats Politicians fear intercarceration military power public interest civil unrest terrorism economic policies abuse of power legal boundaries nuclear threat policy-making risk aversion civil liberties immunity statesmanship legitimacy force Politicians difficult decisions state monopoly legitimate use of force government responsibility civil unrest interrogation economic policies state resources abuse of power legal gray areas public interest prosecution political abuses rights protection risk aversion CIA national security political crimes immunity public discourse Politicians fear incarceration military force monopoly civil unrest terrorists economic policies abuse of power public interest nuclear bomb immunity political crimes risk aversion prosecution civil liberties Politicians difficult decisions state monopoly force civil unrest interrogation economic policies state resources abuse of power legal gray areas public interest risk aversion CIA officials political crimes prosecution state power citizen rights Politicians decision-making incarceration state power civil unrest terrorism economic policies state force legal limits public interest risk aversion political crimes immunity national security torture citizen rights Politicians decision-making state power legal consequences civil unrest terrorism economic policies state force public interest legal immunity political abuses citizen rights moral responsibility nuclear threats public discourse legal interpretation ethical considerations Politicians difficult decisions incarceration state monopoly force government responsibility civil unrest terrorism economic policies abuse of power legal margins public interest risk aversion political crimes immunity national security rights protection Politicians fear incarceration decision making military force application force state power political abuses rights protection economic policies security policy public interest civil unrest terrorism immunity political crimes risk aversion citizen rights CIA legal boundaries ethical dilemmas public discourse
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro03a	Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: equal opportunities university education meritocracy socioeconomic status higher education costs poverty employment prospects merit-based admissions income inequality education funding social mobility equal opportunities university education meritocracy socioeconomic mobility fee-based education higher education access economic barriers educational inequality social class poverty job prospects university degrees merit-based admissions birthright privilege equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree meritocracy economic mobility higher education fees social inequality poverty access to education equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission economic mobility higher education fees social inequality poverty high-income jobs equal opportunities university degrees employment prospects merit-based admission socioeconomic status higher education costs access to education economic mobility poverty reduction university fees equal opportunities university degrees employment prospects merit-based education economic mobility tuition fees social inequality higher education access poverty alleviation academic merit equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admissions socioeconomic barriers higher education costs access to education poverty reduction meritocracy income inequality equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission economic mobility university fees social inequality higher education access poverty cycle equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based education socioeconomic mobility access to higher education economic inequality student fees poverty reduction educational opportunity social justice higher education funding university admissions meritocracy socioeconomic status income disparity equal opportunities university education meritocracy socio-economic mobility fee institution access to education poverty employment prospects higher income jobs economic inequality
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con02a	Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, celebrity politics financial influence enforcement equality disenfranchised big business power endorsement donations liberal left w Wing social movements elite counterbalance environmental policy cultural elites activism celebrity_politics financial_power_influence liberal_parties big_business_donations political_balance cultural_elites social_movements electoral_donations political_system_influence environmental_policy socio_political_influence media_endorsements celebrity_influence political_donations big_business power_imbalance liberal_parties right_wing political_counterbalance financial_power disenfranchised_groups public_endorsements media_influence political_movement elite_elite_relations environmental_policy elections U.S._politics cultural_elites non_financial_power wealthy_donors policy_impact power dynamics media_outlets political_systems inequality social_movements political_donor_analysis political_endorsement_analysis media_affluence political_don celebrity_influence political_donations big_business power_balance environmental_policy disenfranchised_parties cultural_elites social_movements liberal_politics right_wing_politics endorsement_strategies political_advertising economic_power media_influence political_donorship public_policy elite_culture environmental_conservation political_contributions media_outlets political_campaigns wealthy_donors non_profit_organizations activism film_industry music_industry american_politics global_politics public_op celebrity_involvement financial_power disenfranchised political_donations big_business liberal_parties cultural_elites social_movements elections_environment environmental_policy campaign_finance political_system mining_industry automotive_industry republicans democratic_parties endorsement_power political_balance celebrity_influence political_donations financial_power big_business liberal_parties environmenal_policy cultural_elites power_balance election_impact celebrity_influence political_donations big_business power_balance disenfranchised voting_behavior liberal_parties media_endorsements cultural_elites election_outcomes environmental_policy financial_power non_financial_power social_mobilization elite_culture public_relations political_advertising political_campaigns wealth_disparity political_donorship media_outlets political_spectrums celebrity_influence political_donations big_business financial_power disenfranchised policy_balance cultural_elites liberal_parties right_wing social_movements elections_environment endorsement_power industrial_donations political_system_power celebrity_politics financial_power disenfranchised_groups big_business_influence political_donations liberal_parties cultural_elites social_movements environmental_policy elections celebrity_endorsements political_balance mining_industry automotive_industry republican_party democrat_party usa_political_system activism media_influence economic_inequality celebrity endorsement political power imbalance big business influence donation restrictions liberal parties cultural elites social movements environmental policy elections U.S. politics power dynamics disenfranchised communities wealthy donors
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro03a	International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 international aid Rwanda government support country progress human rights free speech africa security issues congo donor countries trade ties cutting aid international reaction political stability Rwandan government aid dependence global politics humanitarian concerns regional stability country relations economic growth geopolitics social issues foreign policy aid cuts democracy promotion foreign aid conflict resolution civil liberties international sanctions international community security assistance foreign investment diplomatic relations non-governmental organizations aid effectiveness power dynamics development assistance regional influence Rwanda aid dependence international relations Rwanda growth Rwanda insecurity Rwanda human rights Rwanda trade ties Uganda aid Rwanda homosexuality aid cuts international community Rwanda freedoms Rwanda stability Rwanda government Rwanda achievements Rwanda donors Rwanda security Rwanda development Rwanda criticism Rwanda foreign policy Rwanda economy Rwanda politics Rwanda governance Rwanda humanitarian aid Rwanda foreign aid Rwanda aid conditionality Rwanda diplomatic relations Rwanda international assistance Rwanda diplomatic pressure Rwanda human rights violations Rw international aid Rwanda progressing country backbone for achievements country relations instability human rights freedom of speech international reaction cutting aid trade ties Uganda donors Rwandan government Congo security issues anti-gay law DFID Rwanda aid Growth and Poverty Reduction Grant BBC News The Guardian international concern Rwanda progressing country aid dependent human rights freedom of speech country relations instability security concerns Congo donor governments trade ties Uganda homosexuality DFID Rwanda aid cuts anti-gay law international reaction policy impact government support Growth and Poverty reduction grant International concern Rwanda progressing country aid dependency bilateral relations instability human rights speech restrictions international reaction country aid cutting aid Rwanda's growth Uganda anti-gay law DFID Rwanda BBC news donor governments human rights issues international aid Rwanda government support country progress human rights aid dependency security concerns international relations trade ties donor countries congo conflict aid cuts homosexuality laws speech freedom international reaction government backing poverty reduction international aid Rwanda progressing country human rights free speech country relations security concerns Congo donor countries Uganda aid cuts government policies international community trade ties foreign relations humanitarian support development challenges political stability international aid Rwanda progressing country aid dependence human rights free speech country relations security issues congo donor governments cutting aid trade ties Uganda homosexuality economic growth development challenges international community instability risk international concern,Rwanda,aid dependency,human rights,freedom of speech,international community,un稳定 user Continue user Continuing from the provided context, here are more relevant keywords: Rwanda, aid cuts, security concerns, Congo, donor governments, human rights violations, Uganda, homosexuality laws, DFID, trade ties, political stability, economic growth, foreign policy, international aid, diplomatic relations, aid effectiveness, governance, conflict prevention, humanitarian assistance, development goals, political repression, security sector reform, peacekeeping, diplomatic pressure, sanctioning mechanisms, regional stability Rwanda international aid human rights speech freedom conflict in Congo Uganda DFID Rwanda aid cut anti-gay law international reaction aid dependency government support trade ties poverty reduction growth aid restrictions international community
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro03a	Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 migrants developing countries benefits industriousness crises middle professional classes migration resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers brain drain population developed countries education skills development counteract Docquier Lohest Marfouk Bank Economic Review migrants benefit developing countries industriousness middle professional classes migration crisis economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain education population developed countries skills work opportunities benefit counteract world bank analysis statistics policy immigration [1] Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam Economic Review Vol No pages migrants developing countries industriousness critical middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain education population developed countries highly skilled benefit counteract immigration policies [1] migrant benefits brain drain economic migration skilled workers developing countries middle professional classes crises migration educated youth workforce development economic impact migration policies global labor mobility education level disparities skilled worker shortage developing country growth migration statistics migrants benefit developing countries industriousness middle professional classes crises resources knowledge economic migrants youth education work opportunities skilled workers percentage population developed countries highly educated needed brain drain counteract development migrants developing countries industrial benefits middle professional classes crises migration educated youth economic migrants skilled workers brain drain developed countries population education workforce development economic opportunities migrants benefit developing countries industriousness civil crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants youth better work opportunities skilled workers developing countries education brain drain World Bank Economic Review Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam education population skills counteract migrants benefit developing countries industriousness middle professional classes migration resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers brain drain education population developed countries highly benefit influx counteract World Bank Economic Review migrantbenefit developingcountries skilledworkers braindrain economicmigration educationlevels workforcedevelopment internationalmigration globalbraingain developingeconomies migrationpolicies demographicshifts labormarket humanresources diasporareturn immigrationpatterns migrationstatistics developmentimpact educationgap workforcecomposition economicmobility migrationanalysis globalworkforce laborforcemigration demographictransition migrationstudies populationdynamics migrationtheories migrants developing countries industriousness civil crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers percentage population developed countries highly educated brain drain counteract education benefit developing countries skills necessary counteract brain drain inequality population brain pool immigration policy development globalization emigration population demographics skills labour migration flows
test-environment-aiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ legal trade endangered animals pelts horns ivory protection extinction trade constraints price poaching supply demand policy farming South Africa legal trade endangered species poaching hunting regulations animal conservation economic incentives sustainability policy analysis illegal wildlife trade nature protection protected status species extinction market economics rhino horn trade fur trade ivory trade horn legalization animal farming policy effectiveness resource management Legalisation endangered animals pelts horns ivory trade protection extinction price demand supply farming poaching preservation militarization economics [1] [2] [3] legalizing trade endangered animals trade restrictions pelts horns ivory rhino horns poaching protection status market prices farming illegal wildlife trade endangered species conservation policy changes trade legality conservation strategies price reduction hunting regulations supply and demand analysis protected status removal Legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals extinction protection status supply demand price hunting poaching militarization farming South Africa Rhino horn conservation economics search optimization keyword expansion legal trade endangered species wildlife conservation poaching prevention economic incentives animal protection supply and demand conservation policies trade legality hunting regulations ecological impact market dynamics environmental economics policy recommendations animal welfare illegal wildlife trade sustainable exploitation ecological balance conservation strategies search accuracy query expansion endangered animals trade legality hunting policies pelt trade rhino horn prices endangered species protection fur trade ivory trade international wildlife law conservation economics poaching prevention trophy hunting legalized hunting protected status illegal wildlife trade wildlife conservation sustainable exploitation anti-poaching measures government intervention natural resource management ecosystem balance environmental economics animal welfare market dynamics species preservation farmed wildlife illegal wildlife markets policy effectiveness resource allocation legal trade endangered species pelts horns ivory furs extinction protection militarization farming price profitability Demand Supply policing illegal trade conservation poaching sustainability search optimization keywords expansion terms enhancing query legalizing trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters killing endangered animals extinction protected status economics supply demand price poaching conservation wildlife South Africa rhinos farming policy enforcement militarization illegal trade wildlife trafficking biodiversity environmental law economic incentives sustainable hunting conservation biology legal trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals extinction protection status price demand profitability farming South Africa Rhino
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, markets stability political economy leadership investment business transparency succession quality growth risk uncertainty political stability economic impact leadership quality market concerns investor confidence economic growth national leadership succession planning transparency business environment tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links markets political_stability economic_growth leadership_quality succession_planning transparency investment_decisions business_environment economic_parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy_prices transport_links leader_impact economic_studies governance_impact markets stability business economy leadership transparency succession investment growth quality bureaucracy energy transport leadership quality political environment rumors markets stability leadership economic_growth business_environment transparency succession investment_decisions political_environment leader_quality bureaucracy energy_prices transport_links political stability market expectations economic impact leadership quality investor confidence business environment transparency economic growth uncertainty management succession planning economic parameters taxation subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transportation leader quality markets economic stability political stability leader impact growth business environment tax policy subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership quality investment decisions rumors transparency succession planning stability economic impact political leadership investment decisions business environment transparency succession planning leader quality growth rate economic parameters taxation subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links rumors market confidence markets stability business political stability leader health transparency investment decisions economy leadership impact growth succession planning leadership quality bureaucracy energy prices transport links markets stability political stability business leadership transparency investor confidence succession planning economic impact leader quality growth bureaucracy energy prices transport links risk management investment decisions world war ii economic environment
test-international-bldimehbn-pro03a	Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, news outlets advertising influence market dynamics cultural sensitivity journalistic ethics news coverage audience interest media bias propaganda news consumer behavior Al Jazeera media markets censorship news value cultural values religious influence journalistic standards media economics news outlets advertising influence market dynamics cultural sensitivity journalistic ethics media bias audience interests censorship news coverage political correctness media economics news consumption patterns media regulation press freedom journalistic standards cultural values editorial decisions media impact audience segmentation content distribution media ownership media criticism news credibility journalistic integrity media accountability news outlets internet social media advertising cultural values market realities media bias news consumption publishing ethics gay rights Al Jazeera media influence propaganda viewer interest advertiser impact mass media media regulation public opinion media standards press freedom media criticism media responsibility news outlets advertising influence market dynamics cultural values journalistic ethics media bias audience interest censorship propaganda news coverage media scrutiny editorial decisions cultural sensitivity advertiser pressure media market news consumption journalistic independence media regulation cultural norms news outlets advertising influence market dynamics cultural sensitivity journalistic independence media bias news consumption propaganda audience interests media ethics censorship global journalism cultural values advertiser impact editorial decisions media responsibility news selection media criticism public relations media ownership information dissemination news outlets advertising influence market dynamics cultural values journalistic ethics censorship media bias public interest news consumption editorial judgment propaganda media advertising news reporting viewer preferences cultural sensitivity media criticism news distribution media markets audience targeting news content news censorship media influence news objectivity media impact news outlets advertising impact market influence news consumption cultural sensitivity journalistic ethics news diversity media bias audience interests propaganda news coverage market realities editorial judgment news objectivity cultural values news standards media responsibility news selection media advertising news distribution news impact news globalization news regionalization news adaptation news relevance news acceptance news audience news economics news censorship news regulation news freedom news sovereignty news accountability news outlets internet advertising customer interest market influence media bias advertiser impact news coverage cultural sensitivity gay rights reporting publishing ethics media regulation news consumption patterns propaganda editorial independence censorship media standards viewership analysis power dynamics information control media ownership public opinion alternative media sources journalism ethics news distribution audience targeting media responsibility news objectivity media economics cultural relativism media representation news selection process media criticism media scrutiny news credibility media accountability media freedom news sensationalism media transparency news outlets internet media censorship propaganda advertisers market viewers interest sacrifice values religion gay rights al jazeera european africa middle east arabic english free speech publishing broadcasting reporting consumer behavior advertising sponsorship media ethics mass media public opinion media influence media bias journalism cultural values news outlets internet advertising cultural values market influence journalism ethics media bias publishing strategies viewer interests advertising impact news coverage propaganda objectivity news consumption social media public opinion editorial decisions media responsibility censorship press freedom gay rights media markets internet censorship media regulation media ownership
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con02a	There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. right not to be offended enforcing acceptability state power public opinion speech regulation civil liberties offense protection equality debate political correctness silencing dissent historical context banned ideas democratic principles offense state power free speech public opinion equality historical context censorship arguments prejudice citizen safety employment discrimination government intervention expression rights cultural sensitivity democratic principles social norms political correctness human rights legal implications ethical considerations academic debate right not to be offended speech restrictions power of state censorship public opinion safety of citizens employment discrimination historical context of censorship equality and freedom of speech political correctness dangerous precedents in law arguments for free speech insult laws oppression of ideas internet freedom cultural sensitivity offense vs harm free speech vs hate speech liberal democracy political polarization universality of human rights international law on freedom of expression legal protections against discrimination impact of social media on public discourse role of media in free societies limits of government power in regulating thought right not to be offended enforcing acceptability state power speech regulation public opinion safe spaces censorship arguments against censorship historical context of banning ideas equality and free speech dangerous precedents right to offend enforcement of acceptability power of state offense protection speech regulation citizen safety employment discrimination government role in speech banning ideas equality principle historical context of censorship argument strength prejudice justification speech restrictions power to offend offensive speech state intervention censorship preventing offense silencing views equality precedence historical context internet free speech political correctness public opinion safe spaces cultural sensitivity speech offense state power public opinion equality historical context censorship arguments freedom of expression equality precedent offense freedom of speech state power public opinion equality historical context argument strength censorship social safety political correctness right not to be offended enforcing acceptability power of state public opinion speech restrictions censorship history equality debate arguments against restrictions power dynamics in politics free speech versus protection preventing offense role of government insult laws historical context of censorship political correctness precedent setting in law free speech state power offense protection public opinion equality precedent historical context censorship argument strength social justice political correctness individual rights offensive speech government intervention civil liberties equality debate
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro03a	"In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom use casual sex moral teachings sexual ethics contraception Pope Benedict XVI HIV spread sexual responsibility religious influence sexual behavior sexual morality AIDS epidemic Church doctrine sexual health sexual practices sexual education sexual norms sexual transmission sexual activity sexual health policies sexual health behaviors AIDS HIV Catholic Church teachings barrier contraception casual sex morality condoms pope Benedict XVI John Paul II epidemic sexuality marriage ethics health papal encyclical Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom use barrier contraception sexual ethics Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II moral teachings sexually transmitted infections church doctrines responsible behavior global health sexual abstinence Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom distribution sexual teachings barrier contraception casual sex marital sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II ethical contraception HIV spread religious influence moral responsibility Catholic Church AIDS/HIV contraception barrier methods casual sex teachings responsibility Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II condom distribution sexual behavior marriage epidemic justification Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom use sexual behavior marital sex barrier contraception Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II religious teachings sexual responsibility HIV spread moral justification Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom use sexual teachings marriage contraception Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II moral responsibility sexual behavior HIV spread Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom use barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI moral teachings HIV spread sexual morality religious influence sexual ethics public health policy ethical contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex teachings pope Benedict XVI condoms moral responsibility epidemic sexual behavior marriage justification Catholic Church AIDS prevention condom distribution sexual teachings marital sex sexual responsibility religious influence public health policy"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con01a	Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement election results representative view social engagement government transparency voter turnout education citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy public conversation forcing voting voluntary voting electoral process side effects compulsory voting effectiveness political engagement education school curriculum government transparency suffragette movement reform bills democracy citizenship classes voter turnout election results public opinion coercion persuasion representative view compulsory_voting political_engagement representative_government election_results voter_turnout political_education citizenship_classes transparency suffragette_movement reform_bills democracy civic_duty coercion persuasion low_voter_engagement public_engagement school_curriculum political_conversation elections_system_effectiveness voter_morale educational_policy government_policy persuasion coercion effective forcing voting disengaged political process representative view society political engagement compulsory voting government transparency low voter turnout education political education schools citizenship classes suffragette movement democracy root problem search efficiency persuasion coercion voting engagement political engagement representative view society compulsory voting transparency education citizenship classes election results low voter turnout suffragette movement reform bills democracy Voting Act political education schools public conversation disease metaphors root cause analysis search optimization keyword generation user engagement political education compulsory voting persuasion techniques coercion political participation voter turnout government transparency educational reforms suffragette movement citizenship classes democratic principles civic responsibility electoral process low voter engagement public discourse policy solutions social change representative democracy critical thinking civic literacy search accuracy expansion terms enrich query persuasion coercion political engagement voting representation government transparency voter turnout education political education schools citizenship classes suffragette movement democratic responsibilities root problem side effects persuasion coercion voting disengagement political process election results representative view society engagement transparency education schools citizenship classes low voter turnout suffragette movement reform bills democracy electoral process public engagement compulsory voting root problem search optimization keyword suggestion persuasion techniques political engagement compulsory voting election analysis voter turnout educational reforms citizenship education government transparency political education suffragette movement democratic principles civic responsibility public opinion coercion vs persuasion electoral processes low voter participation political conversations voting systems democratic values social engagement educational impact political awareness public policy democratic governance voter rights political mobilization social change civic education voter turnout analysis search outcomes keyword recommendations persuasive techniques political engagement compulsory voting low voter turnout civic education government transparency suffragette movement reform bills democratic citizenship public opinion electoral process root causes side effects beneficial expansion terms
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance microfinance startup capital financial access capitalism business ideas Lend with Care personal security dignity land property market entry small-scale savings returns poverty alleviation microfinance entrepreneurship startup capital financial inclusion capitalism initiation lending programs community empowerment savings and borrowing market entry personal security dignity returns on investment Lend with Care entrepreneurialism poverty finance microfinance startup capital financial access capitalism small-scale savings borrowing land property personal security dignity returns Lend with Care social entrepreneurship ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance communities startup capital financial capital capitalism initiating capitalism entrepreneurs Lend with Care microfinance savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns further readings poverty entrepreneurialism finance communities startup capital financial capital capitalism entrepreneurship Initiative Lend with Care microfinance savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity returns entrepreneurialism poverty relevant expansion phrases microfinance capital savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity returns Lend with Care entrepreneurialism finance poverty microfinance startup capital financial access capitalism lending community empowerment savings borrowing property land personal security dignity returns poverty entrepreneurialism finance access to capital microfinance startups small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity Initiative Lend with Care optimization search results meaningful expansion terms enhancing query ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism entrepreneurialism poor business ideas Initiative Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns further readings poverty alleviation microfinance capitalist entrepreneurship startup funding community development economic empowerment financial inclusion small business loans savings programs property ownership market access social impact lending poverty reduction microcredit financial education community financing loan initiatives economic resilience
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con01a	Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 geneticmodification breedingscience scientificadvance legaluse naturality supercrop dnachanges selectivebreeding trewas leaver naturegeneticmodification genetic_modification natural_process selective_breeding crop_cultivation dna_changes scientific_advance legal_use genetically_modified_food evolution_of_wheat genetic_modification scientific_advance selective_breeding crop_cultivation dna_changes genetically_modified_food super_crops natural_process farmers historical_biology biotechnology genetic_engineering effectiveness_of_modification trewas_leaver_2000 genetic modification scientific advance selective breeding DNA changes crop cultivation genetic engineering natural processes agricultural advancements genetic modification debate selective breeding history DNA strand comparison genetic modification techniques genetically modified organisms genetic modification ethics genetically modified food scientific advance legal use genetic modification natural process selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes modern modification techniques faster techniques selective techniques crop evolution wheat history genetic modification methods DNA comparison natural selection agricultural advancements genetically modified food scientific advance legal use genetic modification natural process selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes modern modification techniques super-crop wheat development genetically modified food scientific advance legal use natural process selective breeding DNA changes crop cultivation genetic modification techniques radical changes wheat evolution genetic modification natural processes selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes scientific advance legal use efficacy beneficial keywords evidence radical changes Wheat evolution [1] genetically modified food scientific advance legal usage genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes crop cultivation genetic modification techniques wheat evolution selective breeding history genetic modification natural processes selective breeding crop cultivation historical examples scientific advancements DNA changes genetically modified organisms GMOs equality in genetic changes wheat evolution
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. copyright Creative Commons public domain orphan works intellectual property licensing democratization globalization knowledge sharing attribution reuse commercial availability author rights digital age copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing schemes democratization of knowledge global access knowledge sharing author attribution copyright infringement commercial viability cultural heritage open access digital commons intellectual freedom fair use copyright restrictions content licensing intellectual property rights copyright exceptions copyright reform copyright default settings creative commons licenses public domain movement intellectual commons open culture copyright default copyright exceptions intellectual property law open access publishing copyright assignment copyright licensing creative commons/copyleft intellectual property protection public domain works copyright default harms copyright default benefits copyright copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing schemes democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press copyright infringement public-funded works attribution licenses commercial availability copyright ownership knowledge sharing access to information cultural heritage open access digital commons fair use copyleft intellectual commons Creative Commons orphan works public domain copyright infringement democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge copyright law licensing scheme default settings reuse rights commercial viability stagnation attribution intellectual property knowledge sharing cultural output access to information open access artistic创作 版权法改革 知识共享许可证 孤儿作品 信息传播 文化创作 版权保护 默认设置 再利用权利 商业价值 创造力激发 公共领域作品 知识民主化 copyright law creative commons public domain orphan works intellectual property licensing schemes democratization of knowledge globalization copyright infringement commercial availability copyright creativecommons orphanworks publicdomain licensing intellectualproperty democratization globalization knowledge attribution rights access reuse stagnation commercialavailability ownership innovation copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing scheme democratization of knowledge globalization reuse rights attribution commercial availability stagnant creation knowledge dissemination artistic freedom copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing scheme democratization of knowledge globalization printing press copyright infringement commercial viability public-funded works attribution reuse defaults stagnant creativity enrichment market of ideas knowledge sharing access to information copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property democratization of knowledge globalization copyright infringement licensing scheme default settings reuse rights attribution commercial availability democratization globalization knowledge sharing copyright restrictions author protections open access cultural heritage digital rights management fair use copyleft intellectual commons licensing agreements copyright enforcement digital libraries academic publishing creative economy cultural preservation open source public sector information digital divide copyright exceptions copyright term copyright notices copyright notice removal copyright registration copyright infringement prevention copyright licensing copyright assignment copyright transfer copyright law creative commons orphan works public domain intellectual property licensing democratization globalization knowledge sharing open access copyright infringement authorship permissions reuse commercial viability cultural heritage digital age educational resources innovation cultural production fair use copyleft open source cultural commons intellectual freedom copyright term copyright reform
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro04a	Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. trial politician public perception role model succession corruption prosecution political institutions state function civic disagreement politics integrity political perception role models misdeeds corruption succession damaging effects legal process political institutions citizen opinion partisan disagreement political trials integrity citizen perception role models political succession corruption scandal public trust state institutions political prosecution legal proceedings populace impact opposing views civic duty public perception criminal acts role models misdeeds successors institution tainted corruption scandal legitimacy charges political institutions functioning of the state polarization legal process opposing sides integrity harm to democracy political trust trial impact politics integrity political perception model citizen succession corruption scandal populace punishment effect state functioning trial legal process public image political spectrum justice system political integrity public perception criminal acts role models misdeeds political succession corruption scandal legal process opposing political views state institutions politician trial public perception political role model institutional integrity prosecution controversy political succession state functionality legal process dispute trial politician public perception political position role model misdeeds corruption scandal prosecution political spectrum legitimacy political institutions search optimization keyword expansion political trials public perception role models institutional integrity corruption scandal prosecution impact political succession civic discord politicans trials public perception political role models successors inheriting tainted institutions corruption scandals political prosecution citizen disagreement legitimacy of charges political institutions functioning state integrity in politics political transparency legal proceedings affect on governance media coverage political accountability
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con01a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation safe internet cybersecurity threats identity theft phishing critical infrastructure hacking political sector cyber attacks government response Computer Emergency Response Team CERT IRT CSIRT information sharing security threats cybersecurity critical_infrastructure identity_theft phishing government_response CERTs IRTs CSIRTs cyber_attacks public_sector online_safety cyber_police threat_exchange cyber_security_measures cybercrime cyber_defense incident_response cybersecurity_acronyms cyber_security_agencies cyber_security_trends Internet regulation cybersecurity threats critical infrastructure protection identity theft phishing attacks government response teams CERTs IRTs CSIRTs cyber threats public sector security online safety information sharing computer emergency response Internet regulation safe internet cybersecurity threats identity theft phishing critical infrastructure hacking policy response government agencies Computer Emergency Response Teams incident response CERTs CSIRTs public sector cyber attacks security teams internet safety online policing information exchange Internet regulation safe internet cybersecurity threats critical infrastructure hacking identity theft phishing pUBLIC sector cyber attacks government agencies Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT online safety offline policing information sharing threat warnings digital security Internet regulation cybersecurity threats public sector attacks CERT IRT CSIRT phishing identity theft critical infrastructure government response security teams cyber threats safety online police analogy information sharing private CSIRT cooperation internet regulation security threats critical infrastructure identity theft phishing cyber-threats Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs IRTs CSIRT public sector government agencies online safety cyber policing information sharing cybersecurity measures Internet regulation security threats critical infrastructure identity theft phishing public sector cyber-attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs IRTs CSIRTs government agencies incident response expertise exchange private cooperation online safety offline police comparison Internet regulation cybersecurity threats critical infrastructure identity theft phishing government response teams CERTs IRTs CSIRTs cyber attacks public sector security online safety information sharing cybercrime prevention Internet regulation cybersecurity threats public sector vulnerabilities critical infrastructure protection identity theft phishing attacks CERTs IRTs CSIRTs government response teams cyber incident management online safety measures digital policing threat intelligence sharing cybercrime prevention national cyber security centers international cyber security cooperation
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con02a	Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance combat heinous crimes internet communication criminal activities global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material distribution methods modern encryption governments intervention ISPs tracking data handover search warrants Canadian government proposals Australian government proposals mandatory internet filtering child pornography rise justice department reports legal measures privacy concerns terrorism comparison internet governance combat heinous crimes internet as communication tool global crime problems coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution modern encryption governments fight crime ISPs tracking data handover search warrants Canadian government proposals Australian government policies mandatory internet filtering child pornography rise justice department reports laws combating child porn terrorism comparison public safety versus privacy internet governance heinous crimes internet communication criminal activities global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse distribution methods encryption governments ISPs mobile companies tracking data handover search warrants Canadian government internet filtering child pornography terrorist activities harm prevention internet governance heinous crimes internet as communication tool global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material distribution methods modern encryption ISPs tracking data handover search warrants Canadian government proposals mandatory internet filtering Australian government policies terrorism comparison justice department reports current law limitations Internet governance combat heinous crimes global crime child sexual abuse material encryption governments ISPs mobile companies tracking data handover search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering Australia terrorism justice department reports current laws filters internet governance heinous crimes communication methods criminals global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material distribution methods modern encryption governments ISPs mobile companies internet histories data privacy search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering Australia terrorism harm prevention Internet governance combating crimes heinous crimes internet communication criminal communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material distribution methods modern encryption governments fighting crime ISPs tracking mobile companies data police information access search warrants Canadian government proposals Australian government proposals mandatory internet filtering child protection measures terrorism comparisons justice department reports current laws limitations filtering technologies internet safety internet governance heinous crimes internet communication criminal communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material distribution methods encryption governments ISPs mobile companies tracking data handover search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic child pornography justice department laws terrorism prevention measures internet governance heinous crimes internet as communication tool global crime child sexual abuse material encryption ISPs tracking government intervention data handover search warrants Canadian government proposal Australian government proposal internet filtering mandatory filtering terrorism harm prevention digital privacy cybercrime online safety legal measures technological solutions international cooperation cybersecurity child protection encryption methods digital rights surveillance privacy concerns internet regulation policy making internet governance combating heinous crimes global crime internet as communication tool child sexual abuse material encryption methods ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data handover search warrants Canadian government internet traffic filtering mandatory filtering government interventions terrorism privacy concerns online safety digital surveillance global cooperation legal measures technology and crime online protection cybercrime internet regulation child exploitation digital rights privacy laws international laws
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro03a	In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] impeachment punishment deterrence electorate legacy corruption accountability public opinion legal accountability Western democracy political misconduct nixon forgiveness pardon scandal political legacy political duty public accountability civil society roles legal vs non-legal measures impeachment process no confidence votes political legacy campaign effects electorate influence party consequences deterrence mechanisms legacy damage pardons and reputations Nixon scandal forgiveness politics public accountability civil liberties impeachment no confidence vote legal immunity political legacy deterrence election consequences legislative process western democracy political corruption pardons national legacy political scandal Nixon forgiveness presidential pardons government systems legal punishment electoral punishment party reputation ethical considerations legal repercussions transparency checks and balances political misconduct legal precedents public accountability political corruption impeachment no confidence vote electoral consequences political legacy legal immunity democratic systems corruption deterrence political misconduct Nixon pardon presidential legacy public accountability impeachment no confidence vote political misconduct legacy legal accountability electoral consequences party reputation corruption deterrent Nixon pardon political legacy relevance expansion phrases public accountability political corruption deterrence impeachment no confidence vote western democracies political misconduct electoral consequences political legacy legal accountability historical precedents Nixon pardon political damage public accountability political corruption impeachment no confidence vote electoral consequences political legacy legal prosecution deterrent effect political duties voter punishment Nixon pardon legacy damage public accountability politicians major abuses of power prosecution corruption impeachment no confidence vote political will electorate legacy Nixon pardon political scandal search optimization political accountability public scrutiny corruption deterrence impeachment no confidence vote electorate legacy nixon pardon fraudulent legacy major abuses of power politicians held to account punishment deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence Western liberal democracies gross misconduct political will electorate legacy negative legacy corruption tarnished legacy pardons nixon forgiveness political duties
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro04a	The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: student_loan university_fees education_debt financial_pressure college_cost free_university debt_burden loan_repayment higher_education_access student_loan_debt educational_loan tuition_fees economic_burden educational_financing student_loan_research student_loan_statistics university_loan student_loan_impact student_loan_debt university_fees free_university_education higher_education_cost debt_worries student_loan_repayment career_choices education_financing college_affordability financial_burden_youth burden fees loans young people university financial aid student debt education cost loan pressure dropout job suitability repayment working lives free education college access debt burden career choice student loans university fees free education debt burden young people educational loans college costs financial aid tuition fees student debt higher education costs loan repayment student loans consequences education financing student loan pressure student loan repayment university affordability education expenses loan forgiveness student loan default student loan impact burden fees loans young people university school loans United States debt performance dropout jobs repayment free education worries higher education studies brookings institution public radio reducing fee loan recommendations young people college education costs financial support internships debt relief burdens alternative funding policies scholarships grants student aid repayment strategies student loans university fees financial burden debt relief higher education costs student loan repayment free university education educational debt loan pressure academic performance student dropouts career choices debt repayment long-term debt education policy college financing burden of fees loan pressure university costs student loans educational debt free university education financial strain academic performance job market debt repayment college affordability higher education financing student loans university fees financial burden education debt free university loan repayment career choice student dropout educational financing higher education cost student loans university fees financial burden higher education costs debt relief college affordability education loans student loan debt tuition expenses educational financing student loan repayment free university education student loan consequences loan pressure
test-environment-opecewiahw-con03a	Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams community displacement Grand Inga project reservoir creation environmental impact social displacement Inga dams compensation issues community relocation infrastructure development sustainable energy hydroelectric power Congo River indigenous rights resettlement programs development challenges dams community displacement reservoir formation Grand Inga displacement historical displacement compensation issues resettlement challenges infrastructure development impacts environmental displacement long-term displacement effects dam construction impacts social displacement water level rise community relocation infrastructure projects displacement compensation environmental justice human rights in infrastructure development project impacts long-term social impact dams community displacement reservoir formation Grand Inga project Inga dams displacement impact community resettlement compensation issues infrastructure development environmental impact social impact hydroelectric power Congo displacement sustainable development infrastructure challenges socio-economic displacement Dams community displacement reservoir creation Grand Inga displacement Inga dam construction prolonged displacement compensation delays environmental impact on communities infrastructure development displacement sustainable energy projects indigenous rights in dam projects hydroelectric dam social impact Dams community displacement reservoir Grand Inga compensation infrastructure development environmental impact Congo dams community displacement Grand Inga dam water reservoir formation Inga dams history community relocation issues Camp Kinshasa compensation delays Congo energy projects Dams community displacement reservoir Grand Inga Congo compensation infrastructure environmental impact indigenous peoples development hydroelectric power social impact relocation sustainability dams community displacement Grand Inga reservoir Inga dams Congo community resettlement compensation Camp Kinshasa environmental impact assessment indigenous rights hydroelectric project social impact Dams community displacement reservoir formation water level rise Grand Inga Inga dams compensation Camp Kinshasa Congo development impact indigenous rights environmental displacement hydroelectric projects Dams environmental impact community displacement Grand Inga project reservoir creation infrastructure development displacement compensation environmental justice socio-economic impacts hydroelectric power community relocation sustainable development indigenous rights environmental conservation
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro03a	Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. negative perceptions university life affirmative action talented students top universities elite institutions student population racial makeup welcoming environment stereotype quota system disadvantaged students campus cultural climate racial diversity negative perceptions university life affirmative action top universities minority students quota system cultural climate student population diversity elite institutions racial stereotypes disadvantaged students application rates campus inclusivity negative perceptions university life affirmative action elite institutions minority students quotas cultural climate student population diversity stereotypes underrepresented students disadvantaged students racial perceptions campus diversity university admissions social inclusion educational equity student recruitment diversity initiatives academic elitism student demographics higher education access discrimination in education negative perceptions university life affirmative action talented potential students top universities minority backgrounds quotas campus cultural climate race student population welcoming environment racism disadvantaged students negative perceptions university life affirmative action talented students top universities minority backgrounds quotas student population cultural climate racial diversity campus environment stereotyping minority enrollment disadvantaged students negative perceptions university life affirmative action top universities elite institutions minority backgrounds quotas disadvantaged students cultural climate racial perceptions student population diversity welcoming environment stereotype application encouragement long-term impact short-term changes negative perceptions university life affirmative action top universities minority backgrounds quota system student population cultural climate racial diversity elite institutions application discouragement stereotype challenge long-term impact short-term solutions academic inclusivity educational equality underrepresented students negative perceptions university life affirmative action talent application organic change minority backgrounds quotas disadvantaged students cultural climate racial perception campus diversity student population welcoming environment stereotype university admissions selective institutions racial discrimination negative perceptions university life affirmative action top universities talented students minority backgrounds quotas cultural climate racial perceptions student population diversity disadvantaged students campus environment stereotype change enrollment rates educational access social inclusivity higher education equity negative perceptions university life affirmative action top universities talented potential students elite institutions student population black high school students white lecturers welcoming environment racism stereotype minority backgrounds quotas disadvantaged students campus cultural climate racial perceptions diversity inclusion higher education admission policies social change academic diversity educational equity underrepresented students university admissions cultural fit college stereotypes student demographics higher education policy
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons traditional copyright artist rights market expansion digital age artistic freedom mass media internet impact licensing economic benefits Nine Inch Nails cultural sharing public domain intellectual property creative commons benefits artist market expansion copyright limitations artistic freedom internet influence on arts creative commons success stories Nine Inch Nails CC state role in promoting CC CC license advantages expanding artistic reach CC licensing economics digital age art distribution creative commons/licenses artist/markets internet/mass media artistic freedom copyright licensing viral content Nine Inch Nails copyright restrictions artistic control digital age open distribution credit regulations cultural impact economic benefits creative commons advocacy artist reach copyright evolution internet influence cultural sharing intellectual property rights artist earnings digital music content distribution open source artist empowerment copyright law digital rights management artistic success cultural dissemination creative commons licenses artistic reach copyright licensing digital age artist earnings viral content internet impact artistic control Nine Inch Nails Creative Commons adoption artistic distribution market expansion open access content sharing artistic recognition intellectual property rights licensing regulations creative commons traditional copyright artist rights market expansion internet impact artistic reach license flexibility go viral Nine Inch Nails copyright licensing art distribution state policy search performance relevant expansion phrases creative commons artistic reach market expansion traditional copyright internet impact mass media artistic freedom flexibly licensing go viral economic benefits Nine Inch Nails art distribution creative commons licenses artist control content credit state regulation art sharing copyright limitations creative commons/licenses artistic freedom market expansion internet impact copyright limitations Nine Inch Nails arstechnica distribution control artistic reach creative commons benefits copyright licensing artistic recognition digital age creativity creative commons/licenses artistic reach market expansion internet benefits mass media impact Nine Inch Nails copyright limitations artistic control economic benefits artistic recognition state support digital age art分享 creative commons/licenses artistic freedom internet impact copyright limitations market expansion artistic recognition economic benefits digital age cultural sharing Nine Inch Nails open access intellectual property content distribution public domain digital rights management cultural impact music industry artist control licensing flexibility viral content artistic success internet influence copyright law digital era creative commons advantages artistic reach cultural dissemination digital media licensing flexibility artist income internet effects creative commons adoption artistic recognition and revenue creative commons copyright licensing artistic reach internet impact mass media artistic freedom flexible licensing economic benefits Nine Inch Nails digital age artistic control copyright limitations license types internet culture artistic recognition distribution methods cultural impact licensing regulations
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con03a	Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrities majority rule political advocacy minority rights economic impact voter behavior public opinion mainstream politics religious freedom environmental issues gay rights election strategy political parties public reaction UK politics media influence popular sentiment economic crisis distraction theory minority_interests political_movement voter_decision_making advocacy public_reception gay_marriage economic_crisis political_benefit social_issues public_opinion voter_sacrifice marginalized_groups electoral_strategy public_policy political_focus celebrity advocacy minority issues political movements voter decisions key issues marginal issues public opinion gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues political parties public reaction UK politics Cameron gay marriage economic crisis political boost voter priorities celebrity advocacy minority interests political movements voter decision-making key issues marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues public reaction Cameron gay marriage economic crisis political boost public opinion indirect impact direct impact minority representation political distraction voter priorities electoral strategy political focus Celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy political movements voter decisions key issues marginal issues public reaction UK politics gay marriage economic crisis political boost public opinion political distraction Celebrities minority interests political movements voter decisions education economy healthcare gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues public reaction Cameron UK political boost distractions celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy political movements voter decisions key issues marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues public reaction UK politics David Cameron gay marriage economic crisis Celebrity advocacy minority issues political movements voter priorities public reaction gay marriage economic crisis environmental issues political boost public opinion indirect impact economic impact social issues political focus marginalized groups public indifference political campaigning electoral strategy voter decision-making minority representation political distractions economic policies social policies public engagement minority support political polarization advocacy strategies celebrity influence minority interests political advocacy voter decision-making key issues marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues public opinion political parties gay marriage economic crisis public reaction UK politics Cameron's policy Celebrities marginal issues voter decision-making political advocacy minority representation economic impact public opinion gay rights environmental issues religious freedoms Cameron gay marriage political movements Voting behavior Majority rule
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro02a	Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, aid migrants treatment camps traiskirchen austria human rights amnesty international developed countries europe greece migrant camps inhumane conditions essential services healthcare welfare austerity border control migrant influx refugees cost-effectiveness developing countries resources allocation emergency relief unhcr aid migrants treatment camps human rights developed countries developing countries Greece Austria Amnesty traiskirchen welfare healthcare austerity migration cost europe unhcr refugees aid migrants treatment developed countries traiskirchen camp austria europe amnesty international human rights safe transportation essential government services healthcare welfare developing countries cost austerity greece migrants arrival refugees unhcr aid migrants treatment camp Amnesty healthcare welfare developing countries economical austerity Greece migrant traiskirchen aid migrants treatment developed countries developing countries cost transportation healthcare welfare Greece austerity traiskirchen migrant camp amnesty international organization Aid migrants treatment camps developed countries developing countries healthcare welfare traiskirchen Greece austerity cost euthanasia human rights aid migrants treatment developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions safe transportation essential government services healthcare welfare developing countries cost austerity Greece migrants arrival refugees UNHCR aid migrants treatment camp developed countries developing countries transportation healthcare welfare Greece cost austerity Amnesty Traiskirchen aid migrants treatment camp developed countries developing countries human rights traiskirchen Greece Austria Amnesty UNHCR healthcare welfare austerity conditions transportation finance cost economic inequality migration refugees aid migrants treatment camps developed countries developing countries human rights Amnesty International Greece traiskirchen Austria healthcare welfare transportation austerity refugees UNHCR
test-environment-aiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses sociological analysis of poaching illegal status of hunting necessity for poaching rhinoceros horn value bush meat nutrition African livelihoods alternative employment animal protection licit work terrorist funding through poaching species extinction in Africa motivations behind poaching thrill of poaching economic factors in poaching alternative livelihoods for poachers poaching in Africa illegal wildlife trade poaching statistics poacher demographics conservation challenges poaching methods poaching enforcement poaching impact on ecosystems heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses sociological analysis of poaching illegal hunting thrill-seeking behavior necessity for poaching economic incentives for poaching alternative livelihoods for poachers African wildlife conservation illegal wildlife trade terrorist activities funding sources for terrorism impact on wildlife populations lack of legal job opportunities in Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses motivations for illegal hunting hunter motivations necessity poaching illegal status thrill protection game reserves alternative livelihoods African poaching licit work illegal wildlife trade al-shabaab West Africa lion extinction motivations poaching tougherresponses necessity thrill alternativelivelihood bushmeat illegalhunting al-shabaab WestAfricanextinction heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses economic motivations for poaching illegal hunting necessity for poaching bush meat rhinoceros horn value alternative livelihoods for poachers sociological analysis of poaching international wildlife trade illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks livelihood alternatives in Africa motivations(poaching) thrill(hunting) economic(necessity) alternative(livelihood) rhino(horn) bush(meat) licit(work) conservation(efforts) social(sciences) wildlife(reserves) illegal(trade) terrorism(funding) heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses illegal hunting thrill hunters necessity Africans alternative livelihood tougher protection internationally endangered species illegal status bush meat alternative income sources licit work illicit profits terrorism conservation efforts game reserves sociological analysis illegal wildlife trade motivations_for_poaching thrill_hunting economic_necessity_poaching alternative_livelihoods poaching_motives poaching_economics wildlife_protection_strategies illegal_hunting_motives conservation_alternatives poaching_threats African_poaching illegal_hunting_consequences motivations behind poaching international poaching necessity poaching illegal wildlife trade economic incentives for poaching socioeconomic factors in poaching alternative livelihoods for poachers poaching in Africa conservation strategies for poaching illegal hunting practices poaching statistics rhinoceros horn trade bushmeat consumption ecotourism as alternative community-based conservation
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 damages diplomacy transparency leadership health nixon china mao zhou enlai decision-making negotiations public perception political risk international relations historical examples damages diplomacy transparency leader influence negotiations momentous alignment political health public knowledge decision-making reliability trust leadership history nixon china mao macmillan seize the hour damages diplomacy transparency leader health nixon mao zhou enlai deal reliability public knowledge leadership decision-making diplomatic initiatives historical examples Nixon China visit Macmillan damages diplomacy transparency leadership nixon china mao public perception negotiations decisions alignment reliability political influence diplomatic initiatives Macmillan damages diplomacy transparency leadership negotiations Nixon Mao public knowledge deal reliability political trust diplomatic alignments zhou enlai momentous decisions query expansion diplomatic transparency leader health negotiation outcomes historical diplomacy decision-making in diplomacy public perception in diplomacy reliability in international relations historical examples of diplomacy leadership role in negotiations impact of leader health on diplomacy transparency risks in diplomacy political consequences of transparency Nixon Mao meeting historical diplomatic success personal nature of diplomacy damages diplomacy transparency leader negotiations Nixon Mao Zhou Enlai public knowledge decision-making momentous change diplomatic alignment reliability political leverage public opinion diplomatic initiatives leadership trust history damages diplomacy transparency leadership nixon china mao diplomatic initiatives public knowledge decision making negotiations trust alignment reliability political maneuvers leaders' health deal reliability Mao's illness Zhou Enlai Diplomatic secrecy leadership health decision-making authority historical diplomacy public perception negotiation reliability political strategy historical examples leader's influence diplomatic relations transparency impact Nixon China visit Mao health diplomatic history leadership roles deal legitimacy damages diplomacy transparency leadership negotiations momentous changes public knowledge decision-making political trust diplomatic alignments Mao Nixon diplomatic initiatives zhou enlai leader reliability
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con02a	"Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal policing voting fines population government finance voter turnout civil servants bureaucracy electoral costs taxation enfranchisement enforcement ballot evaluation democratic systems administrative expenses voting fines non-voter enforcement civil servant positions governmental expenses voter turnout impact bureaucratic costs electoral finance disenfranchisement tax payer burden proportional voting costs international voting comparison legal enforcement challenges voting fines police resources civil servants bureaucratic costs financial impact voter turnout election expenses population size civil enforcement cost analysis government expenditure policing efficiency voter disenfranchisement electoral system massive fines administrative burden civil rights challenges in enforcement financial implications of elections electoral fraud resource allocation political engagement voter behavior civil liberties police workload citizen compliance electoral finance public opinion political economy voting fines police resources financial enforcement civil servants bureaucratic costs voter turnout cost analysis government expenses voting population differences civil rights enfranchisement political impact ballot evaluation cost effectiveness electoral systems financial burden policing elections fine enforcement voting fines cost analysis government expenditure election administration bureaucratic costs voter turnout elections Australia elections USA policing elections fines for non-voting cost of election administration voter turnout impact bureaucratic costs financial implications of elections vote fines enforcement economic burden of elections voter enfranchisement challenges electoral system expenses policing elections fine enforcement cost analysis voter turnout election financing government expenditure civil servant roles bureaucratic costs voting population differences financial impact voting fines police resources civil servant expansion bureaucratic costs population voting rates financial impact government expenditure voter turnout election costs policing elections cost enforcement electoral system efficiency policing elections voting fines costs of democracy election administration bureaucratic costs voter turnout financial implications of democracy electoral enforcement civil servant expansion ballot evaluation country-specific election costs United States voting population Australia voting population policing elections voter enforcement fine collection civil servant positions bureaucratic costs voting population cost evaluation financial impact political enfranchisement vote enforcement systems election logistics economic burden voting behavior analysis"
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro02a	Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 genocide akazu media control hutu propaganda tutsi persecution rtlm divisionism prime minister assassination rwandan genocide freedom of speech press freedom reconciliation conflict prevention blind obedience AKAZU media control Hutu population genocide ideology RTLM divisionism Tutsi persecution propaganda manipulation speech restrictions press freedom Rwanda reconciliation freedom of speech historical lessons conflict prevention blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu population Tutsi persecution RTLM divisionism speech restrictions freedom of press Rwanda genocide media manipulation political assassinations public speech reconciliation democracy conflict prevention genocide ideology AKAZU RTLM divisionism Tutsi Hutu media control freedom of speech propaganda authoritarianism reconciliation democracy conflict prevention press freedom historical analysis blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu population Tutsi divisionism propaganda RTLM assassination freedom of speech press Rwanda reconciliation conflict prevention Chalk Frank genocide ideology AKAZU RTLM divisionism Tutsi Hutu media control freedom of speech reconciliation Rwanda propaganda authority obedience Chalk Concordia.ca blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu population Tutsi divisionism propaganda RTLM radio assassinations freedom of speech press reconciliation Rwanda conflict prevention restricted freedoms blind obedience authority control media manipulation genocide ideology AKAZU RTLM divisionism Tutsi oppression Hutu propaganda political assassination speech restriction press freedom reconciliation Rwanda history freedom of expression conflict prevention blind obedience authority figures genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu population Tutsi persecution RTLM divisionism propaganda censorship freedom of speech reconciliation Rwanda media influence political assassination speech restrictions historical analysis blind obedience AKAZU Hutu Tutsi genocide RTLM divisionism media control freedom of speech reconciliation Rwanda propaganda authority obedience political manipulation press restrictions public discourse historical analysis conflict prevention
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro02a	"Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Catholic Church contraception casual sex AIDS HIV Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae Catholic Church contraception AIDS HIV marital infidelity moral standards barrier methods casual sex responsible actions Catholic Church Humanae Vitae barrier contraception casual sex AIDS HIV moral standards marital infidelity Pope Paul VI sexual responsibility Catholic Church casual sex AIDS HIV barrier contraception moral standards Humanae Vitae marital infidelity search efficiency expand query valuable terms casual sex Catholic Church barrier contraception AIDS/HIV pope paul vi humanae vitae moral standards query expansion search optimization relevant phrases casual sex Catholic Church barrier contraception AIDS/HIV moral standards Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI search accuracy expansion terms enrich query Catholic Church casual sex contraception AIDS HIV moral standards Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae responsible stance Catholic Church casual sex contraception AIDS HIV moral standards Humanae Vitae marital infidelity search optimization keyword expansion casual sex contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV moral standards Humanae Vitae marital infidelity search outcomes beneficial expansion terms Catholic Church concerns about casual sex AIDS/HIV problems moral standards marital infidelity Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI contraception responsibility"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con03a	Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. speech rights censorship gay rights public safety freedom of expression global opinion homosexual rights public order protected speech democratic principles speech censorship free speech gay rights public safety offensive speech global opinion human rights public order freedom of expression majority view minority rights democratic principles hate speech legal implications ethical considerations cultural differences democratic values freedom of speech gay rights homophobia civil liberties political correctness public order censorship social media free expression civil rights political activism public opinion internet censorship liberalism conservatism free thought oppression harassment protest media freedom international law legal rights blasphemy laws cultural norms internet governance civil society democracy dictatorship power dynamics free will civil disobedience anarchism social justice feminism equality liberation movements political correctness anti-discrimination laws freedom of speech gay rights public safety offensive views popular opinion international perspectives majority view homosexual rights speech restrictions public order protest sexual orientation social acceptance legal rights global consensus minority opinions liberty oppression public discourse civil liberties legal protections sexual diversity free expression sexual equality democratic values ethical considerations cultural differences individual rights social justice political correctness alternative viewpoints public opinion conservative views population statistics gender equality human rights media influence public morality civil rights silencing offensive views gay rights freedom of speech universally applied direct threat public safety curtailment global opinion majority view homosexual sex illegal gay pride marches public order equal freedom expression The Guardian freedom of speech offensive content gay rights public safety global perspective censorship equal application public order majority opinion human rights speech restrictions international views speech restrictions gay rights freedom of expression public safety offensive views political correctness civil liberties global opinion homosexual rights public order free speech majority view speech threats minority opinions speech rights freedom of expression gay rights public safety offensive views poll data public order global opinion search optimization speech regulation gay rights freedom of expression censorship public safety poll results internet search improvement offensive content direct threats public order global perspectives silencing offensive content gay rights freedom of speech universal application public safety threats public order majority view global perspective legal restrictions sexual orientation expression equality controversial topics human rights censorship speech regulation protected speech civil liberties
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro04a	Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. teacher's personal life educational message private information photos teacher's position student perception hypocrisy dress code social media teacher professionalism personal-professional separation online interactions teacher authority student-teacher relationship ethical teaching digital age ethics teacher image management social media policy student behavior teacher conduct public image educational integrity teacher privacy student perceptions social media impact educator credibility professional ethics personal-professional boundary online reputation teacher/student interactions digital divide public image school policies parental involvement internet safety social media guidelines teacher supervision student behavior management cyberbullying ethical teaching practices digital citizenship teacher's personal life educational message private information student perceptions social media impact hypocrisy dress code enforcement online privacy teacher credibility professional boundaries student behavior social interactions digital age ethics public image management teacher training parental involvement school policies cyberbullying digital citizenship teacher reputation student-teacher relationship social media policies ethical teaching student empowerment internet safety educational technology teacher accountability privacy laws social media regulation educational psychology teacher/student dynamics teacher's personal life educational message access to private information teacher's position student perception teacher speaking against smoking substance abuse inappropriate pictures social media impact dress code enforcement hypocrisy separation of personal and professional life teacher-friend interaction student-teacher relationship online behavior privacy concerns teacher credibility educational integrity social media policies teacher ethics student discipline digital footprint parental involvement school reputation teacher professionalism internet safety student trust educational communication teacher image management social media guidelines teacher's personal life educational message access to private information teacher's position student perception convincing speech smoking substance abuse inappropriate pictures teacher hypocrisy dress code social media online behavior professional conduct personal-professional separation teacher reputation student-teacher relationship digital age ethics social media impact educational integrity teacher's personal life educational message private information student perceptions social media impact hypocrisy dress code enforcement separation of personal and professional online behavior teacher credibility student-teacher interaction social media policy teacher image management inappropriate content privacy concerns educational ethics digital divide online reputation school policies teacher conduct digital citizenship student trust professional boundaries social media in education parental involvement digital literacy student discipline teacher/student relationships public image ethical teaching social media guidelines digital age challenges teacher personal life educational message private information student perception professional ethics social media impact teacher hypocrisy dress code public image friend posts professional boundaries online behavior teacher authority student trust privacy concerns teacher effectiveness digital footprint social media policy teacher/student interaction internet safety professional conduct teacher's personal life educational message access to private information student perceptions teacher hypocrisy social media impact strict dress code inappropriate photos teacher professionalism separation of personal and professional life online interactions teacher effectiveness student trust ethical teaching practices digital divide teacher image management social media policies student-teacher relationship privacy concerns professional boundaries educational technology teacher reputation management teacher's personal life educational message access to private information teacher's position student perceptions speaking against smoking substance abuse inappropriate pictures teacher hypocrisy strict dress code social media impact teacher privacy professional personal separation school incidents online interactions student-teacher relationship social media policies teacher's personal life educational message private information student trust social media impact teacher hypocrisy strict dress code inappropriate content separation of personal and professional online interaction guidelines student-teacher relationship social media policies educational ethics privacy concerns teacher reputation student behavior management social media in education digital citizenship teacher professionalism parental involvement school culture digital footprint online reputation management
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con03a	Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, partial.birth.abortion safety mortality.rates alternatives dangers backstreet.abortion hysterotomy induction mental.health risk.factors pregnancy outcomes emotional.stress legal.imPLICATIONS partial_birth_abortion risk_maternity bans_alternatives induction_mortality hysterotomy dangerous_backstreet_methods suicide_attempts late_term_abortion partialbirthabortion riskmaternalhealth alternativeabortionmethods mortalityrates backstreetabortion suicidepregnancy dxprocedure hysterotomy prematurelabourinduction populationandfamilyhealth partial birth abortion safety D&X procedure benefits abortion alternatives risks premature labour induction dangers hysterotomy complications late term abortion suicide risk back-street abortion dangers partialbirthabortion safety alternatives mortality risk banning prematurelabourinduction hysterotomy backstreetmethods suicide danger healthoutcomes populationhealth familyhealth partialbirthabortion safety mortalityrates alternativeprocedures emotionalimpact backstreetabortions hysterotomy prematurelabourinduction suicidality dangerousmethods risks healthoutcomes pregnancytermination abortionprocedure evidencebasedmedicine medicalethics reproductivehealth populationhealth publichealthpolicy femalehealth wombremoval partial birth abortion safety mortality rates alternative procedures maternal health banning risks hysterotomy induction abortion back-street methods suicide risk pregnancy termination complications emotional impact partial_birth_abortion safety risk_maternity alternatives_induction hysterotomy back_street_abortion suicide mortality_rates pregnancy_termination emotional_impact partialbirthabortion safestabortionmethod motherrisk alternativeabortionmethods prematurelabourinduction hysterotomy backstreetabortion suicidality latepregnancyabortion riskierprocedures unsafeabortionmethods healthrisks pregnancytermination surgicalabortiontechniques suiciderisk abortionmortalityrates partialbirthabortion safety alternativeprocedures mortalityrates emotionalimpact backstreetabortion hysterotomy maternalrisks latepregnancyabortions suicide riskmanagement policyimplications abortionmethods maternalhealth
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con04a	Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, parties coalitions political parties ideological spectrum factions republican movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism policy formation primaries single-party government party oversight self-correction ideological streams coalition politics political factions ideological spectrum primary elections policy compromise Republican Party conservative movements national security conservatism issues conservatism social conservatives libertarian conservatism fiscal conservatives policy formulation party platforms representative governance self-correction ideologies parties coalitions political parties ideological spectrum factions republican parties social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism policy platforms primaries single-party government ideological streams self-correction political factions Parties as coalitions ideological broad churches factions varying positions republican movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policy compromise primaries single-party government party member oversight representational policies ideological streams self-correction political spectrum party platform candidate policies Parties Coalitions Ideological Broad Churches Factions Social Conservatives Libertarian Conservatism Tea Party Fiscal Conservatives National Security Conservatism Issues Conservatism Policy Compromise Primaries Single-Party Government Party Members Self-Correction Ideological Streams political parties coalitions ideological spectrum factions primary elections compromise policies single-party government representative different interests self-correction conservative movements religious right libertarian conservatism fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism political parties ideological spectrum factions republican movements social conservatives libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism primaries single-party government policy compromises party member oversight self-correction ideological streams Parties as coalitions ideological broad churches factions varying positions republican movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policy compromise primaries single-party government party member oversight representational policies ideological streams self-correction parties coalition ideological spectrum factions primaries policy compromise national security conservatism issues conservatism social conservatives libertarian conservatism fiscal conservatives religious right GOP coherent policies self-corrected ideology Parties Coalitions Ideological Spectrum Factions Republican Movements Social Conservatives Libertarian Conservatism Tea Party Fiscal Conservatives National Security Conservatism Issues Conservatism Policy Compromise Primaries Single-Party Government Party Members Representative Policies Ideological Streams Self-Correction
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con01a	Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. workplace rules religious practices employment law faith at work job choices conflict resolution employer responsibilities court involvement personal beliefs job security religious symbols faith conflicts workplace conduct employee rights moral dilemmas ethical decisions workplace ethics religious freedom employment ethics workplace discrimination legal obligations moral obligations employment policies workplace conduct religious accommodation job choices faith conflicts employer responsibilities legal solutions employee rights religious symbols workplace ethics faith at work job resignations moral dilemmas employer expectations religious freedom workplace regulations employee obligations faith in the workplace religious attire employment disputes ethical dilemmas workplace spirituality employment law faith-based employment work-life balance religious discrimination employment contract employee dismissal faith-based choices job satisfaction workplace harmony ethical employment religious observance employment standards workplace diversity faith and work employment ethics religious expression workplace policies workplace_rules employment_contracts faith_at_work religious_discrimination job_choices personal_beliefs legal_rights church_and_state employee_rights conflict_resolution moral_competence job_security ethical_dilemmas freedom_of_religion employment_law faith_wear workplace_conflict employment_practices workplace rules religious freedom employment conflicts faith at work choice theory job responsibilities legal obligations church and state employment law religious symbols workplace discrimination ethical dilemmas employee rights moral disputes job market career decisions workplace ethics religious accommodation faith-based employment employment discrimination workplace conduct policies workplace rules employee conduct faith at work job choices religious symbols employer responsibilities court involvement personal beliefs job conflicts faith conflicts workplace faith accommodations employee faith rights workplace rules religious beliefs job choices conflict resolution employment law faith in workplace ethical dilemmas job termination personal responsibility employer obligations legal consequences religious symbols faith freedom workplace accommodations employment contracts employee rights workplace rules religious freedom job choice faith conflict employer responsibilities legal solutions biblical perspective employee rights discrimination law accommodation requests faith-based employment ethical dilemmas workplace conduct employment rules faith conflict job choice religious expression legal responsibility employee rights employer obligations religious liberty conflict resolution job satisfaction faith at work employment law workplace diversity ethical dilemmas personal choices religious symbols job retention moral responsibilities workplace conduct employer rules religious beliefs job choice conflict resolution faith at work employment law biblical perspective job termination ethical conflicts workplace rules employment law religious freedom job choices conflict resolution faith at work employer responsibilities employee rights biblical perspective job termination workplace ethics religious symbols faith conflicts legal implications employee conduct job satisfaction personal beliefs corporate policies
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. community empowerment microfinance savings household risk education health Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence financial decision-making informal finance Sub-Saharan Africa social impact financial inclusion development poverty reduction empowerment village savings and loans community empowerment microfinance sub-saharan africa Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE savings household risk education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali gender based violence kim et al community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence evidence based practices financial capital education health food security household risk reducing poverty informal savings financial decision making community bond innovations in microfinance community empowerment microfinance savings household risk education health Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women's empowerment gender based violence [1] Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence evidence based practices financial security education health innovations in microfinance household risk reduction financial capital mobilization community bonds microfinance community empowerment small scale impact savings mobilization Village Savings and Loans Associations South Sudan Africa CARE Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative gender empowerment financial inclusion household security education investment health investment community bonds financial decision making gender based violence community empowerment microfinance savings village savings and loans associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender based violence financial capital education health future household risk better food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond sense of community innovations for microfinance population targeted poor people informal approaches sub-saharan africa 2013 evidence training informal development security innovations 2014 2013 2007 community empowerment microfinance savings household risk informal approaches Village Savings and Loans Associations education health population targeting female empowerment food security gender based violence financial decision making CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali informal economy evidence based initiatives financial inclusion village savings groups community empowerment microfinance development savings Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Senegal Mali gender empowerment household risk financial security education health community bond gender based violence community empowerment microfinance savings household risk education health Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative gender based violence CARE Africa population targeting financial capital food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond
test-international-miasimyhw-pro01a	Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. free labor market productivity knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community regional movement poverty reduction employment barriers labor productivity unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities free labor market productivity knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities market access Common Market Protocol East African Community regional movement poverty reduction migration labor productivity European labor market job disparities growth Euro-crisis social welfare criticism free labor market economic productivity neoliberal theory laissez-faire approach CMP 2010 East African Community free movement population mobility socio-economic development critical perspectives on EU labor market migration unemployment growth disparities free labor market benefits of free movement productivity enhancement knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire approach economic growth employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community regional poverty migration labor productivity European labor market unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities free movement labor market productivity economic growth employment opportunities neoliberal theory common market protocol east african community regional development socio-cultural traditions labor mobility unemployment euro crisis social welfare migration labor productivity job disparities economic efficiency free movement economic productivity labour market recommendation query expansion laissez-faire neoliberal theory East African Community Common Market Protocol employment opportunities regional poverty socio-cultural traditions migration criticism unemployment Euro-crisis growth productivity eurozone migrant workers flexible labour market social welfare job disparities free labor market productivity economic growth regional movement neoliberal theory knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community labor productivity unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities labor market flexibility free labor market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic productivity employment opportunities regional movement Common Market Protocol East African Community economic growth regional poverty employment barriers labor productivity unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration labor mobility free movement benefits promote productivity labor market neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities regional movement CMP 2010 East African Community poperty reduction migration social welfare flexible labor market EU unemployment criticism growth disparities beneficial expansion terms free labour market knowledge sharing idea exchange socio-cultural traditions neoliberal theory laissez-faire approach economic growth new employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community regional poverty employment opportunities migration European labour market flexible labour market unemployment criticism EU crisis social welfare growth disparities productivity challenges
test-religion-frghbbgi-con03a	The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, rare life conditions Earth universe probability extraterrestrial god intervention astronomical biology astrobiology cosmology fine-tuning theory rarity life universe fine tuning theory habitable zone magnetic field atmospheric conditions astrobiology extraterrestrial life God intervention cosmic coincidence rarity life solar distance magnetic field atmospheric composition evolution God intervention extraterrestrial unlikelihood cosmic habitability [1] rarity life solar radiation magnetic field atmospheric conditions evolution God intervention extraterrestrial life cosmic conditions probability life rarity life conditions Earth uniqueness astrobiology fine-tuning cosmic habitability divine intervention extraterrestrial life McAlpine physicsworld rare life fine conditions Earth uniqueness solar radiation magnetic field atmospheric composition extraterrestrial life God intervention cosmic rarity rare conditions fine-tuning argument astrobiology exoplanets life existence God intervention cosmic fine-tuning habitable zone magnetic fields atmospheric composition rare conditions for life fine-tuned universe existence of life Earth unique god intervention astrobiology planetary conditions life evolution extraterrestrial life probability of life cosmic rarity fine-tuning argument rarity life conditions sun magnetic field atmosphere Earth evolution probability God intervention extraterrestrial Rare life planetary conditions astrobiology fine-tuned universe extraterrestrial life probability of life God hypothesis celestial mechanics atmospheric requirements magnetic fields solar radiation cosmic rarity life evolution 宇宙稀有性 太阳距离 地球特殊性
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con03a	Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining right freedom of association representative public sector unions isolation state employment right to assembly representation well-being pay unions public sector workers social isolation democracy free expression employment rights labour law worker's rights union rights assembly rights collective action collective_bargaining right_to_assembly freedom_of_association public_sector_workers unions state_representation isolation well_being pay_restrictions representative_selection free_expression public_service Bloomberg Michael_New_York_Times collective bargaining rights freedom of association representative selection pubic sector workers unions state isolation social representation economic impact political influence union rights labour laws assembly rights public sector employment bargaining power workplace democracy organizational behavior social cohesion legal enforcement worker empowerment collective bargaining right freedom of association representative selection individual rights isolation pay unions state rights pUBLIC SECTOR WORKERS employer state well being society collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association representative selection right to assembly isolation pay unions Bloomberg Michael collective bargaining right freedom of association representative selection isolation pay unions Bloomberg Michael NYTimes collective bargaining right enforceable freedom of association representative selection group representation isolated society pUBLIC SECTOR WORKERS union Bloomberg Michael New York Times pay unions collective bargaining right enforceable free association freedom of expression representation isolation pubic sector unions Bloomberg Michael New York Times collective_bargaining right_to_assembly freedom_of_association pUBLIC_SECTOR_WORKERS state_representation isolation bloomberg new_york_times collective bargaining rights freedom of association public sector unions state isolation representation right to assembly public sector workers Bloomberg Michael New York Times
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. verification arms agreement trust mechanisms telemetry inspections missile performance deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification standards New START START treaty compliance reliability monitoring systems verification regime telemetry missile performance inspections compliance deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification standards elimination of delivery vehicles START New START Treaty trust monitoring faith agreement arms control flaws security disarmament transparency limitations confidence building nuclear weapons treaty verification missile defense nuclear strategy verification systems telemetry data missile inspections warhead verification ICBM monitoring SLBM tracking mobile ICBM verification treaty compliance START agreement New START arms control verification trust mechanisms treaty enforcement nuclear disarmament international security peacekeeping measures diplomatic relations military transparency technology verification inspection protocols missile defense strategic stability nuclear non-proliferation treaty monitoring confidence-building measures Verification mechanisms arms agreement trust telemetry data inspection biases warhead verification mobile ICBM monitoring delivery vehicle elimination standards Verification arms agreement trust monitoring telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification standards relevance expansion phrases search performance verification mechanisms arm agreements trust monitoring systems telemetry inspections warheads missile verification ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles verification standards New START START treaty compliance verification treaty enforcement trust issues monitoring challenges Verification arms agreement trust mechanisms telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification standards New START START treaty compliance missile performance Russian compliance Heritage Foundation verification systems telemetry exchange missile inspections warhead verification ICBM monitoring SLBM validation mobile ICBM verification treaty compliance trust mechanisms agreement faith New START expired START verification robustness missile performance telemetry bias inspection effectiveness warhead numbers delivery vehicle elimination verification standards verification arm agreements trust mechanisms telemetry inspections warheads missile verification START treaty New START mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle verification Verification systems telemetry data missile inspections warhead verification ICBM monitoring SLBM tracking mobile ICBM regulations treaty compliance trust in agreements START treaty New START Heritage Foundation verification standards"
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro01a	Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. higher education benefits critical thinking skills political debate citizenship democratic process university role secondary education professional life social engagement free universities individual development spiritual growth intellectual exploration higher education benefits critical thinking skills democratic process university role social contribution free universities individual development political engagement societal impact instruction vs exploration higher education benefits critical thinking skills social impact of university education democratic participation civic engagement personal development university role in society education value analysis professional life comparison secondary education limitations spiritual growth in education exploration vs instruction university as a critical institution higher education benefits critical thinking skills social responsibility democratic process intellectual exploration spiritual growth university vs secondary school university role in society political debate citizen engagement free universities higher education critical thinking democratic process university benefits civic engagement secondary school comparison professional life differences spiritual exploration instruction vs. questioning norms free universities societal impact educational development political debate skills citizen responsibilities higher education university experience critical thinking skills secondary school professional life questioning norms democratic process free universities political debate civic engagement higher education individual rights critical thinking secondary school professional life democratic process free universities political debate citizen development educated populace questioning norms state responsibility exploration personal growth intellectual development spiritual growth university benefits higher education critical thinking personal growth intellectual exploration spiritual development secondary school comparison professional life contrast questioning norms democratic process free universities civic engagement political debate skills educational benefits societal impact higher education critical thinking university benefits democratic process personal growth intellectual exploration spiritual development secondary education limitations professional life constraints political debate effectiveness free universities citizen engagement state responsibility educational opportunities norm questioning degree importance higher education benefits critical thinking skills democratic process free universities individual development intellectual exploration political debate social engagement university education value
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con04a	ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy local cooperation language barriers scapegoat international police forces community representation race riots minority policing international justice conflict escalation legal enforcement peacekeeping missions legal authority cultural sensitivity political consequences ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force national police community cooperation language barrier scapegoat minority areas Brixton race riots international police forces ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force community cooperation language barrier scapegoat local forces international police Brixton race riots political consequences minority areas peacekeeping forces ICC enforcement resentment effectiveness equipment training legitimacy foreign force national police Brixton race riots anger cooperation language barrier scapegoat local politicians ICC enforcement resentment ineffective legitimacy foreign force national police community intrusion Brixton race riots scapegoat local cooperation language barrier ICC enforcement resentment effectiveness foreign force legitimacy community cooperation language barrier scapegoat local forces international police Brixton race riots political scapegoating ICC enforcement resentment effectiveness legitimacy foreign force community intrusion Brixton race riots national police forces minority areas lack of cooperation language barriers scapegoat local politicians ICC enforcement resentment ineffective enforcement foreign force legitimacy community cooperation language barriers scapegoat local forces minority areas Brixton race riots international police forces political scapegoats ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force minority areas Brixton race riots cooperation language barrier scapegoat local politicians ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy local cooperation language barrier scapegoat Brixton race riots international police forces minority areas political implications
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy security policy High Representative state unity diplomatic unity identity creation European Union trade policy environmental policy political union military cooperation EU approach consultation mechanism diplomatic strategy European identity EU foreign relations EU decision-making European unity diplomatic representation European integration EU diplomatic strategy consultation importance EU foreign policy challenges EU Representative consultation mechanism foreign policy unification state by state consultation high representative European Union unity identity creation commitment to common values consultation for agreement EU foreign policy improvement EU diplomatic effectiveness European integration Mark Eyskens quote economic giant political dwarf military worm trade policy success environmental policy leadership EU military weakness diplomatic unity EU decision-making process Representative EU consultation consensus economic giant political dwarf military worm unified voice foreign policy trade policy environmental policy Craig R Whitney Representative role EU consultation unified voice foreign policy decision-making process identity creation common values trade policy environmental policy European unity Gulf War impact Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy High Representative unified voice trade policy environmental policy identity values Belgium Marc Eyskens European unity gulf war search optimization keyword recommendation EU foreign policy consultation mechanism high representative political integration consensus decision making united front creation identity formation European unity diplomatic cooperation trade policy environmental policy military strategy representative role consultation importance EU approach collective decision-making EU evolution political union foreign relations policy coordination international diplomacy state by state consultation collaborative governance European representation diplomatic unification value alignment policy convergence EU transformation political dynamics foreign policy reform European integration decision-making process EU structure consultation effectiveness representative significance Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy High Representative single voice unified front European unity international trade policy decision identity creation values-commitment Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy security policy unified voice consultation mechanism identities collaboration debate common values economic giant political dwarf military worm Representative EU consultation consensus foreign policy security policy unified voice trade policy environmental policy Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens identity creation common values gulf war unity Representative EU consultation consensus bold first step unified voice state by state foreign policy diplomacy identity creation common values European unity trade policy environmental policy Gulf War unity Mark Eyskens
test-environment-opecewiahw-con02a	A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, environmental impact dam construction renewable energy oxygen content species loss Congo River delta ecosystem plankton carbon sink mega projects international rivers Grand Inga environmental impact Congo River oxygen content biodiversity loss delta ecosystem Atlantic Ocean carbon sink renewable energy mega dams ecological consequences environmental impact dam Grand Inga Congo River ecosystem delta oxygen content species loss sediment transport plankton carbon sink hydropower renewable energy ecological consequences Atlantic Ocean climate impact environmental impact renewable energy biodiversity loss carbon sink Grand Inga project ecological consequences delta ecosystem sediment transport oceanography planktoniculture dam environmental impact renewable energy mega project Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta plankton carbon sink ecosystem impact sediment transport Atlantic Ocean environmental impact renewable energy biodiversity loss oxygen content river ecosystem carbon sink Grand Inga Congo delta ecological consequences dam construction sustainability aquatic life climate change water management hydroelectric power ecological balance river plume environmental assessment ecological footprint renewable resources dam controversy environmental impact dam construction renewable energy oxygen levels species loss Grand Inga river delta carbon sink plankton ecosystem disruption environmental impact dam construction renewable energy oxygen content species loss Congo River delta ecosystem Atlantic Ocean carbon sink Grand Inga dam project ecosystem services hydroelectric power environmental impact dam construction renewable energy oxygen content species loss Congo River delta ecosystem carbon sink plankton Atlantic Ocean Grand Inga dam hydroelectric project ecological consequences submerged area sediment transport organic matter environmental impact dam construction renewable energy mega project species loss river delta carbon sink plankton ecosystem impact sediment transport Grand Inga
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, copyright infringement costs of monitoring copyright enforcement effectiveness of copyright law internet piracy creative commons licensing public domain bootlegging deterrence punishment IP law piracy statistics copyright infringement internet piracy creative commons public domain intellectual property enforcement deterrent effect peer to peer networks copyright law effectiveness digital piracy unauthorized copies China copyright issues music industry challenges film industry piracy legal enforcement failures copyright deterrence public domain benefits artist rights consumer benefits copyright monitoring costs benefits ineffectiveness internet piracy ideas public domain deterrence effective enforcement legal challenges creative commons licensing solutions artist rights consumer benefits peer to peer nine percent bootleg DVDs China copyright laws enforcement issues piracy trends public domain Internet Governance IP rights piracy prevention law enforcement public awareness piracy economics lawyer involvement monitoring copyright costs effectiveness of copyright enforcement internet piracy statistics creative commons licensing benefits public domain concepts copyright law enforcement challenges peer to peer network impact intellectual property issues copyright infringement consequences international copyright compliance monitoring copyright costs of monitoring copyright deterrent effect of copyright piracy statistics creative commons licensing public domain unenforceability of copyright laws internet piracy IPR enforcement china piracy movie piracy peer to peer networks copyright infringement monitoring costs creative commons public domain internet piracy enforcement issues deterrent effect peer to peer networks bootlegging intellectual property licensing schemes artistic compliance consumer benefits copyright infringement monitoring costs public domain idea theft internet piracy creative commons deterrent effect enforcement issues bootlegging peer to peer networks compliance artist rights consumer benefits intellectual property draconian laws public exposure monitoring copyright states costs artists copyright lawyers copyright copyright infringement internet piracy creative commons licensing public domain copyright enforcement peer to peer networks bootleg copies intellectual property copyright law deterrence effectiveness copyright pressures artist rights consumer benefits copyright infringement enforcement costs public domain internet piracy creative commons deterrent effect peer to peer networks China bootlegs copyright law enforceability artistic compliance consumer benefits copyright infringement costs of monitoring benefits of copyright public domain internet piracy deterrent effect of copyright laws enforcement of copyright laws creative commons licensing artist compliance publisher losses piracy statistics China copyright issues peer to peer networks
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con05a	Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. animal research ethics pain management humane treatment wildlife experimental results regulations cruelty painkillers euthanasia welfare alternatives morality scientific advancement animal research ethics animal welfare laws pain management in animals humane euthanasia benefits of animal research wild vs laboratory life morality of animal testing regulation of animal experimentation scientific validity of animal studies alternatives to animal testing psychological aspects of animal research animal research moral objections cruel treatment pain management ethics regulation experimental results wildlife suffering humanely euthanization wellness laws animal welfare beneficial outcomes animal research ethics pain management in animals animal welfare laws experimental animal care humanitarian euthanasia benefit of animal research wildlife survival moral objections to animal testing regulation of animal experimentation alternatives to animal testing animal research ethics treatment suffering painkillers humane euthanasia regulations experimental results wild life morality cruelty scientific advancement animal research treatment of animals pain management humane euthanasia ethical considerations animal welfare experimental results wild life conditions suffering in animals regulation of research morality of animal testing benefits of animal research animal research treatment of animals pain management euthanasia experimental results animal welfare laws morality suffering regulation ethics wildlife survival untimely deaths ban on research cruelty animal research treatment of animals suffering painkillers euthanasia wildlife experimental results morality regulation cruelty ethics animal research ethical considerations animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia legal requirements experimental outcomes wildlife comparison moral objections regulatory standards scientific advancement animal welfare ethical considerations pain management humane euthanasia regulatory standards experimental outcomes animal rights wildlife survival untimely deaths moral objections scientific necessity
test-environment-aiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries finances political instability Tanzania budget debt poverty endangered species conservation economic development budget deficit civil war African economies potential funding sources for wildlife conservation civil conflicts in Africa debt burden in African nations poverty in Africa economic priorities in developing countries budget deficits in African governments endangered species protection in Africa resource allocation in developing nations Tanzania economy African economies underdevelopment civil war poverty budget deficits endangered species conservation funding economic priorities development challenges African development challenges civil war impact economic underdevelopment budget constraints poverty in Africa debt burden wildlife conservation funding endangered species protection budget deficit examples Tanzania finances African countries economic underdevelopment poverty civil war limited budgets endangered animals budget deficit Tanzania World Factbook African economies budget constraints civil war impact debt burden economic development endangered species fiscal deficits poverty effects resource allocation wildlife conservation costs African development budget constraints endangered species civil war debt poverty economic underdevelopment wildlife conservation budget deficit Tanzania economy African countries budget constraints endangered animals preservation civil war debt poverty economic development Tanzania budget deficit African economies potential funding sources for wildlife conservation budget constraints prioritizing development needs global economic challenges in Africa political instability impact on conservation debt burden on African nations poverty and wildlife protection civil wars and conservation funding ecological priorities in resource-limited settings Tanzania conservation spending effect of budget deficits on environmental initiatives African economies budget constraints civil war economic development endangered species global debt poverty wildlife conservation budget deficit resource allocation
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con03a	There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. voter_engagement barriers_to_voting electoral_reform proportional_representation political_disengagement voting_costs simplifying_registration party_finance_reforms election_administration citizen_participation democratic_reform voter_turnout civic_engagement political_spectrums direct_democracy representative_democracy voter_engagement_strategies political_disengagement fair_voting_systems election_administration reform_party_finance holiday_elections proportional_representation barriers_to_voting low_turnout_solutions voter_engagement political_engagement barriers_to_voting election_reforms proportional_representation political_system_reform voting_costs registration_processes party_finance_reforms centralized_bureaucracy democracy_enhancement citizen_participation disenfranchisement_factors voter engagement barriers to voting cost of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform proportional representation political spectrum electoral bureaucracy voter_disengagement alternatives_to_compulsory_voting barriers_to_voting reduction_of_voting_costs weekend_voting election_day_holiday simplification_of_registration party_finance_reforms proportional_representation political_spectrum election_administration professional_bureaucracy voter_engagement barriers_to_voting electoral_reforms proportional_representation political_disengagement cost_of_turnout simple_registration election_administration professional_bureaucracy party_finance_reforms voter engagement political disengagement barriers to voting election costs weekend voting election holidays voter registration party finance reform proportional representation political spectrum voter_engagement barriers_to_voting political_reforms proportional_representation election_administration simplifying_registration reducing_voting_costs weekend_voting holidays_for_elections party_finance_reforms expanding_political_spectrum voter_engagement barriers_to_voting cost_of_turnout weekend_voting election_holiday simple_registration party_finance_reforms proportional_representation political_spectrum voter_engagement_strategies election_reforms political_disengagement solutions voting_barriers proportional_representation election_administration reform_recommendations political_spectrum
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro01a	Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. gender equality fundamental human rights EU workplace equality political representation social justice business principles pan-EU issues human rights endorsement proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives quotas gender representation model for others worldwide impact fundamental human rights EU directives gender representation high positions politics society business pan-EU problem quotas Morin-Chartier progress archetype national issue gender equality model human rights EU directives gender representation politics society business quotas gender equality model archetype progress Morin-Chartier fundamental human rights EU endorsements gender equality at workplace important principle businesses follow men and women equality top levels representation national issue pan-EU problem justice equal rights EU directives model for each other quotas archetype women high positions progress encouragement other tools inadequacy Morin-Chartier argument gender equality fundamental human rights EU directives workplace representation political equality social justice business principles quota systems human rights endorsements pan-EU issues gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsements workplace equality political representation societal equality business principles pan-EU problem justice equal rights human rights directives quotas Morin-Chartier model for others global archetype gender equality fundamental human rights EU directives workplace representation political equality societal equality business principles pan-EU problem justice and equal rights Morin-Chartier quotas archetype gender representation gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsements workplace equality political representation societal equality business principles pan-EU problem justice equal rights European Union directives quotas model for others Morin-Chartier gender equality fundamental human rights EU directives workplace representation political leadership social justice business principles quota systems Morin-Chartier pan-EU issues human rights EU directives gender quotas top leadership fundamental rights political representation social equality business principles pan-EU issues justice gender representation morin-chartier
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con01a	Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. freedom of expression women feminism social movements pornography consent self-expression sexual autonomy art and media censorship sexual liberation freedom of expression women feminism social movements pornography self-expression consent revolutionary art social groups oppression sexuality art and media international recognition sex symbols consenting adults freedom of expression women feminism pornography social movements self-definition consent international recognition sexuality art media oppression freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement social movements pornography consent sexual liberation art and media self-expression revolutionary art censorship sexuality sex symbols consenting adults oppression artistic freedom freedom of expression social movements women's rights banning pornography self-expression consent sex symbols feminist movement self-definition artistic freedom freedom of expression women feminist movement social movements pornography sexual autonomy art and media consenting adults self-definition sex symbols freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement pornography consent self-expression art and media revolutionary oppression sexual autonomy international recognition social movements gender equality consenting adults freedom of expression women feminist movement social movements pornography consent self-expression art media revolutionary ways sexual liberation sex symbols desperation consenting adults freedom of expression women feminism social movements pornography censorship artistic expression consent sexual liberation self-definition gender equality freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement social movements pornography consent self-expression art media revolutionary sexuality oppression sex symbols international recognition cases between consenting adults
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, privacy rights leaders health government functionality public disclosure historical examples political privacy leadership continuity leaders privacy public health political leadership government operations confidentiality political figures medical conditions historical precedents leadership continuity 信息公开 隐私权 政府运作 政治人物 健康状况 历史先例 privacy rights political privacy leader confidentiality public figures privacy medical confidentiality government functionality historical leaders privacy political health leadership continuity public health disclosure political immunity medical incapacity leadership incapacity historical precedents leadership privacy ethics leader health disclosure government operations public trust leadership political well-being leadership transparency medical politics political health impacts denial of privacy leaders leaders deserve privacy health of leaders privacy rights leaders government functionality without leader public knowledge leader illness historical examples leader privacy William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister role during illness privacy in leadership positions privacy leaders denial health diseases public knowledge government functionality historical examples William_Pitt_the_Younger privacy rights political privacy leader health government functionality public knowledge confidentiality political illness historical examples leadership continuity public perception 信息公开限制 领导人隐私 政治疾病管理 公众知情权 政府运行效率 privacy rights political leadership public health government functionality historical examples political transparency confidentiality health issues leadership incapacity public perception privacy expectations political ethics medical confidentiality leadership continuity historical leaders government operations privacy rights leaders health government functionality confidentiality public image political leadership health disclosure leadership continuity historical precedents political privacy privacy leaders diseases leaders AIDS/HIV embarrassing illnesses government functionality public knowledge leadership continuity William Pitt the Younger Napoleonic Wars Victorian Web denial of privacy leaders privacy health of leaders confidentiality government functionality public knowledge leadership continuity historical examples political privacy health secrecy public health leader's illness political impact public perception governance efficiency
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro03a	Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. child safety teacher-child relationship grooming signs legal boundaries trusted adults electronic communication warning signals child protection risk awareness pedophilia prevention grooming child safety teacher student boundaries warning signs legal prohibition trusted adults child exploitation digital communication risks reporting mechanisms preventive measures warning signals child grooming trusted adults private electronic contact teacher misconduct legal restrictions child safety warning signs predatory behavior reporting mechanisms child protection risk awareness educational environment warning signals child safety grooming recognition teacher behavior private electronic contact legal prohibition trusted adults child protection early detection risk awareness reporting mechanisms educational safety safeguarding children online grooming pedophile prevention cyber safety school policies child exploitation digital footprint parental involvement warning signals child grooming teacher-student boundary private electronic contact legal prohibition trusted adults child awareness protective measures risk realization early intervention warning signals child grooming teacher-student boundaries legal restrictions private electronic contact trusted adults risk awareness parental notification effective prevention child safety warning signals child protection grooming prevention teacher-child interaction electronic contact restrictions legal guidelines trusted adults child safety risk awareness pedophile prevention reporting mechanisms warning signals child grooming trusted adults private electronic contact legal prohibition teacher-student boundaries protective measures early intervention risk awareness child safety warning signals child safety grooming teacher behavior private contact legal prohibitions trusted adults child protection early intervention risk awareness parental notification warning signals child safety grooming prevention trusted adults private electronic contact legal prohibition child protection teacher misconduct reporting mechanisms awareness programs digital safety child exploitation educational environment risk identification safeguarding children cyber grooming teacher-child interaction online safety prevention strategies child abuse indicators
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro05a	"Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Catholic Church contraception condoms hell eternal suffering religious beliefs moral responsibility Humanae Vitae Catholic Church condoms Hell contraception Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae moral responsibility eternal damnation barrier contraception religious belief theological debate Catholicism Hell condoms barrier contraception pope Humanae_Vitae social_consequences moral_obligation eternity suffering responsibility moral_stance God Catholic Church contraception Hell moral responsibility religious beliefs condom use eternal damnation ethical considerations faith versus science Catholic Church contraception condom Hell moral responsibility eternity Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI theological debate ethical considerations relevance expansion phrases query optimization search performance Catholic Church contraception condoms eternal suffering religious beliefs moral responsibility Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell moral responsibility eternal suffering Catholic Church condoms Hell contraception moral responsibility eternal damnation Humanae Vitae ethical dilemma Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell eternal suffering moral responsibility Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI ethical considerations faith versus science moral dilemma spiritual harm Catholic Church condoms contraception Hell ethical considerations religious beliefs moral responsibility"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con02a	Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. partialbirthabortion latetermabortion prolifecampaigning abortiondebate fetaldevelopment prochoice antiabortionstrategy medicalcontroversy ethicalissues politicalmanipulation reproductiverights abortionstatistics foetusdevelopment campaignstrategies partialbirthabortion prolifecampaigning medicalethics abortiondebate fetaldevelopment latermabortions prolifestrategy abortionban fetalrights abortionstatistics abortionlegislation antiabortionadvocacy partialbirthabortion prolifecampaigning latetermabortion prochoice abortionstatistics fetaldevelopment ethicalarguments reproductiverights antiabortionstrategy medicalethics publicperception abortionban abortioncontroversy partial birth abortion controversy late-term abortion debate pro-life campaigning strategies abortion ethics fetal development stages opposition to abortion medical perspectives on abortion pro-choice arguments partial birth abortion late-term abortion pro-life debate conflation opposition strategies abortion proportion medical viewpoint psychological impact campaigners focus distastefulness pro-choice partial birth abortion pro-life campaign abortion strategy late-term abortions fetal development pro-choice medical ethics anti-abortion debate framing political strategy partial birth abortion late-term abortion pro-life abortion ban medical ethics psychological impact foetus development pro-choice anti-abortion campaigning strategies fetal viability abortion statistics ethical debates reproductive rights pregnancy termination bioethics political tactics moral disputes human rights reproductive health fetal personhood abortion legislation anti-abortion movement bioethics debates partial birth abortion pro-life campaigning abortion debate late-term abortions pro-life strategy fetal development abortion proportions medical ethics anti-abortion tactics partial birth abortion late-term abortion pro-life campaign abortion strategy medical ethics fetal development anti-abortion campaign material public opinion abortion controversy reproductive rights partial birth abortion late-term abortion pro-life anti-abortion fetal development medical ethics political strategy public opinion abortion ban pro-choice abortion rights ethical debate reproductive rights campaign tactics fetal personhood abortion legality moral controversy
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con03a	Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically_modified_organisms starvation drought global_climate_change evolution future_crops GM_crops drought_tolerant_maize Third_World_countries organic_foods environmental_impact transportation soil_quality Rodomiro_Oritz Monsanto South_Africa genetically modified organisms starvation prevention global climate change crop acclimatization rapid evolution food supply sustainability GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz international maize and wheat improvement centre resource mobilization genetically modified maize South Africa organic food cultivation third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact transportation reduction Monsanto genetic engineering drought-prone environments biosafety environmental costs grocery shipping genetically_modified_organisms global_warming food_security climate_change_impact crop_acclimatization rapid_evolution food_supply_futurism gm_crops_drought_resistance gene_editing_agriculture sustainable_farming third_world_crops soil_quality_improvement environmental_impact_transport genetic_engineering_food_security genetically modified organisms preventing starvation global climate change rising temperatures crop acclimatization rapid evolution food supply improvement GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre resource mobilization trials Monsanto South Africa organic food cultivation third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact transportation costs genetically modified maize genetically modified organisms global climate change food security starvation prevention temperature rise crop adaptation evolutionary timeframes future food supply GM crops drought conditions rodomiro ortiz international maize and wheat improvement centre resource mobilization south africa maize cultivation organic farming soil quality environmental impact transportation costs genetically modified organisms global climate change food security starvation prevention temperature rise crop acclimatization evolution time GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz resource mobilization International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre organic foods low nutrient soil environmental impact transportation third world countries genetic engineering Monsanto South Africa genetically modified organisms starvation prevention global climate change temperature rise crop acclimatization evolutionary time food supply sustainability GM crops drought resistance crop trials Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre South Africa Monsanto third world agriculture low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation genetically modified organisms prevent starvation global climate changes rising temperature crop acclimatization evolution time future food supply GM crops Rodomiro Ortiz resource mobilization International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre drought conditions Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient content soil environmental impact transportation organic foods gene modification climate adaptation food security genetic engineering sustainable agriculture drought-prone environments biosafety environmental costs shipping groceries genetically modified organisms global climate change food security crop adaptation rising temperatures evolution agriculture future drought resistant crops GM crops starvation prevention soil quality environmental impact transportation reduction developing countries crop improvement genetic engineering crop trials South Africa Monsanto genetically modified organisms global climate change food security agricultural adaptation evolution timescales crop acclimatization drought-resistant crops GM crops climate change agriculture third world food production sustainable farming environmental impact of transportation organic farming limitations
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con02a	Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” workplace ethics employer rights employee obligations legal costs health and safety uniform policies religious accommodation workplace values tribunal decisions Christian employment workplace conflicts employee respect customer expectations employment law religious freedom workplace balance workplace ethics employer rights employee conduct health and safety regulations religious symbols employment law Christian beliefs professional standards workplace uniformity tribunal rulings employee behavior customer expectations religious freedom workplace conflict employment tribunal legal costs NHS trust Christian discrimination workplace accommodation workplace regulations employee rights legal costs NHS Trust Christianity in workplace employment law uniform policies safety rules business ethics tribunal rulings belief vs behavior workplace accommodations religious freedom employer-client relationship healthcare ethics workplace regulations respect for clients employee respect for rules purpose of rules legal costs NHS Trust health and safety uniform airline policies Christianity and employment tribunal rulings belief versus behavior workplace accommodation religious expression in employment Christian values in workplace search efficiency expand query employer client employee respect rules purpose legal costs NHS Trust health safety uniform policies customers Christianity nurse tribunal crucifix work balance values decision belligerence belief relevance expansion phrases search performance query employer client employee respect rules purpose legal costs NHS Trust health safety action uniform policies customers Christianity nurse crucifix work tribunal decision values accommodation balance co-religionists belligerence belief search accuracy query expansion legal costs NHS Trust health and safety rules workplace rules Christian values employment tribunal nurse crucifix Christian employment uniform policies airline policies customer expectations workplace balance religious accommodation workplace discrimination employee rights employer policies workplace values belligerence belief co-religionists Christian nurse tribunal ruling Christian symbols workplace attire religious symbols in workplace employment law Christian in workplace employee beliefs workplace conflict Christian ethics employee conduct workplace ethics Christian workplace religious freedom employee rights vs employer rights workplace religious practices employee beneficial expansion keywords query effectiveness search expansion both employers client intereses employees respect rules purpose Ms.Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust fighting action health and safety uniform policies airlines customers Christians communion values workplace function balance Christianity cases tribunal crucifix co-religionists belligerence belief optimize search suggest expansion terms enhance query legal costs NHS Trust health and safety rules uniform policies workplace functionality employee lifestyles customer expectations religious practices workplace values tribunal rulings Christian employment rights crucifix佩戴 信仰表达 工作场所宗教歧视 职场规则平衡 search outcomes beneficial expansion terms legal costs NHS Trust health and safety rules uniform policies airlines workplace functionality employee values Christianity triumvirate ruling tribunal decision belligerence belief
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability social protection shocks job loss assets financial skills social capital poverty reduction aid sustainability IFAD 2013 further readings livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shocks social protection social capital powerful model poor people financial skills asset accumulation IFAD 2013 aid sustainability economic empowerment friend networks land access livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability shocks job loss assets social protection financial skills social capital poverty reduction aid distribution community networks IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shocks job loss social protection assets tap into social capital financial skills sustainable livelihood further readings: IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction social protection shocks job loss asset access financial skills friend networks land social capital poverty reduction long-term sustainability further readings:IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduces shock assets fundamental change financial skills social protection aid provision social capital poor people's lives IFAD 2013 further readings livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction social protection shocks job loss asset access financial skills friend networks land social capital IFAD poverty alleviation livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shock resistance social capital asset access financial skills poverty alleviation sustainable living aid provision IFAD 2013_readings livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction shocks social protection social capital financial skills asset provision poverty alleviation aid sustainability IFAD 2013 further readings livelihoods approach microfinance vulnerability reduction social protection financial skills poverty alleviation social capital asset accumulation sustainable livelihoods aid effectiveness IFAD
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con02a	Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” collective bargaining natural monopolies publique industries rail travel liberal democracy public utilities monopolist strike action wages movability professions fiduciary relationship collective bargaining natural monopolies publix utilities monopolist power industrial relations teacher strikes vocational skills fiduciary relationships public industries liberal democracies railway efficiency collective bargaining natural monopolies political economy industries railway public utilities teachers strike action fiduciary relationship wages movability employment power economic inequality sector economic theory political economy democracy market structure efficiency workers rights powerlessness education professions job security unions labour market monopolistic conditions policy political economy industrialrelations collective bargaining natural monopolies publius melon public industries rail travel public utilities monopolist power strike action vocational relationship fiduciary duty collective bargaining natural monopolies pUBLIC INDUSTRIES rail travel public utilities monopolist wages strike action vocational relationship fiduciary relationship collective bargaining natural monopolies publique industries rail travel public utilities monopolist wages strike action vocational relationship fiduciary relationship collective_bargaining natural_monopolies pubic_industries rail_travel public_utilities monopolist_wage_settlement strike_action vocational_skills fiduciary_relationship collective_bargaining natural_monopolies publi_industries rail_travel public_utilities monopolist wages settlements vocational_relationship fiduciary difficulty_moving_professions strike_action collective_bargaining natural_monopolies publi_industries rail_travel public_utilities monopolist wages strike_action vocational_relationship fiduciary_relationship collective bargaining natural monopolies publi
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con03a	Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc partisanship political climate divided government culture war liberalism conservatism American identity 24-hour news partisan blogging stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise public policy gridlock polarization single-party government decision making congressional stasis political ideology media influence ideological extremism political spectrum democratic process political polarization policy-making political science American politics political dynamics partisan blogging culture war 24-hour news Tea Party movement Barack Obama stimulus package polarization gridlock Congress dogmatic Republicans Single-Party Government Moderate Republicans government effectiveness divided government public policy political climate United States partisan shift Liberals Conservatives American values news media impact political polarization history partisanship political climate divided government culture war liberalism conservatism American politics 24-hour news partisan blogging Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise gridlock public policy polarization Congress dogmatic Republicans single-party government partisanship political climate culture war liberals conservatives stimulus package Tea Party movement Russian interference polarization Congress single-party government gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House 2010 mid-terms Moderate Republicans govt effectiveness partisan blogging 24-hour news bipartisanship compromise fiscal cliff nuclear option voter suppression supremacy clause democracy ideological divide legislative gridlock voter turnout primary elections Vietnam War Obama presidency civil rights affirm partisanship political climate divided government culture war liberals conservatives American identity 24-hour news partisan blogging Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise gridlock public policy polarization single-party government decision making Congressional stasis dogmatic Republicans House 2010 mid-terms Moderate Republicans GOP shift Nolan McCarty partisanship political climate culture war liberals conservatives American identity 24-hour news partisan blogging stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party polarization gridlock public policy Congress dogmatic Republicans Single-Party Government effective decision making divided government political polarization political climate change US politics political science partisan shifts partisanship culture war political climate divided government liberal conservative Tea Party stimulus package Republican Party Barack Obama gridlock public policy polarization single-party government decision making Congressional stasis dogmatic Republicans 24-hour news partisan blogging policy consequences ideological shift partisanship culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans Single-Party Government effective decision making divided government US political climate political polarization policy consequences partisanship political climate divided government culture war liberalism conservatism American politics 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Barack Obama stimulus package Republican Party compromise gridlock public policy polarization Congress single-party government decision making moderation ideology shift partisan blogging culture war liberals conservatives Tea Party divided government polarization gridlock Bernie Obama stimulus package Rawls Ferrara Mccarty
test-religion-frghbbgi-con02a	The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. prime mover Big Bang causality first cause universe formation infinite regression deity supernatural reality beyond theological argument Prime Mover First Cause Big Bang Causality Universe Formation Divine Being Reality Infinity God Existence OutsideReality Theology Metaphysics Prime Cause Big Bang Theory Causality Infinite Regression First Cause Universe Formation Theism God Concept Existence Outside Reality Prime Mover first cause Big Bang causality infinite regression universe formation divine being reality beyond theological explanation cosmology God Prime Mover Big Bang causality universe formation infinite regression divine being reality definition Prime Mover Big Bang Causality Infinity Prime Cause Universe Formation God Reality Existence OutsideReality First Cause Prime Mover Big Bang Causality Infinite Regression God Universe Formation First Cause Prime Mover Big Bang Causality Infinity Prime Cause Universe Formation Natural Answer Reality God Prime Mover Big Bang causality universe formation infinite regression divine being theology metaphysics Prime Mover Big Bang Causality Infinity Universe God Reality
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 banning religious symbols cultural heritage racism hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap religious targeting scaregoat scapegoat belgium veil ban religious freedom hatred religious groups country policies religious symbols hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap cultural heritage discrimination scapegoat racism Belgium full veil hate crime religious symbols banning hijab banning crucifix banning skullcap cultural heritage religious discrimination scare tactics veil bans racism hate crimes scapegoating European banning policies Belgium veil law banning religious symbols unfair targeting cultural heritage scapegoat religious discrimination hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap increased hatred racism criticism Belgium veil ban banning religious symbols culture religion heritage racism hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap scaregoat equality freedom of expression hate crimes European values Belgium religious symbols banning cultural items fairness issues scapegoating religious heritage hijab Crucifix jewish skullcap culture preservation racism hate increase Europe Belgium religious symbols banning cultural items faireness issues group targeting cultural heritage racism hijab crucifix jewish skullcap veil ban scaregoat major issues scapegoating political correctness hatred increase banning religious symbols cultural heritage religious scapegoat hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap racism hatred religious targeting religious symbols banning cultural symbols impact of banning religious symbols scapegoating removing hijab effect on heritage racism cultural heritage religious discrimination veil ban veil controversy banning religious symbols cultural heritage religious scapegoating hijab prohibition crucifix ban Jewish skullcap religious discrimination increased hatred racism cultural erasure
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. nuclear deterrence New START treaty US foreign policy arms reduction nuclear proliferation Iran nuclear program Russia-US relations nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation great power politics strategic attack rogue states nuclear policy US defense capabilities nuclear disarmament deterrence theory global zero nonproliferation treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program Russia-China relations US defense strategy nuclear arms reduction JINSA nuclear policy deterrence failure Nuclear deterrence disarmament global zero proliferation US foreign policy Russian influence Iran nuclear program nuclear non-proliferation treaty rogue states rising powers JINSA nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations strategic attack defense capabilities international diplomacy nuclear policy security alliances Nuclear deterrence disarmament debates global zero US foreign policy non-proliferation rogue states strategic attack Iran nuclear program Russia-US relations China-North Korea dynamics nuclear arms reduction treaties nuclear security international security geopolitical strategy Cold War legacy New START treaty deterrence nuclear weapons prominence of deterrence nuclear disarmament global zero Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty rogue states rising powers iran nuclear program Russia China North Korea defense capabilities diplomatic fortitude security interests Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs prestige of nuclear arsenal arms control treaty effectiveness security implications changing global dynamics nuclear proliferation United States foreign policy nuclear policy review nuclear deterrence New START treaty disarmament global zero nuclear proliferation Iran nuclear program Russia China nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear policy rogue states nuclear non-proliferation treaty strategic attack US defense interests JINSA nuclear weapons states New START treaty deterrence nuclear weapons populism proliferation Russia US defense strategy global zero nuclear non-proliferation rogue states China iran diplomacy National Security Jerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies New START treaty deterrence global zero nuclear disarmament proliferation US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea strategic attack rogue states nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty jewish influence New START treaty deterrence global zero nuclear weapons nuclear non-proliferation treaty analysis policy recommendations United States Russia China Iran rogue states defense strategy diplomatic relations prevention of war nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations Israel nuclear arms reduction US interests defense capabilities nuclear policy iran nuclear program nuclear powers defense against strategic attack nuclear deterrence security interests nuclear weapons states nuclear disarmament debate nuclear proliferation security challenges nuclear policy reform nuclear disarmament impact nuclear arms control geopolitical changes New START treaty deterrence global zero nuclear weapons proliferation Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty rogue states US-Russia relations Iran China North Korea strategic attack defensive capabilities arms reduction world politics nuclear policy"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro02a	Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. migration developmental poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows global economy Africa poverty reduction diaspora alternative assets education land barriers to remittances worldwide remittance development potential migration developmental remittances Africa evidence poverty research HDR WDR free movement market connectivity globalization development potential diaspora inequality education land investment social development policy analysis barriers to remittances geography of remittances migration developmental remittances poverty market connectivity worldwide global evidence Africa Northern Africa diaspora economic gdp education land security household consumption benefits barriers World Bank De Haas 2010 2009 HDR WDR AfDB IFAD migration development remittance flows developmental migration HDR 2009 WDR 2009 international migration poverty alleviation migrant remittances African remittances Northern Africa remittances economic benefits of migration migration and development remittances and poverty reduction migrant networks global remittances financial inclusion migrant households livelihood support migration and social development migrant diaspora remittance barriers migration policies migration developmental evidence remittanceflows worldwide 2009 HDR WDR 2013 internationalmigration Africa 2010 GDP northernafrica security additionalincome householdconsumption investment education land povertyreduction unevengeography barreressimittance socialdevelopment DeHaas2010 migration developmental remittanceflows worldwideevidence povertyreduction marketconnectivity Africa diaspora economicbenefits educationinvestment geographicbarriers WorldBank DeHaas migration developmental remittance poverty market connectivity free movement Africa Northern Africa diaspora household consumption education land population mobility economic development international migration WDR HDR remittance flows GDP World Bank De Haas 2010 migration developmental remittance freemovement poverty alleviation enabling markets connectivity worldwide remittance flows international migration Africa developing countries Northern Africa remittances GDP social development diaspora education land investment barriers to remittances De Haas 2010 World Bank 2013 migration developmental remittances Africa evidence worldwide poverty research marketconnectivity HHincome education landinvestment barriers toilease developmentalpotential diaspora DeHaas WorldBank AfDB IFAD WDR HDR migration developmental remittanceflows Africa poverty markets connectivity freemovement HDR WDR internationalmigration northernafrica diaspora socialdevelopment alternativeassets education land beneficiallivelihoods unevengeography barriers sendingmoney receivingmoney potential WorldBank DeHaas 2010
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro02a	The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. university education economic benefits cultural awareness leadership development higher education system innovation productivity cost barriers smart economy workforce skills university_education economic_benefits cultural_wellness leadership_development intelligent_society smart_economy innovation_productivity higher_education_impact arts_history_classics cultural_awareness educational_policy funding_barrier potential_leadership education economic benefits cultural awareness leadership development smart economy innovation productivity university fees workforce quality higher education potential talent economic benefits smart economy workforce productivity cultural awareness arts education history education classics education leadership development university fees potential talent skills university educated populace economic benefits smart economy workforce innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics leaders university fees potential university educated populace economic benefits cultural awareness leadership development smart economy innovation productivity culture promotion higher education value to state barrier of fees potential individuals technically able workforce education economic benefits cultural awareness leadership development university fees innovation productivity smart economy cultural subjects workforce quality education economic benefits cultural awareness leadership development highly educated workforce innovation productivity smart economy cultural awareness university fees potential talent skills university education economic benefits smart economy innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics leadership university fees potential populace state workforce innovation technical ability cultural development economic growth educational attainment higher education societal impact skilled workforce intellectual capital human capital cultural heritage academic achievement talent cultivation intellectual property economic competitiveness cultural diversity leadership development educational policies skill development economic innovation cultural enlightenment educational opportunities intellectual resources skill-based economy cultural sophistication higher learning knowledge economy intellectual freedom skill-based society educational investment economic benefits smart economy workforce productivity cultural awareness arts education history education classics education leadership development university fees potential individual achievement
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 EU military framework European military capacity UK France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU foreign policy international peace justice development EU military integration European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee EU battlegroups Common Security and Defense Policy EU peacekeeping EU military envoy EU security strategy European defense policy EU foreign policy EU military integration European security strategy Common Security and Defense Policy European military capacity EU battlegroups EU defense policy EU military envoy EU institutional bodies EU military framework EU security strategy development EU defense mechanisms EU military deployment EU peacekeeping EU military capacity building EU strategic partnerships EU defense cooperation EU military readiness EU security and defense EU military strategy EU military pooling EU defense policy analysis EU military infrastructure EU security and development EU military envoy roles EU military unity European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee EU battlegroups Common Security and Defense Policy EU military envoys EU security strategy international peacekeeping European defense cooperation EU military capacity sharing EU strategic partnerships EU peace promotion EU military readiness EU defense reform EU military framework common security defense policy UK France political and security committee military committee military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development EU military strategy military envoys Bosnia-Herzegovina Political and Security Committee multilateral battlegroups CSDP European military capacity Common Security and Defense Policy EU unification UK and France leadership EU security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel's article EU unification military framework pooling European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Balkans Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups International peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel EU military integration common military framework European military capacity UK France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views on EU CFPSP international peace justice development EU military integration European security strategy Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups European military capacity EU institutional bodies EU defense policy EU military envoys EU military framework EU security strategy implementation EU defense cooperation EU military capability development EU military readiness EU defense policy evolution EU defense institutions EU military deployment EU defense strategy EU security policy EU defense planning EU military planning EU defense mechanisms EU security initiatives EU defense initiatives EU military unity common military framework European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views on EU CFSP
test-environment-opecewiahw-con01a	Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, big project capacity DRC Grand Inga dam transparency international corruption silting maintenance Africa electricity billions siphoned operational potential budget infrastructure money funding development huge potential benefits management construction corruption issues hydroelectric power river management environmental impact financial management political stability economic development national infrastructure power generation project feasibility cost overruns power distribution energy sector corruption risks project sustainability hydroelectric dams infrastructure projects resource management project Grand Inga dam corruption in DRC maintenance issues DRC capacity project management in resource-rich countries economic development challenges infrastructure funding transparence international rankings silting problems African energy projects Grand Inga dam project beyond capacity DRC corruption transparency international ranking silting up maintenance issues Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga dam project capacity issues DRC corruption sustainability maintenance billions lost sifting Transparency International rankings Africa electrification Beyond capacity corruption impact infrastructure maintenance project management challenges Grand Inga dam project biggest hydroelectric power plant DRC capacity maintenance corruption transparency international billions sifting infrastructure electricity Africa potential benefits management challenges power plants huge project billions sustainability costs efficiency hydroelectric power supply chain mismanagement development power generation hydropower environmental impact Grand Inga dam project capacity maintenance corruption billions sifting Transparency International Africa electricity project management infrastructure development DRC potential benefits big project capacity DRC Grand Inga dam transparency international corruption silting maintenance electricity Africa Bosshard Huffington Post Vasagar The Guardian billions Grand Inga dam project beyond DRC capacity corruption in DRC supply chain fraud billions siphoned off maintenance issues silting up Big infrastructure projects country management challenges Transparency International ranking corruption perceptions index World Bank involvement African electricity needs Big project DRC capacity Grand Inga dam corruption sustainability maintenance silting electricity Africa transparency international billions potential benefits money laundering infrastructure development Grand Inga dam project billions siphoned off corruption in DRC maintenance issues Inga I and II dams silting up Transparency International rankings African electricity project
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro01a	Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] politicians immunity prosecution job requirements public service workload stress constituent engagement legal proceedings impeachment domestic policy foreign policy political responsibilities vacation ethics legal resources allocation public trust constitutional law legislative process crisis management defense strategy governmental efficiency ethical considerations politician immunity prosecution public service workload stress constituent duties legislative responsibilities crisis management vacation ethics impeachment proceedings legal obligations governmental resources public trust constitutional implications legal defenses political performance legislative effectiveness judicial restraint executive functions democratic processes politics prosecution politicians immunity duties impeachment stress performance vacation legislation crisis constituents workload resources vacation ethics legal public attention legislation workload time management effectiveness representation legal proceedings job demands political pressure public service career consequences politicians' immunity political duties impeachment process stress on politicians jobs requiring undivided attention prominent national-level offices campaign work constituents' needs consuming time resource allocation domestic policy foreign policy concerns kosovo conflict vacations during office presidential workload defense construction potential performance hinderance government branch functioning perjury obstruction of justice intensive proceedings politicians' immunity prosecution job requirements public service workload stress impeachment resources performance constituents vacation extracurricular activities domestic policy foreign policy crisis management legislative work politicians immunity prosecution impact public service demands legislative responsibilities crisis management constituent engagement vacation ethics impeachment consequences federal resources domestic policy foreign policy political stress legal defense duty fulfillment political immunity prosecution duties undivided attention legislation crises response constituent engagement workload defense construction effective service vacation criticism impeachment resource allocation domestic policy foreign policy stress impact public perception legal justification constitutional considerations politicians immunity prosecution job requirement undivided attention prominent national-level offices legislative work crisis response constituent engagement campaigning 12-hour days defense construction constituent service vacation criticism impeachment proceedings perjury obstruction of justice federal government resources domestic policy foreign policy war political efficacy legal constraints public trust politics legal immunity public service workload distraction impeachment performance constituent stress vacation prosecution legislation crisis management resource allocation public trust constitutional rights government efficiency political ethics legal precedent politician workload immunity benefits legal prosecution impact public service demands impeachment proceedings political job stress constituents' expectations legislative responsibilities crisis management vacation criticisms presidential duties legal defense burden government resources allocation war implications foreign policy challenges
test-society-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), social contract government decision-making public interest community representation individual autonomy urban-rural dynamics policy making long-term benefits short-term sacrifices philosophical approaches social beings civic engagement social contract government autonomy public interest representative democracy rural exodus urbanization civic duty policy-making long-term benefits individual vs collective philosophical governance social contract government decision-making public interest autonomy freedom rural exodus agricultural production urbanization long-term benefits individual vs collective philosophy political theory civic duty communal welfare representative democracy social contract government decision-making public interest individual autonomy community welfare rural exodus urbanization policy-making long-term benefits philosophical contract theory government social contract decision-making public interest autonomy social being communities representatives long-term benefits countryside agriculture urbanization individual incentives collective harm social contract government responsibility public interest communal decision-making autonomy vs governance rural depopulation urbanization impact collective versus individual rights long-term policy benefits civic duty representative democracy philosophical governance societal well-being government decisions social contract public interest representative democracy autonomy freedom rural exodus agricultural production urban amenities collective well-being long-term benefits government decision-making social contract political philosophy public interest representative democracy civic responsibility autonomy freedom harm principle long-term benefits countryside depopulation agricultural decline urban amenities policy-making [1]d'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract government rights public interest individual freedom community decision-making representative governance state intervention long-term benefits rural-urban dynamics policy making civic responsibility social contract government decision-making public interest community representation individual versus collective autonomy freedom rural exodus agricultural production urban amenities long-term benefits state intervention"
test-environment-aiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals Hippopotamuses elephants lions endangerment protection animal attacks Threats human deaths endangered animals Africa hippopotamuses elephants lions endangerment risk protection animal attacks Threats human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggression hippopotamuses elephant attacks lions conservation animal protection wildlife safety endangered species wildlife management human-wildlife conflict conservation efforts animal behavior wildlife conservation protected areas safari safety human deaths large beasts endangered animals aggression hippopotamuses elephants lions animal attacks wildlife conservation safety measures national parks tourist risks human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions Kruger National Park tougher protection [1] [2] fewer human deaths African wildlife threats endangered animals aggression hippopotamus attacks lion attacks elephant attacks conservation risks animal protection human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses lion elephant animal attacks endangered species conservation human-animal conflict protection measures national parks Wildlife management fewer human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses lion elephant protective measures human fatalities animal attacks kruger national park tougher protection risk to human lives endangered species conservation human deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions endangered species conservation human-animal conflict tougher protection animal attacks threats to human lives Dangerous wildlife protected areas safety measures human deaths Africa endangered animals hippopotamuses elephants lions tourist safety animal attacks endangered species conservation preservation risks
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro03a	Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism ISP commercial interests guided browsing file sharing Comcast NetFlix dispute objectivity internet freeware security shareware reliability open access importance cross referencing benefits source trustworthiness government control impact political journalism relevance ISP commercial interest file sharing Comcast NetFlix objectivity cross-referencing freeware shareware open access journalism internet control government influence user choice information integrity ISP commercial interest web traffic redirection net neutrality file sharing Comcast NetFlix objectivity cross-referencing freeware shareware open access journalism control misinformation user choice political influence digital rights Internet freedom Threats_freeware shareware internet_censorship ISP_commercial_interest file_sharing NetFlix_complaint Comcast objectivity_internet truthseeking open_access freeware_importance shareware_necessity internet_cross_referencing cross_referencing_reliability source_trust internet_control government_internet_control media_freedom internet_accessibility ISP_content_control internet_misinformation Internet_truth_seeking internet_source_diversity internet_cross_checking internet_information_sovereignty internet_information_control internet_truth_integrity internet_source ISP commercial interest guiding users file sharing Comcast NetFlix objectivity cross-referencing freeware shareware open access user choice government control political influence journalism Internet freedom Threats to freeware shareware internet objectivity ISP commercial interests file sharing comcast netflix open access internet censorship internet freedom trustworthy sources cross-referencing media control internet regulation internet monopolies internet governance political influence on internet policy impact on internet usage free software online privacy internet neutrality internet regulations internet policy internet accessibility internet restrictions internet control internet freedom issues internet censorship concerns internet objectivity concerns internet access rights internet access control internet access monopolies internet access policy internet access regulations internet threats freeware shareware objectivity internet cross-referencing ISP commercial interest file sharing comcast netflix government control trust accessibility choices journalism politics Internet freedom Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Cross-Referencing Trust Open Access Journalism Politics Internet Control Government Regulation ISP commercial interest guiding people competing product file sharing Comcast NetFlix objectivity cross-referencing freeware shareware open access trust sources internet small number of hands government control Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Charlottesville Bob Gibson freeware shareware objectivity internet regulation ISPs net neutrality file sharing Comcast NetFlix journalism cross-referencing information control open access
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con02a	Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. pornography feminism sexual identity flappers Roaring Twenties gender stereotypes feminist porn awards sexual liberation taboos feminism pornography sexual identity flappers 1920s America gender stereotypes feminist porn awards sexual liberation taboos feminist movement sexual empowerment sexual identity feminism pornography history flappers 1920s America sexual revolution jazz clubs lesbianism pornography impact on women feminist pornography Feminist Porn Awards gender stereotypes sexual taboos media influence pornography women sexual identity feminism flappers Roaring Twenties filmmaking taboos gender stereotypes Feminist Porn Awards empowerment sexuality influence promotion role models media impact sexual revolution search efficiency expand query pornography women sexual identity 1920s America flapper film industry taboo feminism Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn empowerment gender stereotypes relevant expansion phrases pornography feminism women's rights sexual identity flapper movement 1920s America film industry Roaring Twenties feminist porn awards gender stereotypes sexuality empowerment taboo breaking sexual liberation pornography feminism women's rights sexual identity gender stereotypes flappers Roaring Twenties film industry pornography awards sexual liberation taboo breaking stereotypes Feminist Porn Awards sexual activity dominant women jazz clubs lesbian empowerment feminist movement sexual perception pornography feminism sexual identity flapper women's liberation taboo breaking stereotypes Feminist Porn Awards gender roles sexual empowerment sexuality perception Roaring Twenties pornography feminism women's rights sexual identity flapper film industry 1920s America Roaring Twenties taboos Feminist Porn Awards powerful women gender stereotypes sexuality empowerment role model media impact feminist movement pornography feminism women's rights sexual identity gender stereotypes flapper movement 1920s America pornography awards feminist porn sexual liberation
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, vulnerability government coup disease succession secrecy power transfer health disclosure leadership illness internal threats external threats Guinea Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare military officers civilian succession elections junior officers illness politics vulnerability leadership coup d'état government stability secrecy leadership power transition military intervention succession planning election delay Guinea history opportunity exploitation vulnerability analysis government succession military coups leadership illness power transition secrecy benefits coup prevention effective communication health disclosure political stability succession planning internal threats external threats opportunity exploitation vulnerability analysis power transition government weakness public information control succession planning coup d'état military intervention political stability health secrecy leader illness external threats internal threats smooth transition election timing appointed successor loyalty maintenance illness vulnerability opportunity rival misuse power transfer secret succession coup leadership health election government army internal threats external threats illness vulnerability leadership succession government response external threats internal threats public health disclosure political stability military coups leadership transition appointed successor public information electoral process governmental secrecy political power health announcements political strategy government weakness political opportunity leadership illness political influence political maneuvering leadership vulnerability political succession misinformation tactics government transparency coup d'état leadership health political stability succession planning public communication military intervention political crisis management vulnerability misusing opportunity leader illness government succession public health secrecy political stability leadership transition coup d'état military intervention Guinea 2008 political succession appointed successor external threats internal threats vulnerability leadership illness government secrecy political succession external threats internal threats coup Guinea Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare military officers smooth transition illness vulnerability government external threats internal threats public succession leadership death political instability military coup power transfer elections government secrecy loyalty institutions Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con03a	An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. ICC enforcement bottom-up approach trust in states complementarity principle international force sovereignty concerns diplomatic backlash state consent international community trust government officials protection sovereignty intrusion ICC enforcement international force trust between states principle of complementarity state sovereignty diplomatic consequences bottom-up approach top-down approach international community distrust war criminals government officials indictment sovereignty intrusion diplomatic backfire ICC enforcement state parties relations trust complementarity principle national courts international force sovereignty diplomatic consequences government officials indictment international community trust power retention state sovereignty infringement diplomatic backlash ICC forces deployment government protection national sovereignty violation international law legal principles judicial independence international justice state autonomy human rights conflict prevention judicial integrity ICC enforcement arm state parties trust bottom-up approach complementarity principle national court capability international force intervention state sovereignty diplomatic consequences ICC involvement in conflict ICC enforcement state parties relations trust bottom-up approach complementarity principle international force criminal apprehension national sovereignty diplomatic consequences ICC enforcement trust in state parties bottom-up approach principle of complementarity international force national sovereignty diplomatic consequences state unwillingness international community trust criminal prosecution state capacity indictment enforcement sovereignty infringement power retention state consent government officials protection international force intrusion diplomatic relations state humiliation criminal catching national court reliance ICC functions international force deployment state trust state parties cooperation international community involvement state sovereignty respect international law diplomatic fallout ICC operational principles ICC enforcement state party relations trust complementarity principle national courts international force sovereignty diplomatic consequences war criminals government officials indictment intrusion sovereignty infringement diplomatic backlash ICC enforcement state parties trust bottom-up approach complementarity principle international force state sovereignty diplomatic implications government officials indictment sovereignty infringement ICC enforcement trust-based relations complementarity principle national court capabilities international force intervention sovereignty concerns diplomatic ramifications government officials protection international community distrust ICC enforcement state parties trust bottom-up approach complementarity principle international force state sovereignty diplomatic consequences government protection indictment enforcement international community trust national court capacity international criminal court state unwillingness sovereignty intrusion
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro04a	The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. Catholicism procreation contraception first commandment Genesis God's will Church authority theological justification population control moral obligation Catholic Church teachings procreation contraception first commandment multiply Genesis Bible Church authority theological justification moral obligations divine will Catholicism procreation contraception divine command Genesis Bible Church authority moral obligations theological perspectives population control ethical considerations sin doctrine faith religious teachings reproduction sexual ethics Church doctrine Vatican papal authority Catholic Church beliefs procreation limitations first commandment contraception Genesis 1:28 Catholic Church obligations divine will Church actions biblical references religious obligations faith vs. welfare Catholic Church procreation contraception God's will Genesis Bible multiply commandment Catholic Church procreation contraception God's will commandment Genesis Bible multiplication Church's obligations moral considerations Catholic Church procreation contraception first commandment multiply Genesis Bible God's wishes ethical obligations faith versus practice moral authority Catholic Church procreation contraception God's will Genesis first commandment multiplication religious obligations biblical verses moral restrictions Catholic Church procreation contraception God's commandment multiply Genesis 1:28 Catholic teachings moral obligations divine will Catholic beliefs procreation contraception Bible verses Genesis 1:28 Catholic doctrine limitations on reproduction Church obligations theological arguments
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro02a	Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. electroniccommunication socialnetworking pedophilia childgrooming teacherstudentrelationship facebook bannedcommunication inappropriatecontact literaturereview onlinecriminology electroniccommunication pedophiles childgrooming teachers students facbook universallaccess inappropriatecontact criminology socialnetworking schoolauthority banningcommunication onlineabuse sexualmisconduct prevention electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teacher-student relationship Facebook inappropriate relationships law enforcement prevention online safety cyberbullying digital communication internet safety social media pedagogical ethics policy-making cybercrime online predators student privacy digital footprint risk assessment electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers student relationships Facebook inappropriate relationships law bad intentions electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers students Facebook inappropriate relationships criminology online child grooming literature review electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teacher-student relationship Facebook inappropriate relationships electronic contact law prevention literature review online safety cyberbullying electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers students Facebook inappropriate relationships law online safety cyberbullying digital communication internet predators 不良信息传播 儿童保护 electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teacher-student relationship Facebook inappropriate relationships legal bans electronic contact electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teacher-student relationship Facebook inappropriate relationships electronic contact law prevention literature review online child safety cyberbullying digital ethics internet safety pedagogical practices electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teacher-student relationship Facebook inappropriate relationships electronic contact law literature review online child grooming
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro03a	A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. strong leadership state interest Putin democracy authoritarianism media control corruption young democracy democratic maintenance russian democracy version of democracy strong leader state's interest Putin authoritarian democracy threat media control Russia democracy young democracy corrupt media population interest democracy maintenance defining democracy strong leadership state interest authoritarianism democracy maintenance media control corruption democratic goals Russia's democracy transitional governance public interest political stability democratic challenges strong leader state's best interest authoritarian style democracy threat successful and quicker transition Russia media control corrupt few personal interests democracy goal achieving maintaining young democracy defining version finds works best case strong leader state's best interest Putin's authoritarian style democracy threat media control corrupt interests young democracy Russia's democracy definition strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style democracy threat media control corrupt interests population state interest young democracy defining democracy maintaining democracy Russia democracy model strong leader state's best interest authoritarian style democracy threat media control corrupt interests young democracy russia version democracy maintain democracy transition process strong leader state's best interest Putin's authoritarian style democracy threat successful transition media control corrupt interests young democracy Russia's democracy version maintain democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style democracy threat media control corrupt few population interest young democracy defining democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state interest Putin authoritarianism democracy threat media control corruption population interest young democracy defining democracy
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro01a	Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, smoking cessation public health policies healthcare system burden tobacco control smoking-related illnesses hospital admissions cost analysis global health disparities resource allocation public place smoking bans cardiovascular diseases respiratory diseases economic impact healthcare expenditure chronic diseases management smoking bans healthcare expenditure smoking-related illnesses public health policy healthcare resource allocation tobacco control lung cancer costs smoking ban effectiveness healthcare system burden developing countries healthcare public place smoking restrictions smoking cessation benefits healthcare system efficiency smoking cessation programs public health policy smoking bans disease prevention resource allocation smoking-related illnesses economic burden of disease public health expenditure global health disparities smoking statistics healthcare costs analysis smoking and cancer public health economics smoking control measures healthcare system impact smoking ban effectiveness healthcare budget allocation healthcare cost reduction smoking related illnesses public place smoking ban hospital admissions drop resource allocation tobacco control cost of lung cancer HIV/AIDS funding smoking cessation benefits public health expenditure comparison healthcare costs smoking disease expenses healthcare systems burden developing countries UK lung cancer costs Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban public places hospital admissions smoking-related illnesses resource allocation HIV/AIDS reducing healthcare costs smoking prevention public health policy economic impact smoking healthcare resource allocation smoking bans effectiveness smoking-related illnesses global healthcare expenditure tobacco control measures non-smoking health benefits smoking healthcare costs lung cancer hospital admissions public health resource allocation smoking ban public places developing countries healthcare systems smoking-related illnesses economic impact healthcare budgets HIV/AIDS smoking costs healthcare burden developed countries UK lung cancer Ghana HIV AIDS reduction ban population admissions diseases public places resources focus study Arizona Myocardial Infarction Angina stroke asthma healthcare cost optimization smoking cessation bans on smoking public health economics smoking-related diseases hospital resource allocation tobacco control policies cost savings in healthcare lung cancer treatment costs global healthcare disparities public place smoking restrictions smoking and heart disease smoking and stroke smoking and asthma healthcare system burden low-income healthcare systems tobacco addiction public health interventions healthcare budget allocation smoking ban effectiveness smoking and HIV/AIDS Smoking cessation programs public health policies healthcare system efficiency tobacco control measures smoking-related illnesses hospital resource allocation economic impact on healthcare developing countries healthcare lung cancer treatment costs public place smoking bans smoking reduction benefits healthcare expenditure comparison smoking cessation strategies chronic disease management global healthcare disparities
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro05a	In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. theological positions atheism theism agnosticism unicorns Richard Dawkins The God Delusion philosophy of religion belief systems secular societies evidence skepticism faith atheism theism agnosticism unicorn deity belief evidence philosophy reasoning Richard Dawkins The God Delusion atheism theism agnosticism philosophy theology existence belief evidence reasoning unicorns dragons Dawkins The God Delusion theological positions atheism theism agnosticism evidence belief secular societies philosophical meaninglessness Richard Dawkins God existence unicorn existence dragon existence theological positions atheism theism agnosticism reasoning evidence philosophy beliefs unicorns dragons Richard Dawkins God existence theological positions atheism theism agnosticism philosophical meaninglessness evidence reasoning secular societies Richard Dawkins God existence unicorn existence dragon existence belief systems theological positions atheism theism agnosticism logical reasoning unicorn existence secular societies dragons belief lack of belief philosophical positions Richard Dawkins The God Delusion theological positions atheism theism agnosticism unicorns belief secular societies philosophical meaninglessness Richard Dawkins God existence theological positions atheism theism agnosticism reasoning belief lack of belief philosophy evidence Richard Dawkins The God Delusion theological positions atheism theism agnosticism unicorn existence evidentialism philosophical positions secular societies dragon analogy God existence belief systems Dawkins Richard
test-science-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. artists right control public space publicly funded creator's sense world understanding expression special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation alternative experiences artist's piece justice copyright conventional copyright work protection contract away creatives commons fair use legacy dramatist rights Samuel Beckett plays performance artistic integrity adulteration strict performance power piracy creative commons license free-for-all licensing legal protection intellectual property rights performance rights artistic control legitimacy of copyright artists copyright public space creative commons legacy Samuel Beckett performance rights intellectual property artistic expression control over work artists public space creative commons copyright legacy performance rights reinterpretation expression justice control work's use funding creator's sense world understanding legitimacy playwrights rights Samuel Beckett Artists rights public space use artistic control copyright protection creative commons legacy preservation performance standards reinterpretation external appreciation justice in art theatrical performances Samuel Beckett artists copyright public space creative commons legacy performance rights interpretation justice legacy artistic control Samuel Beckett Artists rights public space creative commons copyright legacy performance rights reinterpretation public funding artistic control justice Samuel Beckett Artists' rights public space creative commons copyright legacy performance standards reinterpretation justice theatre Samuel Beckett Artists' rights copyright public space creative commons legacy performance interpretation work control reinterpretation justice creator's sense world understanding public funding contractual rights Theatre People Copyright Laws Samuel Beckett Artists rights public space creativity copyright legacy interpretation control performance justice Samuel Beckett Creative Commons Artists' rights public space creative commons copyright legacy performance standards reinterpretation justice theater legacy preservation
test-law-phwmfri-con02a	The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, inequality punishment media influence resentment law enforcement deterrence morality wealth creation progressive taxation civil disobedience perception justice resentment punishment fairness media response progressive taxation wealth creation deterrence crime perception of justice morality law enforcement unfair application of law Cianfrocca Commentary June 2009 rich resentment punishment perception media influence law enforcement fairness moral wrongdoing deterrence theory legal injustice wealth creation progressive taxation crime likelihood Cianfrocca Commentary inequality punishment perception media influence law enforcement bias ethical compliance wealth creation legal deterrence resentment government policy economic justice search efficiency query expansion resentment mass media punishment fairness wealth creation progressive taxation law enforcement deterrence ethical perception crime media bias Cianfrocca Commentary rich resentment punishment perception mass media influence legal fairness moral wrongdoing deterrence theory wealth creation criticism inequality impact law enforcement trust public opinion manipulation rich resentment media influence progressive taxation wealth creation legal fairness moral wrongdoing crime deterrence perceived injustice rich resentment media bias punishment fairness law enforcement perception wealth creation legal deterrents moral judgment economic policies progressive taxation crime likelihood media influence political commentary unfair application search optimization legal fairness media bias wealth inequality moral judgment law enforcement punishment severity economic policies social resentment crime deterrence media influence legal perception ethical considerations progressive taxation wealth creation economic crime justice system public opinion legal ethics rich resentment media bias law enforcement fairness moral justification for crime progressive taxation criticism wealth creation theory legal deterrents perceived injustice crime rates analysis ethical law application
test-economy-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, freedom movement human rights universal declaration starvation survival moral rights collective theory charter intrinsic recognized freedom movement human rights universal declaration charter survival starvation collective theory moral right intrinsic rights fundamental conditions human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory charter of rights survival intrinsic rights freedom of movement human rights universal declaration of human rights article 13 survival collective theory starvation moral rights intrinsic rights charter of rights fundamental conditions human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory Universal Assembly human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory inalienable rights Article 13 inequality life-saving措施 human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory United Nations General Assembly freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory Universal Assembly human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory international law humanitarianism human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights charter protections starvation survival collective theory moral rights
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro02a	Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism Capitalism Soviet Union eighties protests class labour market free trade deregulation state industry margaret thatcher union movements globalization arguments dogmatic socialism free gold money report socialism capitalism comparison twenty-first century political shift labor market evolution role of government in economy free trade debates deregulation impact union movements decline Margaret Thatcher quote analysis Soviet Union collapse effects class struggle relevance globalization influence on politics socialism in Europe contemporary challenges Socialism Capitalism eighties protests Soviet Union collapse classical socialism deregulation government industry free trade union movements Margaret Thatcher Socialism Capitalism Soviet Union Margaret Thatcher class struggle labour market globalisation state intervention free trade deregulation union movements social issues political economy ideological collapse economic policy Socialism Capitalism Soviet Union globalization class struggle free trade deregulation state intervention Margaret Thatcher economic efficiency union movements ideology end of history socialism ideologies capitalism effectiveness socialist arguments free trade deregulation state role class struggle labour market changes political shifts Soviet Union collapse European socialism union movements margaret thatcher quote gold standard sovereign debt defaults socialism capitalism twentieth century ideology Soviet Union globalization labor market free trade deregulation state role Margaret Thatcher union movements class struggle social issues economic collapse Margaret Thatcher quote Socialism Capitalism ideology collapse Soviet Union globlization class conflict union movements deregulation free trade margaret thatcher social issues end of socialism Socialism Capitalism ideology twentieth century collapse Soviet Union globlization classical socialism free trade deregulation union movements Margaret Thatcher economic theories political shift Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology Soviet Union globalization labor market class struggle free trade deregulation Margaret Thatcher union movements political economy economic theory social issues state intervention capitalism advantages socialist remnants
test-international-aegmeppghw-con02a	Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey democracy EU military intervention Islamist referendum NATO conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel NATO Turkey Middle East Oil Gas central Asia Russia Georgia Cyprus Enmity Greece cooperation Western countries EU relations Muslim countries artificial barriers East West European Union Turkish constitution security crisis flash points global politics Western alliances regional stability energy security diplomatic relations geopolitics geostrategic importance Turkey EU Turkish democracy NATO EU membership former communist states Islamist party secularist military election constitution referendum European security conflict resolution Middle East energy routes Russia Greece Cyprus NATO alliance West-East relations Muslim countries Turkey EU democracy instability former communist states NATO conflict EU membership electoral history Islamist party military intervention Turkish constitution referendum global flash points NATO member security crisis Palestine-Israel conflict Middle East energy security Russia Cyprus divided Cyprus Greece Turkey's role in reconciliation alternative energy route Turkey's influence in Muslim countries Eastern-Western cooperation Turkey democracy former communist states EU negotiations Islamist party constitutional changes secularist military global flash points NATO member EU security conflicts in Libya Iraq Afghanistan strategic gateway Middle East oil and gas Russian dependence Cyprus conflict Turkey-Greece relations EU-Turkey cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey EU democracy stable elections former communist states NATO geopolitics energy security Middle East conflict resolution regional stability cooperation NATO member Mediterranean tensions divided Cyprus West-East relations search optimization query expansion election analysis Turkey democracy NATO member EU negotiation Middle East stability energy supply Cyprus resolution geostrategic location search accuracy enriched query turkey democracy unstable EU membership elections Islamist power military intervention 2010 constitution referendum NATO conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel security crisis flashpoints strategic gateway Middle East oil gas central Asia dependency Russia engagement cooperation Cyprus division Greece history enmity relationship artificial borders East West cooperation Muslim countries Western neighbours Turkey election Islamist democracy EU NATO security constitutional change military influence European Union Turkish constitution flash points conflict resolution strategic alliance Middle East oil gas energy security Russia Greece Cyprus Western relations cooperation alliance coherent strategy geopolitics global influence search optimization turkey democracy negotiations EU military intervention constitution referendum flashpoints NATO conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel solution Cyprus energy dependence Russia cooperation Middle East engagement allies broker relationship barriers West Muslim enhance search outcomes recommendation beneficial expansion terms supplement query Turkey democracy stability former communist states EU negotiation Islamist roots power transfer military intervention 2010 referendum Turkish constitution NATO global flash points special relationship conflict resolution cooperation energy independence Russia Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division Muslim countries Eastern-Western relations
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con03a	"Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentrated criminals crime concentration criminal interactions violence gang rivalry prostitution police presence community safety public health policy HIV transmission syringe sharing public opinion health services legal implications needle exchanges crime concentration drug addict聚集 criminal interaction crime escalation prostitution police presence community safety public health policy HIV prevention social harm public opinion legal implications addiction treatment harm reduction crime prevention social disorder public security needle exchanges crime concentration drug addiction criminality criminal interactions gang violence prostitution police presence public health policy HIV transmission community safety harm reduction social consequences needle exchanges drug addict concentration crime increase criminal interaction gang violence prostitution criminal attraction police presence community safety public health policy social consequences addiction management crime prevention needle exchange programs drug abuse criminal networks public health debates harm reduction community impact social issues public safety drug policy health risks legal concerns public opinion harm reduction services drug use criminal justice community policing public health ethics needle exchanges crime concentration drug addiction criminality social interaction criminal networks gang violence crime attraction prostitution police presence needle exchanges crime drug addicts concentration criminal interaction crime hotspot criminal association prostitution increase police presence criminal networks addiction and crime needle exchange controversy needle exchanges crime concentration drug addiction criminality social interaction criminal networks violence prostitution police presence needle exchanges crime concentration drug addict gathering criminality potential criminals crime increase criminal interaction gang violence criminal attraction prostitution police presence social issues public health addiction policy debate needle exchanges crime concentration drug addict gathering criminal behavior addiction crime prevention public health policy criminal interaction gang violence prostitution law enforcement community safety public health initiatives needle exchanges crime concentration drug addiction criminality social interaction gang activity prostitution police presence public health policy community safety addiction treatment harm reduction crime prevention social dynamics urban planning public health criminal networks addiction management public safety community impact needle exchange programs"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con04a	Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, education campaigns dark is beautiful colorism India Vishaka Sing fairness creams skin tone discrimination legislation social media fashion industry Dakar Fashion Week model practices cultural demand education campaigns dark is beautiful Vishaka Sing colorism India legislation social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand education campaigns dark is beautiful colorism social media influence fashion industry beauty industry model discrimination skin lightening cultural change legislative approach marginalized communities celebrity advocacy skin tone acceptance Dakar Fashion Week India fashion education campaigns dark is beautiful Vishaka Sing skin fairness colorism social media campaigns Dakar Fashion Week model practices beauty industry legislation impact equality promotion cultural demand reduction education campaigns dark is beautiful Vishaka Sing fairness creams colorism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand education campaigns dark is beautiful colorism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry Dakar Fashion Week skin tone discrimination Vishaka Sing fairness creams cultural demand reduction education campaigns #darkisbeautiful Vishaka Sing skin tone discrimination colorism social media campaigns Dakar Fashion Week fair skin culture beauty industry media representation education campaigns dark is beautiful colorism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry Dakar Fashion Week skin tone discrimination Vishaka Sing fairness creams marginalizing colorism cultural demand education campaigns dark is beautiful Vishaka Sing India colorism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand education campaigns #darkisbeautiful Vishaka Sing colourism India fairness creams social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand marginalizing colorism
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro02a	Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. international criminal court judicial independence politicized prosecutions victors' justice ethnically divided states complementarity principle war crimes terrorism United States-Israel cooperation domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors' justice international criminal court unbiased climate head of state ethnic and political fault lines continuing hatreds evidence and criminal procedure United States Israel terrorists complementarity war crimes international crimes indispensable role ICC judicial independence victors’ justice whitewashes ethnic conflicts political fault lines complementarity principle terrorism international crimes independent judiciary complementarity state sovereignty war crimes fair trial head of state international criminal court prosecution willingness ethnic tensions domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors' justice unbiased climate head of state international crimes complementarity principle terrorists independent judiciary ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel warnock amendment domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate head of state ethnic and political fault lines international crimes complementarity principle independent judiciary terrorism prosecution willingness state capacity domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors' justice international criminal court united states israel terrorism complementarity principle war crimes ICC international criminal court judicial independence politicized prosecutions victors' justice whitewashes ethnic conflicts legal systems complementarity原则 terrorism United States Israel fair trials independent judiciary war crimes domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors' justice unbiased climate ethnic and political fault lines head of state terrorism complementarity principle international crimes industrial judiciary ICC fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors' justice unbiased climate head of state international crimes complementarity terrorism ethnic fault lines ethnic divisions criminal procedure United States Israel industrial judiciary search outcomes beneficial expansion terms domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate head of state ethnic and political fault lines continuing hatreds United States Israel international crimes terrorism complementarity independent judiciary prosecution willingness
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con03a	Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riots private company rights business customer service impact citizens free speech trade customers rioting Twitter London riots warning messages inciting violence effectiveness imposition studies Internet censorship citizen rights public safety privacy online communication emergency warnings media control political implications legal rights technological impact public opinion security measures alternative communication methods policecommunication internetcensorship socialmediablock riotresponse freedomofspeech businessrights citizenrights digitalprivacy informationfreedom communicationrights internetshutdown socialnetworkcontrol civilliberties misinformationimpact publicsafety dataanalysis riotstudies technologypolicy humanrights digitalrights governmentintervention freeexpression communicationdisruption publicopinion riotmanagement digitalcensorship socialmediadisruption privacyrights cybersecurity publiccommunication digitaldivide emergencyresponses digitalgovernance socialmediaethics internetfreedom policecommunication freedomofexpression rightstodiebaliberation riotsocialmedia riotresponse privacyrights freespeech internetblocking mobilenetworks publicimpact citizenrights communicationfreedom legalcurtailment onlinebusiness consumerrights citizenimpacts communicationcensorship riotwarning publicsafety digitalrights informationfreedom Police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks blocking internet censorship mobile phone networks private company rights business impact citizen rights freedom of speech spreading riots Twitter usage London riots social media monitoring information dissemination civic rights digital communication state intervention public safety technological implications civil liberties social media impact communication technology public opinion digital age rights government surveillance digital privacy internet freedom technology policy police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet blocking mobile phone networks private company rights business harm citizen rights freedom of speech study Twitter London riots warning messages inciting violence riots continuation ineffective state actions relevant expansion phrases law-abiding citizens social networks internet blocking mobile phone networks private company rights impact on non-rioters freedom of speech business harm ineffective state action Twitter use during riots London riots warning messages violence incitement communications blocking risks freedom of expression communication blocking social networks internet censorship mobile phone networks private company rights business continuity citizen rights speech curtailment riot prevention Twitter usage London riots digital privacy state intervention civil liberties information dissemination public safety technological impact human rights legal implications digital rights management lawful citizens freedom of expression private companies rights impact on non-rioters effectiveness of state actions freedom of speech curtailment Twitter usage during riots London riots blocking social media communication blocking civic rights business harm information spread riot prevention digital freedom internet censorship social network restrictions mobile network cuts civil liberties public safety technological implications government overreach digital surveillance privacy concerns riot communication social media impact digital rights management Police communication restrictions law-abiding citizens rights social network blocking internet censorship mobile phone network interruption private company business rights freedom of expression impact riot control effectiveness citizen rights infringement social media use during riots Twitter usage analysis riots in London freedom of speech during disturbances police communications freedom of expression rights protection citizen rights legitimacy of state actions impact on non-rioters social media blocking riots and social networks effectiveness of state interventions privacy rights free speech during unrest internet censorship during protests online freedom during civil unrest risks of communication blocks during riots Twitter usage during riots London riots 2011 media freedom during civil unrest
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con03a	Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . collisions in baseball baseball rules safety in baseball amateur baseball sports safety football collisions rugby collisions baseball player safety baseball rule changes baseball injury prevention baseball sliding rules catcher blocking rules collisions in baseball sliding rules catcher blocking baseball safety amateur baseball reducing collisions eliminating collisions safety improvements baseball rule changes injury prevention player safety amateur baseball rules collision frequency impact of collisions baseball rule amendments collisions safety baseball rules amateur football rugby sliding blocking sports sport injuries contact sports reducing contact baseball safety eliminate collisions sliding rule catcher blocking amateur baseball reduce injuries improve safety contact sports football collisions rugby tackles collisions baseball safety rules amateur sports injuries physical contact regulation improvements search performance baseball collisions safety recommendations amateur levels rules improvement alternatives protection sports injuries reduction regulations enforcement guidelines prevention tactics strategies enhancements collisions baseball safety sliding runner catcher physical contact amateur level rules improvement football rugby baseball safety sliding rules catcher blocking collision reduction amateur baseball sports safety rule changes athletic safety injury prevention baseball rules improvement collisions in baseball eliminating collisions baseball safety runner sliding rules catcher blocking rules amateur baseball football collisions rugby collisions baseball rule changes reducing injuries in baseball improving baseball safety American Legion Baseball collisions baseball safety measures baseball rules runners sliding catcher blocking amateur baseball sport safety eliminate collisions brutal physical contact baseball rule changes improved safety
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro05a	Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: consequentialism outcomes justification terrorism legitimacy justice freedom welfare poverty injustices violence distribution rights utility Arab Spring Yemen president terrorist attacks revolutionary struggle suffering effective weapon middle eastern countries[1] consequentialism just war theory ethical justification terrorism morality utilitarianism revolution arab spring yemen terrorism ethics moral philosophy political violence ethical dilemma state violence human rights justice equality utility theory revolutionary struggle terrorism examples ethical analysis political terrorism ethical implications moral reasoning moral disputes terrorism ethics discussion ethical terrorism moral philosophy terrorism ethical justification of terrorism ethical consequences of terrorism consequentialism outcomes justification terror legitimacy poverty injustices violence distribution redistribution authority drastic measures terrorism revolution utility justice equality Arab Spring Yemen terrorism attacks Saleh consequentialism outcomes justification terror legitimacy poverty injustices violence daily suffering drastic measures revolutionary struggle progression arab spring yemen president ali abdullah saleh terrorist attacks utility bbc news consequentialism outcomes justification terror legitimacy suffering poverty injustice violence democratic change arab spring yemen terrorism effective weapon revolutionary struggle utility authorities drastic measures social justice equality consequentialism outcomes justification terrorism legitimacy suffering poverty injustice violence utility revolution arab spring yemen president saleh consequentialism outcomes justification terror legitimacy poverty injustices violence suffering distribution rights utility arab spring yemen terrorism revolution progression effective weapon social change moral philosophy consequentialism outcomes justification terrorism suffering poverty injustices violence legitimacy utility arab spring yemen alibaba saleh revolution progression effective weapon revised morals consequentialism outcomes justification terrorism legitimacy suffering poverty injustices violence utility revolutionary struggle arab spring yemen terrorism examples authorities redistribution effective weapon middle eastern countries consequentialism outcomes justification acts of terror suffering poverty injustices violence redistribution rights drastic measures utility terrorism revolutionary struggle progression Arab spring Yemen President Saleh palace attack
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con02a	There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, health benefits Filipino families women rights legislation social research slums of Manila educational levels nutritional levels poverty eradication family planning economic incentives reproductive rights global poverty poverty reduction international family planning contraception birth control battle against contraception population control family planning Filipino women health benefits poverty reduction research studies educational levels nutritional levels slums Manila reproductive rights legislative debate women's health global poverty family size child support elderly care resource allocation demographic trends population control economic incentives socioeconomic status maternal health fertility rates public health policy gender equality social justice human rights development economics sustainable development public health reproductive health social welfare community health public opinion demographic transition demographic dividend family planning health benefits women rights poverty reduction educational levels nutritional levels slums Manila research findings legislative debate population control child support retirement planning socioeconomic status reproductive rights public health global poverty demographic trends health benefits Filipino families women's rights research findings population control economic impact family planning poverty reduction educational levels nutritional levels slums of Manila international research global perspectives poverty eradication women's health retirement incentives child support resource allocation health family planning poverty research women social welfare education nutrition philippines policy debate demographics slums global poverty health benefits Filipino families women's rights research slums of Manila family planning poverty eradication education nutrition reproductive rights legislation opponents economic incentives child support poverty reduction global investigations national investigations personal investigations health and nutrition resource allocation health benefits Filipino families women's rights research findings slums of Manila family planning poverty eradication education nutrition global investigations economic incentives retirement support population control health benefits Filipino families women's rights research findings poverty eradication family planning educational opportunities nutritional levels social inequality global investigations Metro Manila health benefits Filipino families women's rights research findings legislation social issues slums of Manila poverty reduction educational impact nutritional levels family planning economic incentives population control gender equality global perspective health benefits Filipino families women rights research findings educational levels nutritional levels family planning poverty eradication legislation impact slums of Manila gender rights child support social welfare global poverty
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro01a	The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. journalism definition new media internet Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination journalism role fourth estate press freedom media change journalism ethics journalism definition role of journalist Assange journalist impact of internet on journalism traditional vs modern journalism WikiLeaks and journalism fourth estate mass communication journalist access to information journalism prize journalism ethics journalism in digital age journalist definition mass communication Assange role internet impact on journalism traditional journalism information dissemination reader access journalism evolution internet influence WikiLeaks fourth estate media role journalism prize journalist definition new forms of mass communication Assange journalist role of journalist impact of internet on journalism traditional journalism vs modern journalist access to information Assange information dissemination journalism basics fourth estate WikiLeaks role traditional media challenges journalism prize journalist Assange new media journalism internet information dissemination traditional media fourth estate WikiLeaks mass communication role of journalist information access news gathering social impact journalist definition information gathering media transformation internet impact journalism role evolution Assange journalism fourth estate mass communication news commentary WikiLeaks journalism prize journalist definition new media impact Assange journalism information dissemination traditional journalism internet effects media role WikiLeaks journalism basics fourth estate media access news collection journalism prize journalist definition new journalism mass communication Assange information dissemination internet impact on journalism traditional journalism online media journalism role fourth estate WikiLeaks media access journalism basics journalism ethics media power journalism prizes journalism definition new media information dissemination internet impact on-line journalism traditional journalism media role Fourth Estate Wikileaks powerful elite journalist responsibilities publishing ethics press freedom media access news gathering public interest media evolution media convergence journalism history media criticism media accountability news sourcing journalism standards media transparency journalism ethics media influence media power journalism challenges journalism future journalism impact journalism credibility journalism integrity journalism quality journalism innovation journalism importance journalism relevance journalism significance journal journalism definition impact of internet on journalism role of journalist new forms of mass communication assange journalism traditional journalism modern journalism online journalism Fourth Estate Wikileaks powerful and privileged Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro04a	"Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" trial jury small offences costs time consumption populated areas money saving victims justice plea bargaining dispositions guilt trial punishment charges advisors reform system United Kingdom United States court magistrates crown exceptions differentiation expenses savings efficiency resources allocations alternatives improvements legal rights petty crimes legal_system economic_analysis judicial_process legal_reform criminal_justice legal_practice legal_innovation trial jury resource allocation legal costs court capacity minor offences plea bargaining justice system improvement United Kingdom United States jury trial rights crime management judicial efficiency trial efficiency cost of jury trials minor offenses court capacity juryless trials resource allocation justice system improvement plea bargaining criminal disposals petty crimes right to jury trial legal reforms court overcrowding trial utility expansion phrases jury trials small offences costs time consumption legal expenses resources allocation densely populated areas money saving victim support justice improvement plea bargaining criminal cases government advisors petty crimes advisory committees legal reforms justice efficiency trial efficiency resource management trial efficiency jury expense small offences justice system improvement plea bargaining court resources minor offences definition courtroom capacity crime prevention legal reform trial efficiency jury cost small offenses legal resources plea bargaining justice system improvement court capacity minor crimes justice allocation jury removal criminal trials legal expenses victim support judicial reform trial accuracy jury expansion terms resource allocation petty offences court capacity plea bargaining justice system improvement cost savings crime advisor jury trial alternatives trial efficiency petty offences jury cost court resources plea bargaining justice system improvement British government Louise Casey US criminal cases jury trial abolition dense population areas court capacity crime exceptions optimize search results suggest meaningful expansion terms enhance query trial by jury small offences resource waste court expenses time consumption legal reforms justice system improvement plea bargaining defendant rights minor offences petty crimes courtroom efficiency crime reduction judicial capacity legal advisor cost savings victim support trial by jury small offences resource management court efficiency jury cost plea bargaining justice system improvement British justice system United States justice system petty crimes courtroom capacity victim support"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro02a	A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young voters strong leadership Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption reduction societal stability authoritarian tendencies freedom vs stability youth support Putin's supporters Russian political climate strong leadership Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption reduction social stability authoritarianism freedom vs stability youth support past certainties strong leadership benefits of authoritarianism Putin approval ratings combating corruption societal stability young Russian voters trade-offs for freedom Putin's support base authoritarian tendencies benefits Putin's electoral success restoring equality Russian people readiness balancing freedom and stability strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young voters strong leadership benefits of authoritarianism Putin approval ratings Russian societal issues corruption reduction stability in Russia young Putin supporters trade-offs for stability strong leader Putin Russia electoral success approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young voters strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success approval rates corruption social stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young Russians strong leadership benefits of authoritarianism Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption reduction societal stability freedom vs stability youth support authoritarian tendencies strong leadership Putin Russia corruption stability approval rates authoritarianism youth support electoral success social equality
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con01a	CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP policies european farming subsidies self-sufficiency climate_change commodity_crises EU intervention food_security household_expenses market_fluctuations food_prices agriculture_policy CAP maintains European food security subsidies to agriculture self-sufficiency intervention fluctuating markets global climate change commodity crisis state availability prices poorer parts EU continent-wide policy market compensation losses affordable food household spending average EU household devotes food since 1960 European Commission CAP cons Food Prices ec.europa.eu CAP EuropeanCommission agriculturalsubsidies selfsufficiency globalclimatechange commoditycrisis EUpolicy foodsecurity marketfluctuations householdexpenditure continentalpolicy foodprices EuropeanUnion agriculturalpolicy foodaffordability foodsupplychain CAP European food security agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU help price fluctuations poorer EU regions household spending continent-wide policy food markets CAP benefits food prices CAP European food security subsidies agriculture self-sufficiency global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU assistance price fluctuations poorer EU regions household spending food affordability CAP policies food prices CAP European food security agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU assistance price fluctuations poorer EU regions food affordability CAP policy food expenditure reduction CAP EU Agricultural subsidies European food security Self-sufficiency Global climate change Commodity crisis Market fluctuations Household spending Continent-wide policy Food prices CAP EU subsidies agriculture self-sufficiency food security market fluctuations climate change commodity crisis state intervention population assistance household spending food prices economic stability food distribution European markets CAP European food security agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU policy household spending affordable food CAP budget food prices CAP sustainability food security economic stability subsidies agriculture policy intervention climate change market fluctuations self-sufficiency household expenses affordable food economic measures EU support
test-science-ascidfakhba-con01a	"Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artists property	rights creative	output artistic	works ideas creative	copyright public	sphere productive	life human	experience 知识产权 创作版权 艺术创作 版权保护 artists rights creative output property intellectual commons license ethics art preservation protection value artists rights creative output music film sculpture painting property intellectual产权 idea completion investment energy time talent business principle self-evident practicality creative_commons public_sphere consent value contribution productivity human_experience copyright erosion intellectual_property machine ethereal_work real_contribution artistic_endeavor property_rights protection defense giving_color risk madness growing_pains artists creative_output property_rights artistic_works intellectual_property creative_commons_license copyright artistic_creation innovation economic_investment ethical_considerations public_domain intellectual_property_law Artists rights creative output property law intellectual property artistic works copyright moral rights creative commons economic value ethical consideration artistic property rights creative commons property rights creative output intellectual property artist's work universality of property public sphere productive life copyright ethics of art valuation of art individual creativity moral rights of artists legal protections for artists innovation and creativity public domain artist's investment in art artists creative_output property_rights copyright intellectual_property creative_commons artistic_works ownership ethical_considerations economic_value innovation fundamental property right creative output artistic works property right individual creators intellectual property creative commons public sphere ethical argument economic investment artistic endeavor human experience copyright infringement protection of property erosion of rights artists rights creative output property license public sphere consent ethics art preservation value production experience intellectual property commons defense copyright machine idea creation business investment sacrifice thievery equality protection erosion contribution meaning universal sector giving human artistic property creative commons intellectual property rights copyright creative output property rights artistic endeavours public sphere economic investment artist rights fundamental principles"
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro04a	"The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational reflection universe existence causality quantum fluctuation theological positions omnipotence paradox atheism nature of god logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational reflection universe existence quantum fluctuation causality theological position omnipotent God logical absurdity atheism logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational reflection universe existence causality quantum fluctuations atheism omnipotent God philosophical paradoxes metaphysical concepts religious logic logical contradictions creator god empirical fact rational reflection universe existence causal agent quantum fluctuation inflationary universe causality theological positions omnipotent God logical absurdity philosophical review paradox of the stone nature of God logical contradictions creator god empirical fact rational reflection Universe existence causal agent physics explanation quantum fluctuation causality theological positions omnipotent God logical paradox atheism search performance relevant expansion phrases logical contradictions nature of God empirical fact rational reflection universe existence causality quantum fluctuation inflation theory theological position omnipotence logical absurdity atheism logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational reflection universe origin quantum fluctuations causality atheism omnipotent God philosophical arguments theological positions logical contradiction creator god empirical fact rational reflection universe existence causality quantum fluctuation atheism omnipotent God logical unfounded theological position philosophical review God logically contradictory creator god absurdity Universe outside existence causal agent impossibility quantum fluctuation origin omnipotent God logically impossible atheism justified theological position Paradox of the Stone logical contradictions creator god empirical fact rational reflection universe existence causality quantum fluctuation omnipotent God logical absurdity atheism philosophical review paradox of the stone"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights economic development wealth values academic cooperation gradualism elite universities social change education global trade cultural differences human rights development international relations political systems economic inequality education access global education trade policies diplomatic cooperation education impact social justice economic freedom cultural exchange global governance education quality international education economic empowerment educational opportunities trade benefits human rights advocacy economic cooperation international trade education reforms social mobility global economy human rights promotion economic impact international relations theory globalization education equity trade agreements human rights violations academic_cooperation trade_benefits_human_rights gradualist_approach elite_universities social_group_opportunities western_education human_rights_development UNESCO_report free_trade_moral_case China_US_EU_trade death_penalty_cooperation Burma_example trade human rights economic growth values academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social justice Western education China-US-EU trade death penalty Burma academic elites education human rights UNESCO report trade and human rights gradualist approach academic cooperation elite universities widening educational opportunities moral case for engagement UNESCO report free trade economic development education and human rights international trade Western education political elite just and reasonable China-US-EU trade death penalty cultural differences education policy global education education reform human rights development trade benefits social change through education elite students education impact international relations educational cooperation academic partnerships economic empowerment human rights promotion trade diplomacy education inequality educational access global cooperation trade and values educational justice international trade agreements trade human rights economic growth academic cooperation cultural exchange gradualism trade partnerships elite universities education global development moral arguments international relations academic mobility social justice educational access political change UNESCO CATO Institute trade human rights dissemination values wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach trade example China US EU death penalty cooperation time changes drip drip effect Burma elite universities social group Western education tyrants sycophants learning opportunities justice reasonable UNESCO report trade human rights academic cooperation elite universities Western education global collaboration cultural exchange gradualist approach economic development social justice educational opportunities political elite international relations academic mobility human rights promotion trade benefits diplomatic strategies education impact global partnerships educational equality international trade policy analysis elite education social change international cooperation economic diplomacy human rights education globalization academic freedom educational standards international education trade policies development economics academic partnerships human rights protection trade agreements educational reform international development cultural diplomacy global governance academic innovation economic empowerment trade human rights academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group opportunities Western education development human rights UNESCO report argument expansion trade and human rights academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group opportunities Western education human rights development UNESCO report argument trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development human rights UNESCO report
test-economy-beghwbh-con04a	If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX infrastructure transportation vision priorities involvement development subscale details execution low priority Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX infrastructure transportation future technology investment development priorities innovation engineering challenges public-private partnership alternatives feasibility research funding Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX infrastructure transportation future technology project prioritization innovation engineering challenges private sector involvement public-private partnership visionary leadership technological feasibility economic viability regulatory hurdles investor interest Hyperloop development Elon Musk involvement Hyperloop priority Musk's projects Hyperloop scale model Hyperloop future Hyperloop challenges alternative Hyperloop builders Musk's company focus Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX subscale version project prioritization innovation infrastructure transportation technology private sector involvement engineering challenges Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX subscale version project priority involvement visionary infrastructure development Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX infrastructure transportation project priority innovation future technology engineering challenge public transportation private sector involvement technological vision Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX subscale version low priority project development visionary role involvement infrastructure innovation Elon Musk Hyperloop infrastructure investment priorities Tesla SpaceX subscale version innovation transportation future technology development visionary involvement low priority Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX infrastructure transportation subscale version details priority involvement
test-law-phwmfri-con03a	Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, perception fines taxes punishment justice government revenue cameras UK speeding New Zealand poll crimes public opinion legal enforcement money collection harmful effectiveness perception fines taxes punishment government revenue justice speed cameras UK new zealand criminal act poll road safety harmful effectiveness perception fines taxes punishment justice government revenue cameras speeding social psychology economics public opinion New Zealand UK poll harmful abstaining criminal act money collection hypothecation perception changes fines as taxes punishment vs revenue citizen attitudes speed camera debates UK driving culture government finance criminal deterrence hypothecated funds revenue generation perception fines taxation justice government revenue public opinion New Zealand speed cameras UK road safety crime deterrent fine effectiveness government spending taxpayer perceptions legal enforcement policy impact behavioral economics criminal behavior public finance perception fines taxes punishment justice revenue New Zealand UK speed cameras poll cost-benefit abstain criminal act harmful effectiveness government coffers hypothecated motorists perception fines taxes punishment justice government revenue cameras UK speeding abstain criminal act harmful effectiveness poll New Zealand perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK poll road safety perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK poll criminal act fines taxes punishment justice New Zealand government coffers hypothecation speed cameras revenue raising criminal acts poll UK drivers
test-economy-beghwbh-pro01a	Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 supersonic travel Hyperloop technology transportation efficiency short distance travel ground level transport high speed rail city travel options aircraft travel time infrastructure development future transportation methods supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time urban transportation air travel ground transportation transportation speed city travel future transportation technology supersonic travel hyperloop technology public transport innovation shortest travel time urban transit options ground transportation speeds airline travel efficiency concorde legacy transportation efficiency analysis fastest_transportation short_distance_travel public_transportation_flexibility supersonic_jets_history hyperloop_technology san_francisco_to_los_angeles travel_time_comparison alternative_transport_options urban_transport_solutions Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop travel time San Francisco-Los Angeles high speed rail cars flight duration ground transportation supersonic travel public transportation improvement Hyperloop technology fastest transportation methods urban travel options Concorde retirement short distance travel efficiency future transportation innovations ground transportation alternatives high speed rail comparison fast transportation short distance travel supersonic jets Concorde public transportation speed Hyperloop technology SF-LA route travel time comparisons high speed rail fastest_transportation public_transit_faster supersonic_transportation Concorde hyperloop_technology ground_level_trains travel_time_analysis San_Francisco_Los_Angeles supersonic jets Concorde public transportation improvement Hyperloop technology San Francisco-Los Angeles route high speed rail travel time comparisons ground transportation options aircraft travel time Hyperloop speed advantage supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time urban transportation fast travel aircraft limitations ground transport alternatives
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con02a	Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. individual liberty free speech potential harms expressive freedom personal rights unrestricted speech harm comparison personal autonomy censorship consequences fundamental freedoms individual liberty free speech potential harms unrestrained expression banning speech personal thoughts freedom of thought incalculable harm core individual rights individual liberty free speech potential harms unrestricted expression personal thoughts freedom of mind banning speech harm comparison personal autonomy core individual rights individual liberty free speech potential harms unrestrained expression banning speech thoughts and feelings personal freedom prohibition on liberty core individual rights individual liberty free speech potential harms expression thought feelings core individuality unalienable rights free speech individual rights harm principle self-expression freedom of thought liberty rights unrestrained expression personal beliefs censorship impact ideological freedom individual liberty free speech potential harms expression thoughts feelings prohibitions personal rights core values individual liberty free speech potential harms expressive freedom personal autonomy incalculable value core individuality individual liberty free speech potential harms expressive freedom personal autonomy constitutional rights censorship First Amendment thought suppression democratic values public discourse civil liberties unrestricted speech government infringement individual liberty free speech potential harms expression thoughts feelings personal freedom unrestrained bans rights core values prohibitions
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro03a	Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Socialism Capitalism economic principles market economics high-tax policies borders capital flow class structure economic failure modern economics political ideology European socialism Cuba colombia Socialism Capitalism MarketEconomics EconomicPolicies Borders Globalization ClassStruggle StateControl ModernEconomy socialism capitalism market economics class structure economic policies border control capital flow economic theory political ideologies policy acceptance modern economics Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend Economic principles Open borders State control Class blocks Wealth distribution Political parties Economic systems Globalization Economic freedom Welfare states Socialism Capitalism Market economics Tax policy Socialist parties Border control Capital flow Class structure Economic efficiency Socialism Capitalism Economic principles Border control Market economics Cuba colombia European politics Class distinctions Socialism Capitalism Market economics Tax policy Socialist parties Border control Class structure Economic theory Political ideology Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax policies Border control Economic principles Class structure Cuban economy Colombian politics Socialism Capitalism MarketEconomics EuropeanSocialistParties BorderControl CapitalFlow EconomicPolicies ClassStructure StateControl ModernEconomy Socialism Capitalism Market economics Border control Economic policies Cuba Colombia Class dynamics Richness Political parties
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con01a	The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, Neo-functionalism spill-over integration EU failure high politics national sovereignty supranational functionalism civilian power foreign policy enlargement nation-state security policy Neo-functionalism spill-over integration Europe supranational functionalism national sovereignty foreign policy common defence EU role high politics enlargement nation-state failure security policy spill-over neo-functionalism supranational functionalism automaticity integration european union common defense foreign policy nation-state sovereignty international relations eu role security community enlargement supranational governance functional method political integration spill-over neo-functionalism automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty European integration foreign policy security policy enlargement EU role common defence functional method political integration state sovereignty regional integration international relations supranational governance community project geopolitical strategy multilateralism interstate cooperation transnational politics Spill-over Neo-functionalism automaticity integration Europe supranational functionalism foreign policy defense opposition enlargement EU nation-state security integration theory community project Spill-over Neo-functionalism automaticity integration supranational functionalism European Union foreign policy security policy opposition enlargement Spill-over Neo-functionalism automaticity integration Europe supranational functionalism national sovereignty foreign policy common defence EU role enlargement opposition high politics functional method state theory international relations political integration Spill-over Neo-functionalism automaticity integration supranational functionalism European integration foreign policy security policy opposition enlargement common defence EU role high politics Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism EU failure high politics enlargement national sovereignty common foreign policy security defense community Neo-functionalism spill-over theory integration automaticity supranational functionalism European integration foreign policy security policy EU enlargement nation-state relevance high politics supranational institutions integration limitations functional method
test-international-aegmeppghw-con01a	"The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. geographical definitions europe turkey russia geography frontier italy nato mediterranean perceptions member states union history population organizations international relations eu economic cooperation football geographical definition Europe Turkey membership NATO Russia European status Georgia European status Armenia European status Cyprus European status Malta European status political imagination changing perceptions regional organization Germany reunification EU expansion Turkey historical significance Turkey EU membership NATO membership OECD membership Eurovision Song Contest European football geographical definitions political boundaries europe turkey russia georgia armenia cyprus malta nato eu historical significance eu membership eurovision song contest european football geographical definition Europe Turkey membership NATO EU enlargement Georgia Armenia status Russia European status Cyprus Malta status geopolitical boundaries European identity Mediterranean states Eastern European countries international organizations Historical significance of Turkey European football competitions Eurovision Song Contest geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia European country Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization Mediterranean political imagination East Germany West Germany EU European club territorial membership historical significance Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country geographical definition europe turkey russia georgia armenia cyprus malta nato mediterranean italy eu historical significance population western perspective eastern perspective member states regional organization economic ties cultural ties football competitions song contest geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia geopolitical perception Mediterranean NATO EU historical significance membership borders eastern europe western europe regional organizations cultural ties political alliances geographical definition europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO EU geopolitics historical significance regional organization border definitions perception change geographical definitions Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization Mediterranean political imagination EU Eastern European countries European Union membership territorial divisions historical significance population international organizations Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking geographical definitions Europe Turkey political boundaries NATO Mediterranean geopolitical perceptions EU membership historical significance regional organizations cultural affiliations"
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro03a	The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratified polled opinions international actions majority support unconvinced by drawbacks American people ICC membership democracy public opinion 2005 poll Chicago Council US population international law International Criminal Court ratification public support democratic principles poll results US foreign policy American people ICC membership democracy 2005 poll Chicago Council US population US participation International Criminal Court ratified international actions public opinion poll results theoretical drawbacks American people support ICC democracy voice matters 2005 Chicago Council poll US population ICC support international court ratification ICC drawbacks public opinion on ICC American people ICC membership democracy 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court theorized drawbacks ratified relevance expansion phrases democratic process international criminal court public opinion US population ICC membership poll results Chicago Council ratification public support drawbacks American people ICC membership democracy 2005 poll Chicago Council US population international actions ratification International Criminal Court public opinion support drawbacks American people ICC membership democracy 2005 poll Chicago Council US population International Criminal Court ratification public opinion theoretical drawbacks American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population support ratification International Criminal Court theoretical drawbacks public opinion search outcomes beneficial expansion terms supplement query american people icc membership democracy voice poll 2005 chicago council foreign relations us population participation international ratification drawbacks international criminal court
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con04a	Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . collisions heighten antagonisms injured teammates grudge pitch hurt General Manager Brian Sabean Posey Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour catcher notes Mike Matheny run catcher stick it notes collisions heighten antagonisms injured player teammates unsportsmanlike behavior baseball injuries MLB catchers 报复行为 记忆深刻 危险投球 长期记忆 collisions heighten antagonisms united grudge pitch hurt opportunity injured teammates giants brian sabean cousins posey general manager long memory unsportsmanlike behaviour catcher notes mark kid take run strike stick former mlb catcher mike matheny hit catcher avenging notes moments revenge records player team aggression memories retaliation baseball collision plate notes t collisions heighten antagonisms injured teammates grudge pitch hurt opportunity general manager brian sabean cousins posey unsportsmanlike behaviour catcher notes mike.matheny hit catcher mark kid collisions heighten antagonisms injured players teammates grudges pitching seeking hurt opportunities Giants Brian Sabean Cousins Posey General Manager long memory unsportsmanlike behavior catchers notes run at a catcher Matheny critical Hit collisions heighten antagonisms universally relevant expansion phrases query elevate search performance injured teammates grudge take revenge pitch aim hurt collision plate Giants Brian Sabean Cousins Posey unsportsmanlike behavior memory Mike Matheny catcher noted mark kid run notes stick down play memories catcher notes next time ball collisions heighten antagonisms injured teammates grudge pitch hurt General Manager Brian Sabean Posey Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour catcher notes run Mike Matheny AP ESPN collisions heighten antagonisms injured players teammates grudges sportsmanship hit at plate pitching revenge general manager long memory catchers notes unsportsmanlike behavior Mike Matheny Joe Torre Brian Sabean Cousins Posey R.B. Fallstrom Associated Press ESPN.com collisions heighten antagonisms injured players teammates grudges sportsmanship unethical behavior Giants Brian Sabean Cousins Michael Matheny Mike Matheny Posey hit at plate note taking catchers collisions heighten antagonisms injured teammates grudge hurt players pitch targeting sportsmanship general manager long memory catcher retaliation run at catcher Mike Matheny note taking unsportsmanlike behavior
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con04a	The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. blocking social media censorship internet freedom power expansion speech rights government control dissent public interest free speech online censorship individual power cyberpower extremism riots political credibility censorship internet power expansion government speech freedom precedent blocking social media public interest dissent individuals' rights cyber space control political credibility online censorship free speech threats public interest vs freedom blocking social media power expansion state censorship internet freedom public interest speech rights political influence government surveillance digital liberties free speech threats online censorship Internet regulation social media influence power dynamics speech protection cyber sovereignty political credibility public sphere internet governance social media impact censorship precedents internet regulation risks liberty threats power abuse internet freedom challenges technological freedom online dissent privacy concerns net neutrality Internet control media manipulation information control power imbalance internet censorship free speech violations online activism censorship tactics internet freedoms blocking Twitter power expansion speech censorship internet freedom government surveillance public interest dissent rights free speech threats service censorship internet regulation people power government intervention online freedoms cyber space control extremism combating internet censorship blocking social media government power expansion freedom of speech public interest state surveillance social media influence civil liberties digital rights technological freedom state intervention speech suppression digital privacy internet regulation online activism social media impact political dissent cyber rights government control internet governance digital democracy blocking Twitter censorship internet freedom government power free speech social media precedent public interest dissent anti-government state influence internet regulation digital rights speech suppression government intervention digital activism online censorship citizen empowerment government control internet governance speech restriction social media influence digital authoritarianism digital civil liberties internet censorship speech rights government power expansion public interest social media blocking free speech threats anti-government tools state control digital freedoms political dissent technological surveillance internet regulation human rights online blocking Twitter internet censorship powerful tools for individuals censorship precedent government influence speech rights dissent free societies extremism public interest Internet自由 政府干预 言论自由 社交媒体影响 censorship internet speech power government intervention freedom precedent blocking Twitter public interest free societies extremism cyberspace riots powerful tool individuals' rights dissent ADL Computer Active blocking social media power expansion state censorship internet freedom freedom of speech public interest government control dissent online services cyberpower extremism riots political influence
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro01a	"Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, second-hand-smoke human-rights lung-cancer public-health UN-declaration WHO-study smoking-ban public-places health-risks second-hand-smoke human-rights lung-cancer pUBLIC-places banning-smoking non-smokers united-nations tobacco-studies health-risks universal-declaration-of-human-rights world-health-organisation human rights second-hand smoke health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban non-smokers involuntary smoking UN declaration World Health Organization human rights second-hand smoke public health lung cancer workplace safety non-smokers smoking ban UN declaration health risks involuntary smoking second-hand smoke rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights lung cancer health risks public places ban non-smokers smoking UN WHO tobacco study human rights second-hand smoke lung cancer public health UN declaration workplace safety smoking ban well-being health risks second-hand smoke human rights lung cancer public health United Nations World Health Organization involuntary smoking rights to health non-smokers public places health risks second-hand-smoke non-smokers human-rights Universal-Declaration-of-Human-Rights health-risks lung-cancer public-places banning-smoking tobacco-studies UN WHO human rights second-hand smoke health risks lung cancer public smoking bans Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Health Organisation second-hand smoke human rights lung cancer public places non-smokers UN declaration tobacco regulations health risks"
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con01a	This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. democracy Filipino popular support RH Bill abortion planned pregnancy female deaths Church authority elected representatives vote count cultural values reproductive health bill philippines filipino values majority support backstreet abortion maternal deaths church influence democracy planned pregnancies RH bill cultural debate democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support pregnancies back street abortionists Church modern Filipinos unplanned pregnancies majority support elected representatives maternal deaths abortion legality democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists medical care mother's life child's life majority opinions outdated mythology democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives pregnancies back street abortionists mortality Church values majority rule respect for life democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support back street abortionists delayed pregnancies female deaths demographic issues majority support elected representatives Church influence abortion rights healthcare access pregnancy planning voting results opposition arguments democracy Filipino values RH Bill reproductive health public support back street abortion maternal deaths Church's influence modern Filipinos planned pregnancies elected representatives democracy Filipino values RH Bill majorities public support opposition critical issues reproductive health unplanned pregnancies backstreet abortionists maternal deaths Church values respect majority opinions outdated mythology democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal deaths Catholic Church values democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists medical care outdated mythology Catholic Church
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro02a	Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . press freedom internet governments media control Assange journalism newspapers blogging truth to power information age citizen journalism news without spin government control press freedom internet impact journalism evolution new media Assange role citizen journalism information broadcasting media transparency source verification power journalism reader engagement truth verification media spin press freedom internet control government media social media impact journalism evolution assange journalist status quo challenge newspaper decline citizen journalism information dissemination power dynamics press investigation freedom of information governments control media control internet age new media journalism skills new attitudes truth to power citizen journalism Wikileaks source material publisher patronage mainstream press blogosphere news without spin research into press views journalist definition press investigation freedom of information governments control media control internet age new media journalism skills truth to power citizen journalism Wikileaks source material news spin press freedom information control WikiLeaks Assange journalist definition new media citizen journalism spin-free news information age media skills Governments press investigation freedom of information Julian Assange media control Internet WikiLeaks journalism new media opinion blogging 信息公开 新闻真实性 无偏见新闻 press freedom governments control information age journalism evolution media scrutiny newspaper proprietors internet impact Assange journalist wikileaks revelations truth to power citizen journalism news integrity Governments press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist stunt media control internet broadcasting new media journalistic skills truth to power source material citizen journalism research news without spin press freedom internet governments information control journalism new media Assange truth to power citizen journalism source material
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 secularism separation of church and state religious expression national secular society sharia courts equal citizenship public places state authority religious symbols Western society unity equality state institutions secularism state separation religious expression pUBLIC PLACES equality freedom of religion sharia courts national secular society british society religious symbols unity secular identity western societies secularism state separation religion in public national secular society equality religious symbols Western society secular identity Sharia courts equal treatment secular values state sponsorship of religion separation of religion and state National Secular Society public places religious expression citizen equality religious symbols Western society secular identity Sharia courts secular focused identity secularism state religion separation National Secular Society equality religious symbols public places state authority Western societies secular identity Sharia courts secular values state separation religious expression National Secular Society equal citizenship religious symbols state identity Western society equality focused institutional neutrality secular values state separation National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious symbols secular identity Western society Sharia courts secularism state religion separation equality national secular society religious symbols unity western societies state authority sharia courts secularism state separation religious symbols equality public places National Secular Society Sharia courts discrimination unity institutions identity Western society secular values state religion separation National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality state institutions religious symbols secular identity Western society Sharia courts
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con05a	It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. impossible task economic planning information scarcity centralized planning decentralized systems private property price mechanism trillion resources economic efficiency misallocation human knowledge limitations labor allocation mining infrastructure land resources resource utilization satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger brain surgery economic theory Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices planned economy central planning market economics information theory resource allocation private property price mechanism decentralization economic efficiency resource combinations economic planning information asymmetry information asymmetry central planning factors of production resource allocation economic efficiency decentralized systems private property rights market failure planning paradox combinatorial complexity planned economy challenges resource allocation inefficiency decentralised price system benefits private property rights information theory economics central planning limitations economic efficiency analysis resource combination complexity market failure examples economic planning impossibility information efficiency resource allocation central planning market failure price mechanism private property economic efficiency information problem decentralized decision-making market economy search optimization information asymmetry resource allocation economic planning decentralized systems market efficiency price mechanism property rights information theory economic coordination central planning limitations information theory resource allocation central planning market mechanisms private property economic efficiency information processing decentralization economic planning Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery economic complexity price system property rights economic coordination information asymmetry planned economy central planning resource allocation economic inefficiency decentralization private property market prices information theory economic coordination resource utilization Arnold Schwarzenegger brain surgery analogy search optimization economic planning resource allocation decentralized systems central planning limitations information theory market efficiency private property rights economic coordination information asymmetry resource utilization economic complexity planning fallacies price mechanism market failures planned economy central planning market economy information problem resource allocation private property price mechanism direct control market signals economic inefficiency coordination failure
test-international-epglghbni-pro05a	Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic integration unified administration service integration economies of scale political unification resource allocation cost savings efficiency gains infrastructure consolidation cross-border cooperation administrative efficiency fiscal unity trade benefits governance structure economic synergy economic integration economies of scale unified government transport infrastructure electricity grid police forces judiciary systems cost efficiency integration benefits administrative costs services integration resource allocation economic growth administration unification combined economies Economic integration unified administration service integration economies of scale transportation unification judicial merger grid consolidation resource allocation political union fiscal benefits infrastructure cooperation cost efficiency administrative efficiency market unity shared governance economic convergence cross-border collaboration Economic integration Ireland unification economies of scale administrative unity resource allocation single market transport network consolidation police force unification judiciary integration grid unification administrative efficiency unified government socioeconomic benefits Economic integration Ireland unified government electricity grid transport networks police judiciary economies of scale Martin McGuinness Economic integration Ireland unification electricity grid合并 transport network整合 police judiciary统一 economies of scale better governance administrative efficiency resource allocation优化 unified economy分析 Economic integration Ireland electricity grid transport network police judiciary services economies of scale unified system Martin McGuinness Economic integration Ireland economic growth services integration police unification judiciary consolidation administrative efficiency unified grid transport network benefits economies of scale resource allocation McGuinness statement Economic integration Ireland electricity grid transport network police judiciary economies of scale unified government administrative efficiency resource allocation Martin McGuinness Economic integration Ireland electricity grid transport networks police judiciary economies of scale unified government cost efficiency Martin McGuinness
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro05a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Lackwana Six September 11 jury impartiality defendants plea trial fairness judge decision jury impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Lackwana Six jury bias magistrate's decision trial fairness defendant rights emotional impact on jury justice system limitations trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks juror bias terrorism trials 9/11 Lackwana Six judicial verdict jury impartiality criminal law justice system legal fairness jury selection emotional impact fear anxiety hatred paranoia Northern Ireland legal defense criminal proceedings legal implications legal standards judicial decision human emotions trial fairness legal challenges jury nullification terrorism cases trial by jury limitations impartial jury recruitment nationalist conflict impact terrorist attack aftermath jury bias in terrorism cases Lackwana Six case jury impartiality challenges emotional jury decision-making judge's role in biased trials criminal justice fairness trial by jury juror impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Lackwana Six September 11 2001 fair trial judge decision justice trial jury limitations impartial jury recruitment nationalist conflict impact terrorist attack jury bias Northern Ireland judicial decisions Lackwana Six case analysis post-9/11 jury challenges jury impartiality questions judicial verdict fairness emotional jury decision-making jury impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Lackwana Six September 11 defendant rights criminal law trial fairness judge decision magistrate note emotional bias trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks jury impartiality Lackwana Six judge's decision emotional bias jury selection criminal law judicial verdict terrorism trials 9/11 aftermath trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks juror bias Northern Ireland Lackwana Six 9/11 judicial decision jury impartiality criminal law jury impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Lackwana Six judge verdict emotional bias trial fairness criminal law"
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro03a	Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. 1967 borders Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO peace negotiations territorial withdrawal East Jerusalem international support Hamas two-state solution Israeli-Palestinian conflict 1967 borders palestinian liberation organization palestinians israel peace process territories east jerusalem maps recognition saudi arabia iran hebrew israeli palestinian conflict international support Ehud Olmert 1967 borders palestinian liberation organization PLO Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas international support Saudi Arabia Iran Ehud Olmert two-state solution peace negotiations territorial withdrawal border recognition conflict resolution returning to 1967 borders peace to Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation Yasser Abed Rabbo recognition of Israel 1967 borders East Jerusalem international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ismail Haniyeh Hamas Palestinian state Six-Day War Ehud Olmert peace and security pre-1967 border 1967 borders palestinian liberation organization PLO Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem israeli-palestinian conflict 1967 borders 1967 borders 1967 borders international support Hamas Ehud Olmert peace negotiations territory withdrawal border retraction security conflict resolution international relations 1967 borders Palestinian Liberation Organisation Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks territorial withdrawal international support Ehud Olmert pre-1967 borders 1967 borders palestinian liberation organisation PLO yasser abed rabbo 1967 borders israel palestinians international support iran saudi arabia ehud olmert two-state solution eight-day war peace and security 1967 borders Palestinian Liberation Organisation Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert peace negotiations conflict resolution territorial withdrawal pre-1967 borders two-state solution 1967 borders Palestinian Liberation Organisation Yasser Abed Rabbo map of future Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert two-state solution peace negotiations 1967 borders Palestinian recognition peace process Israeli withdrawal East Jerusalem international support Hamas acceptance border negotiations conflict resolution
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro01a	Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) stability reform Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption population leader democracy polls chaos former USSR unification political reform poll results Vladimir Putin stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession privatization inequality corruption chaos leadership democracy public opinion polls stability reform post-communist Russia economic recession privatization inequality corruption chaos political reform USSR breakup population disillusionment strong leadership democratic vs stability Russian public opinion order over democracy Stability vs reform economic recession reasons market reforms impact privatization consequences economic inequality increase political corruption rise population disillusionment government distrust strong leadership necessity Russia poll results order over democracy post-communist challenges Stability reform economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption disillusionment distrust strong leader chaos USSR breakup democracy polls Russian population stability reform polling Russia economic recession corruption private sector democracy strong leadership population opinion chaos post-communism political instability populist leader Stability reform economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption chaos political reform break-up USSR disillusioned distrustful strong leader democracy Russian population polls stability reform Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption polling leader democracy order chaos post-communism UKR breakup population disillusionment distrust government political reform stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession inequalities corruption market reforms privatization population government chaos strong leader political reform former USSR disillusionment distrust polls democracy voters stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession privatization inequality corruption polling order democracy strong leadership chaos
test-economy-beghwbh-con03a	There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, Hyperloop vacuum tubes high speed trains pneumatic transport Robert M. Salter 19th century inventions RAND Corporation Beach Pneumatic Transit Hyperloop vacuum tubes high speed trains pneumatic transport Robert M. Salter Beach Pneumatic Transit VHST RAND Corporation George Medhurst 19th century technology intercity_travel vacuum_train hypersonic_transport pneumatic_transport vacuum_tube_train Robert_M_Salter Beach_Pneumatic_Transit Rand_Corporation Gorge_Medhurst Hyperloop pneumatic transport vacuum train intercity travel Robert M. Salter very high speed transit system Rand Corporation Beach Pneumatic Transit George Medhurst invention history 19th century technology Hyperloop intercity travel vacuum tubes Robert M. Salter pneumatic transport Beach Pneumatic Transit 19th century 1812 1870 RAND Corporation very high speed transit system Hyperloop vacuum trains pneumatic transport Robert M. Salter 1972 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 19th century technology innovation historical proposals intercity travel Hyperloop vacuum trains pneumatic transport Robert M. Salter 1972 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 Musk Elon Hyperloop vacuum trains pneumatic transport Robert M. Salter Beach Pneumatic Transit intercity travel 19th century technology VHST RAND Corporation George Medhurst Hyperloop intercity travel vacuum trains Robert M. Salter pneumatic transport Beach Pneumatic Transit 19th century rapid transit vacuum tubes low-pressure systems Robert M. Salter RAND Corporation George Medhurst Stephen Mihm intercity travel vacuum trains pneumatic transport Robert M. Salter Hyperloop Beach Pneumatic Transit VHS system 19th century technology Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro02a	Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, dictatorship economic stability foreign investment democracy elections unpredictability foreign direct investment China United States Mexico government change infrastructure political stability protests resource allocation election costs policy continuity dictatorship advantages foreign investment attraction political stability economic planning election costs rapid development countries China FDI democratic elections expenses infrastructure investment Mexico 2006 election OECD FDI figures US election costs dictatorships economic stability foreign investment democracy elections unrest FDI China United States political environment government planning infrastructure development political instability resource allocation election expenses partisan appointments Mexico election OECD dictatorship political stability foreign investment regular elections economic environment policy changes democracy drawbacks electoral disorder Mexico 2006 election foreign direct investment China FDI United States FDI US election cost infrastructure investment government planning long term strategy democratic expense country development stable government framework unrest after election protests during election change in government policy partisan appointments election expenses vs infrastructure rapid economic development dictatorship advantages democracy challenges dictatorships political stability foreign investment democracy elections economic environment policy changes government planning FDI China United States infrastructure electoral expenses democratic societies Mexico election political unrest dictatorship advantages political stability foreign investment attraction election costs democracy drawbacks rapid economic development political unrest electoral expenses infrastructure investment long-term planning government rotation economic environment changes development impediments FDI in China US election expenses dictatorships economic stability foreign investment democracy elections political instability FDI China United States government planning infrastructure development political environment resource allocation election expenses political unrest Mexico dictatorships economic stability foreign investment democracy elections political instability cost of democracy electoral expenses China United States Mexico FDI government planning resource allocation political transitions partisan appointments election disputes development fiscal policy infrastructure investment political environment government focus international investment election costs stable governance market confidence political uncertainty policy continuity public expenditure power transition authoritarianism market access political risk investment attraction election finance election impact government efficiency regulatory environment economic planning investment climate p dictatorships economic stability foreign investment democracy elections political instability FDI cost analysis government planning China United States Mexico election expenses infrastructure development political transitions partisan appointments electoral disputes public confidence developing countries OECD report dictatorships political stability foreign investment democracy elections economic environment policy changes development FDI infrastructure expenses
test-international-ghbunhf-con05a	As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf global forum resolving disputes international cooperation global economy UN importance peacekeeping diplomatic talks global security international relations conflict resolution multilateralism global governance international organization Dag Hammarskjold United Nations relevance global_forum resolving_disputes international_economy united_nations world_council peaceful_resolution global_security global_cooperation conflict_resolution diplomatic_forums global_politics interdependence national_dependency war_costs international_relations globalization_impact united_nations_purposes global forum resolving disputes international cooperation globalized economy UN importance peacekeeping international communication global security world unity conflict resolution diplomatic forums international organizations global governance interdependence world order global forum resolving disputes international cooperation globalized economy United Nations peacekeeping conflict resolution diplomatic talks global issues international organizations world economy interdependence specialized bodies regional bodies war costs global forum resolving disputes globalisation international cooperation 联合国 global economy peacekeeping regional bodies specialised bodies world order global forum resolving disputes international cooperation globalisation 联合国 UN regional bodies economic interdependence conflict resolution specialized bodies diplomatic talks world economy global forum resolving disputes international cooperation globalised economy United Nations peacekeeping diplomatic talks conflict resolution regional bodies specialised bodies world peace international relations globalisation UN necessity global forum resolving disputes international cooperation globalized economy 联合国 war costs regional bodies specialized bodies global forum importance peace talks global forum resolving disputes international cooperation global economy United Nations peacekeeping conflict resolution globalisation multilateralism diplomatic talks international relations regional bodies specialized bodies world peace international organizations global governance global forum resolving disputes international cooperation global economy United Nations peacekeeping diplomacy global issues conflict resolution international relations globalisation multilateralism international law world peace UN Security Council global governance
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro03a	"If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. God existence irrefutable evidence atheist growth human knowledge expansion social institution development reliance on religion rationality importance divine wisdom holy books reliability atheism justification nonbelief argument hiddenness argument theological naturalism philosophical theology God existence irrefutable evidence atheist growth human knowledge expansion social institution development religious faith decline rationalism divine wisdom holy books flaws atheism support nonbelief argument hiddenness argument atheism evidence of god religious belief human knowledge evolution of beliefs irrefutable evidence divine wisdom holy books moral arguments hiddenness argument philosophy of religion reason vs faith atheist arguments existence of god irrational belief religion and science theist evidence of God atheism hiddenness argument divine wisdom revelation irrefutable evidence flawed holy books moral arguments nonbelief support atheism crutch of religion religious faith reason over faith social institutions knowledge of universe omniscient being divine spark holy scriptures flaws in religion ignorance vs revelation philosophical arguments against God's existence human knowledge and belief development of society and atheism growing number of atheists developed world atheism religion versus reason philosophical theology arguments for God existence irrefutable evidence atheist growth developed world human knowledge expansion social institutions improvement religious dependence reduction rationality increase divine wisdom omniscient being holy books flawed men divine spark absence madmen beliefs atheism justification ignorance argument hiddenness argument evidence for god irrefutable proof compelled belief atheist growth human knowledge expansion social institutions improvement dependence on religion role of reason divine wisdom omniscient being holy books divine spark flawed men madness group belief atheism ignorance hiddenness argument atheism theism evidence irrefutable proof divine wisdom human knowledge social institutions religious faith reason God existence chosen few holy books divine spark madmen beliefs hiddenness argument atheism support nonbelief atheism evidential argument hiddenness argument religious belief irrefutable evidence holy books moral arguments divine hiddenness knowledge and faith reason vs faith religious texts divine wisdom ignorance versus revelation crutch of faith developed world secularization social institutions omniscience divine spark flawed men ravings of madmen group belief philosophy of religion atheist arguments existence of god atheism evidence of God hiddenness argument irrefutable evidence revelation nonbelief social institutions knowledge of universe divine wisdom holy books flawed men ravings madmen ignorance reasoning developed world atheism evidence of God hiddenness argument holy books revelation ignorance social institutions reason universe knowledge divine wisdom irrefutable evidence chosen few crusht of religious faith human knowledge developed world divine spark madmen flawed men correct holy book divine wisdom superiority atheist beliefs religion and reason existence of God agnosticism philosophical arguments against God"
test-science-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. copyright protection financial support creative output creative commons material wants struggling artists successful artists appreciation talent copyright protection financial support creative output creative commons material wants struggling artists successful artists talent appreciation alternative income copyright protection artists financial support creative commons material wants talent recognition family support copyright laws creative output work profitability revenue drainage appreciation alternative employment copyright protection creative output creative commons material wants financial support struggling artists successful artists appreciation talent family support economic burden copyright protection creative output financial support creative commons material wants struggling artists successful artists policy impact artistic livelihood family support intellectual property rights economic security artist compensation copyright law creative commons licensing economic burden artistic community intellectual property artist appreciation copyright protection financial support creative output creative commons policy impact revenue drainage family support material wants appreciation alternative employment copyright protection financial support creative output creative commons material wants artistic revenue family support policy impact talent recognition copyright protection creative commons financial support creative output policy impact artistic revenue material wants talented individuals copyright laws copyright protection creative commons artistic support family financial burden intellectual property rights artist revenue copyright law creative output material wants copyright protection creative commons financial support artistic output material wants talent recognition policy impact creative commons licensing artist revenue family support intellectual property rights
test-economy-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system policy economic inequality cities vs villages growth social cleavage food security sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine China's Hukou system poverty exclusion rural mortality urban food security hukou system rural deprivation developing countries famine child mortality social cleavage China's rural areas poverty in rural areas rural development stagnation rural AIDS prevalence rural city comparison rural economic growth rural social inequality rural life mortality rates cities famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system urban food security social cleavage China's development poverty inequality growth developing countries policy maxwell 1999 dikötter 2010 wang 2005 rural life conditions mortality rates cities comparison famine child mortality diseases poverty Hukou system social cleavage urban development growth disparity China's economic policies rural life mortality rates city comparison famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system policy analysis urban food security Social cleavage China's development growing inequality rural mortality urban food security hukou system rural poverty child mortality developing countries social cleavage rural deprivation famine impact AIDS prevalence urban development disparity rural life mortality rates cities famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system developing countries social cleavage urban food security sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine China's Hukou system rural life conditions mortality rates cities comparison famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system China social cleavages urban benefits poverty developing countries rural life mortality rates city comparison developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system poverty cleavage growth policy urban food security sub-Saharan Africa World Development Mao's Great Famine China's Hukou system rural mortality city living standards developing countries famine child mortality AIDS Hukou system social cleavage urban food security China's economic growth poverty deprivation social policy political economy"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con04a	Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey EU integration secularism religion discrimination headscarf human rights moderate Islam membership criteria European Muslims Albania Bosnia Kosovo EU expansion religious freedom Islam secularism Turkey European Union muslims headscarf beliefs discrimination human rights moderation compatibility democracy progress Albania Bosnia Kosovo Islam Europ Union Turkey secularism religious discrimination headscarf bans citizenship human rights democracy moderate Islam freedom of religion EU expansion Albania Bosnia Kosovo Islam secularism European Union Turkey Muslim state constitutional law human rights religious discrimination headscarf ban democracy compatibility moderation freedom of religion EU membership Christian union political party Justice and Development Party AK party human rights laws EU accession Muslim citizens second-class citizens Balkan countries Albania Bosnia Kosovo search efficiency query expansion Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK party EU membership headscarf ban religious discrimination human rights European Union Islam compatibility democracy progress religious freedom search optimization turkey eu muslim state secular constitution ak party human rights islamic democracy eu membership islam in europe religion and politics eu expansion search accuracy enrich query Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union secular constitution government Justice Development Party AK secularism human rights EU muslim citizens second-class Albania Bosnia Kosovo freedom religion democracy progress compatibility Islam democratic country example human-rights laws ban headscarves religious belief European Union membership moderate western Muslims EU/member-states fear relations world secularism europe turkey islam eu constitutional freedom religion headscarf muslims beliefs discrimination moderate compatibility humanrights example democracy progress search optimization turkey eu muslim state secularism constitution ak party human rights islam democracy eu membership religious discrimination headscarf ban eu enlargement albania bosnia kosovo integration moderate islam western islam european union pluralism religion and politics search outcomes recommendation expansion terms query Turkey instability Muslim state Christian union secularism Constitution government Justice and Development Party AK EU human rights headscarves religious expression discrimination EU membership Islam European Union freedom religion second-class citizens Albania Bosnia Kosovo compatibility democracy progress moderation example Islamic country
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro03a	China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China global marketplace EU states arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material economic interest European arms industries job security defense market US criticism indigenous arms sector research and development China military procurement EU arms export ban Russia arms sales to China Israel arms trade with China US-European alliance economic interests in defense industry military technology market global arms trade job security in European arms sector defense research and development costs China global marketplace EU states arms trade Russia Israel high-tech military material economic interests European arms industries domestic military forces research and development US criticism job security China arms market Russia arms sales to China Israel arms sales to China EU arms ban on China economic interest in Chinese market European arms industry Russian military material exports to China Israeli military material exports to China US criticism of EU job security in European arms sector research and development costs defense market access China global marketplace EU states arms trade Russia Israel high-tech military material economic interest job security arms industry research and development defense market international relations trade sanctions diplomatic criticism China arms trade Russia arms sales to China Israel arms sales to China EU arms ban US criticism of Europe Chinese military market European arms industry indigenous arms sector economic interests global competition China military procurement global arms trade EU arms export ban Russian arms sales to China Israeli arms sales to China US-EU relations on defense European arms industry competitiveness Chinese military modernization defense technology export controls economic interests in arms trade global marketplace economic interest arms export indigenous arms sector Russia arms sales Israel arms sales Chinese market safeguarding jobs European arms industry US criticism military technology defense market trade relations market competition China global marketplace EU arms trade Russia Israel high-tech military economic interest job security defense industry research and development market access US criticism domestic military forces indigenous sector China arms market Russia arms sales to China Israel arms sales to China European arms market European military industry US criticism of Europe global defense market international arms trade China's military modernization economic benefits of arms exports
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con01a	"Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug use increase moral implications drug user behavior state intervention drug-related crime social harm legal consequences needle exchange controversy public health policy debate drug normalization arguments moral implications of needle exchanges criminal justice perspective on drug use harm reduction vs abstinence approach drug user safety social acceptance of drug use legal implications of supporting drug users state responsibility in drug policy needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug use increase moral implications drug user safety legal consequences government intervention social harm needle exchange programs needle exchange drug-taking behavior public health policy drug use normalization moral implications social acceptance legal punishment harm reduction public safety drug user rights government assistance drug abuse public health ethics legal consequences needle exchange program drug prevention public opinion on drug use legal stance on drug use social impact of needle exchanges ethical considerations in public health drug policy debate needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug use increase moral implications state intervention drug-related harm legal considerations social consequences needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug user behavior legal implications moral arguments social consequences harm reduction drug use encouragement first-time drug users state responsibility law enforcement ethical considerations public safety alternative solutions needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug use increase moral implications state intervention legal consequences social harm public safety harm reduction addiction treatment drug users rights government assistance drug policy debate needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug use encouragement moral implications state intervention drug user safety legal repercussions social harm public health ethics needle exchange drug normalization public health policy drug use increase moral arguments legal implications harm reduction social consequences drug user behavior state intervention needle exchange drug-taking behavior public health policy drug use normalization first-time users morality state intervention law enforcement social harm taxpayer funding"
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro02a	This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. smoking ban healthcare costs passive smokers social smokers public health smoking regulations hospital admissions cardiovascular diseases second-hand smoke tobacco control public health policy economic impact smoking cessation healthcare economics public health studies smoking bans smoking rates health outcomes health economics smoking prevention public health interventions smoking ban healthcare costs social smokers passive smokers public health smoking restrictions second-hand smoke smoking cessation smoking policy economic impact public health policy smoking ban effects smoking prevention health economics tobacco control smoking prevalence smoking-related hospitalizations public health outcomes health economics analysis smoking ban success smoking ban implementation smoking ban statistics smoking ban benefits smoking ban studies smoking ban impact smoking ban examples smoking ban results smoking ban healthcare costs passive smoking social smokers public health smoking regulations hospital admissions myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive smoking ban public health economics smoking cessation second-hand smoke public policy smoking rates health economics health outcomes tobacco control public health impact smoking bans effectiveness healthcare savings smoking behavior smoking cessation programs health expenditure smoking prevalence public health interventions smoking legislation smoking and health smoking laws smoking prevention health impact assessment smoking and cardiovascular disease smoking and respiratory disease smoking and cancer smoking and public health smoking ban healthcare costs social smokers passive smokers hospital admissions smoking ban effects public health second-hand smoke comprehensive smoking ban healthcare savings smoking cessation public health policies smoking ban studies health economics smoking ban implementation smoking ban outcomes healthcare costs smokers taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers Arizona smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma evidence public health health economics public policy second-hand smoke research study economic impact healthcare savings population health public health policy healthcare costs smokers social smokers passive smokers smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health second-hand smoke comprehensive smoking ban hospitalization costs public healthcare individual healthcare health economics smoking prevention smoking legislation public health policy health expenditure smoking cessation smoking rates healthcare savings health care systems health care costs tobacco control health impact public health impact smoking regulations health outcomes smoking bans public health initiatives smoking behavior healthcare financing public health measures smoking statistics health insurance health inequalities healthcare costs smokers social smokers passive smokers smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health second-hand smoke comprehensive smoking ban Arizona cost savings healthcare system public healthcare private healthcare smoking cessation health economics public policy tobacco control health outcomes medical expenses smoking rates public health impact healthcare utilization smoking bans effectiveness smoking ban healthcare costs social smokers passive smokers Arizona study public health myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive smoking ban healthcare savings second-hand smoke public health policy economic impact smoking reduction healthcare economics search optimization healthcare costs smoking reduction social passive smokers economic impact public health policy study Arizona hospital admissions myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive smoking ban public health economics tobacco exposure second-hand smoke health economics policy analysis smoking cessation public policy health outcomes health care cost savings health economics research smoking ban effects healthcare financing public health economics health economics studies smoking cessation programs secondhand smoke health cost reduction smoking ban impact public health healthcare costs smokers social smokers passive smokers smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health Arizona comprehensive smoking ban healthcare economics
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con01a	Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. blocking social networks police tactics internet censorship online activism rioting Chinese internet control communication blackouts rapid adaptation social media resistance law enforcement strategies information dissemination blocking social networks police strategies internet censorship riot communication rapid adaptation internet community Chinese government tactics Tibetan unrest communications blackout law abiding citizens government internet control blocking social networks police strategies online censorship internet community adaptation rapid communication rioting internet blackout phone network cutting Chinese internet restrictions Tibetan unrest government internet control law abiding citizens information sharing during riots blocking social networks police strategy internet censorship riot communication adaptive internet users government response media control social network blocking rapid adaptation communication blackout online reporting Chinese internet restrictions Tibetan unrest law abiding majority blocking social networks police strategy internet censorship rapid adaptation riot communication Chinese government tactics communications blackout law abiding citizens blocking social networks police tactics online networking during riots internet censorship rapid adaptation Chinese internet control Tibetan unrest communications blackout law abiding majority blocking social networks police strategies internet censorship rioting rapid adaptation Chinese internet control communications blackout law abiding citizens Tibetan unrest blocking social networks police strategy internet censorship riot communication adaptability rapid response China internet policy Tibet unrest government control law enforcement tactics blocking social networks police strategies internet censorship online activism rioting internet adaptability communication blackout government control social media during protests internet freedom China Tibet internet cutoff blocking social networks police tactics internet censorship riot communication Chinese internet control Tibetan unrest internet community adaptation communication blackout law enforcement strategies
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro02a	Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination minorities academic community meritocracy hiring biases minority backgrounds top universities fair hiring practices diversity in education unconscious bias admissions processes academic community representation socioeconomic factors gender disparities racial discrimination inclusive hiring diversity initiatives university diversity equal opportunities socioeconomic status gender balance race in academia admissions policies social inequality discrimination studies employment discrimination affirmative action policies diversity in employment systemic bias Affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan academic community diversity minority background meritocracy hiring bias unconscious bias educational inequality social justice diversity initiatives admissions policies prejudice in academia diversity in higher education affirmative action in education systemic bias hiring discrimination socioeconomic background gender bias race and hiring workplace diversity bias discrimination meritocracy affirmative action university admissions job market prejudice studies minority backgrounds academic diversity unconscious bias hiring practices overcome prejudice affirmative action benefits job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand study Sendhil Mullainathan research academic community makeup minority disadvantage meritocracy undermined university admissions fairness racial bias hiring note 100m winners black prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination minority backgrounds meritocracy academic community hiring bias diversity equal opportunities socioeconomic status gender bias affirmative action overcoming prejudice university admissions job market discrimination diversity in education meritocracy unconscious bias hiring practices study by Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan academic community composition minority disadvantage protected system from bias prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan academic community minority backgrounds meritocracy hiring bias racial bias Affirmative action prejudice in admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand study Sendhil Mullainathan university admissions bias meritocracy minority applicant advantage academic community composition hiring bias prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority backgrounds meritocracy academic community hiring biases affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination prejudice in hiring minority disadvantage academic community bias meritocracy diversity in education unconscious bias diversity hiring policies race and hiring gender bias in academia socioeconomic background impact minority representation fair hiring practices
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 search effectiveness enforcement bans religious symbols police authority enforcement simplicity public buildings France religious apparel enforcement ease public access enforcement ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous religious apparel police enforcement authority enforcement teacher enforcement security guards ban implementation legal enforcement symbolic clothing religious freedom government policy societal impact cultural conflict human rights legal restrictions educational institutions public spaces law enforcement legal compliance religious discrimination secularism governance regulation civil liberties social norms enforcement bans symbols police France enforcement simplicity public buildings religious attire enforcement methods security enforcement search utility expansion phrases religious symbols enforcement public buildings France ban police authorities societies religious apparel public buildings teacher security guards BBC News enforcement ease conspicuous religious symbols search efficiency enforcement bans religious symbols police public buildings France education security enforcement enforcement methods enforceability public policy law enforcement religious attire symbol restrictions access control administrative enforcement search optimization keyword recommendation query expansion enforcement methods religious symbols public buildings France ban teacher enforcement security guards conspicuous apparel police involvement search performance improvement search accuracy expansion terms enrich query religious symbols police enforcement authority check public buildings France ban implementation religious apparel school regulations enforcement ease societal bans search efficacy enforcement beneficial keywords research keywords enforcement of bans police enforcement religious symbols french ban schools public buildings enforcement ease conspicuous religious apparel teacher enforcement security guards search optimization keyword expansion enforcement simplicity religious symbols police authority societal bans France ban public buildings conspicuous apparel educational institutions enforcement ease security guards legal implementation symbolic attire religious freedom restrictions governance measures public policy enforcement search outcomes beneficial expansion terms enforcement banning religious symbols police authority school bans public buildings France religious symbol ban teacher enforcement security guards conspicuous religious apparel BBC News
test-society-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights moral rights starvation survival collective theory General Assembly charter freedom movement human rights universal declaration starvation survival moral rights collective theory charter fundamental freedoms article 13 intrinsic rights freedom movement human rights Universal_Declaration_of_Human_Rights starvation 生存权 集体理论 Moral_right human rights freedom of movement intrinsic rights moral rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation survival collective theory moral obligation inalienable rights charters and treaties freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation survival moral rights collective theory human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights moral rights starvation collective theory moral obligation inhuman treatment Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 family survival human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory Universal Assembly freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights intrinsic rights survival rights charter protection moral rights collective theory starvation basic human life state freedoms human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights starvation moral rights collective theory international law Human Rights Charter human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 freedom of movement starvation moral rights collective theory intrinsic rights charter protection
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro02a	A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force multi-national police actions conflict prevention peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences meddling self-interest civilian suspicion propaganda state power deployment speed peacekeeping missions bureaucracy humanitarian disasters independent army genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force multi-national police actions trench battles flag-based warfare neutrality peacekeeping perceived differences troop attitudes meddling self-interest civilian suspicion propaganda deployment speed bureaucratic delays peacekeeping missions cultural barriers humanitarian disasters rapid response UN Emergency Peace Service genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN standing army modern warfare impartial force rapid deployment multi-national peacekeeping neutrality civilian suspicion propaganda state power UN interventions peace enforcement humanitarian disasters genocides crimes against humanity international security peace service conflict prevention global stability military reform peacekeeping missions crisis response bureaucratic delays troop contributions cultural barriers peacekeeping effectiveness UN standing army modern warfare impartial force multi-national deployment peacekeeping conflict resolution rapid response humanitarian intervention civilian suspicion propaganda state power bureaucratic delays peace enforcement crisis prevention genocides crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises impartial force rapid deployment multi-national police actions conflict prevention neutrality peacekeeping perceived differences meddling self-interest civilian suspicion propaganda state power bureaucracy humanitarian disasters permanent availability genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN standing army modern warfare impartiality rapid deployment multi-national force peacekeeping neutrality propaganda state power bureaucratic delays humanitarian disasters peace enforcement crisis response UN standing army contemporary crises impartial force multi-national deployment modern warfare police actions trench battles flag-aligned warfare neutral peacemaker peacekeeper troop impartiality perceived differences meddling accusations state power restraint rapid deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucratic delays humanitarian disasters genocide prevention crimes against humanity emergency peace service UN standing army contemporary crises impartial rapidly-deploying multi-national force modern warfare police actions neutrality peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences propaganda state power deployment speed bureaucratic challenges humanitarian disasters rapid response prevention global stability independent army genocides crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force multi-national deployment police actions neutral peacemaker civilian suspicion propaganda state power rapid deployment peacekeeping missions humanitarian disasters bureaucratic delays cultural barriers genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises impartiality rapidly-deploying multi-national force modern warfare police actions neutral peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences local civilian suspicion propaganda state power bureaucracy peacekeeping missions humanitarian disasters rapid deployment genocides crimes against humanity
test-international-epglghbni-pro04a	Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population included in political process debate discussion grievances resolved ties to Britain emotional power over lives lasting peace sectarian violence Ireland unification Protestant inclusion political process grievances resolution attachment to UK British institutions Scottish comparison Welsh comparison Unionist power lasting peace uniting ireland sectarian violence protestant population included political process debate discussion grievances resolved attachment british institutions scottish welsh northern irish ties unionists power living lasting peace emotional political process inclusion Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population included political process debate discussion grievances resolved ties to Britain emotional political Scottish and Welsh Unionists power lasting peace Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process grievances attachment to UK British institutions Scottish Welsh ties to Britain emotional political Unionists power lasting peace uniting ireland sectarian violence protestant population political process grievances resolution ties to britain emotional vs political attachment unionists power over lives long lasting peace uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process grievances resolution ties to Britain emotional vs political Unionists power over lives lasting peace Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process grievances resolution ties to Britain Scottish and Welsh Unionists power over lives lasting peace sectarian violence Protestant population political process grievances attachment to UK British institutions Scottish Welsh Northern Irish emotional ties power lasting peace Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population included in political process debate discussion grievances resolved ties to Britain power over lives Unionists lasting peace Scottish Welsh
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con04a	Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, globalization economic forces socialism financial speculation investment flows austerity government changes technocrats Eurozone countries liberalize privatize de-regulate speculative attacks growth prosperity investment returns old Europe economic models central planning market flexibility globalization economic forces socialism growth prosperity financial speculation investment flows austerity liberalization privatization de-regulation Eurozone countries markets elections technocrats old Europe economic models central planning globalization economic forces socialism financial speculation investment flows austerity government changes Eurozone countries liberalize privatize deregulate speculative attacks technocrats market forces old Europe central planning economic regulation growth unemployment free market economic models globalization economic forces socialism financial speculation private sector austerity government intervention market power European Union economic models speculative attacks liberalization privatization de-regulation technocrats unemployment country growth economic regulation central planning market forces investment flows Eurozone Greece Italy economic stability economic growth market instability globalisation socialism implement economic forces financial speculation investment flows liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone governments austerity technocrats growth prosperity returns on investment old Europe unemployment central planning globalization economic forces socialism financial speculation investment flows austerity liberalization privatization deregulation speculative attacks Eurozone government changes technocrats market forces economic regulation central planning growth unemployment old europe free market economy globalisation socialism implement economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone governments austerity technocrats growth prosperity investment returns markets old Europe unemployment tight regulation central planning [1] Frankel Jeffrey globalization socialism economic forces financial speculation privatization austerity greek crisis technocratic government eurozone markets economic regulation central planning growth unemployment [1] globalisation socialism economic forces financial speculation investment flows austerity liberalisation privatisation deregulation Eurozone countries growth prosperity unemployment technocrats central planning sustainability economic models globalization economic forces socialism financial speculation investment flows austerity liberalization privatization de-regulation Eurozone countries growth prosperity unemployment central planning tight economic regulation speculative attacks technocrats government change market forces [1] Frankel Jeffrey
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro01a	"Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf needle exchanges disease transmission HIV prevention drug users fluid transfer societal change public opinion over the counter needles research studies prevalence reduction needle exchanges hiv prevention disease transmission public health drug addiction societal change over the counter needles research findings HIV prevalence reduction in infections injecting drug users needle exchange programs needle exchanges disease transmission HIV prevention public health drug users needle sharing societal impact health education needle exchange programs research findings HIV prevalence_reduction needle exchanges prevent disease transmission drug users dirty needles HIV prevention societal change public opinion NEP New Haven Connecticut HIV prevalence high-risk behaviors drug treatment NEP attenders Canadian city Seattle drug addiction clean needles reducing injection frequency needle exchanges disease prevention HIV drug users fluid transfer societal change public opinion clean needles prevalence research New Haven Connecticut Canada Seattle injecting drug users drug treatment needle exchanges disease transmission HIV prevention public health introduction of needle exchanges drug users societal change clean needles research findings HIV prevalence_reduction over the counter needle access NEP programs injecting drug users drug treatment access needle exchanges disease prevention HIV dirty needles clean needles societal change public opinion research findings drug users addicts transmission fluids prevalence New Haven Connecticut Canada Seattle drug treatment needle exchanges disease transmission HIV prevention dirty needles fluid transfer societal change public opinion over-the-counter needles research findings HIV prevalence drug users injecting behavior drug treatment needle exchanges disease transmission HIV prevention drug users fluid transfer societal change public opinion research findings prevalence reduction injecting drug users needle exchange programs needle exchanges disease prevention drug users HIV transmission public health over-the-counter needles societal change drug addiction treatment outcomes research findings"
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro02a	It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. jury tampering intimidation international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti Sacco Heathrow armed robbery jury protection safety defendants fault fair trial judge alone security measures mistrials costs police protection trial by jury jury tampering intimidation security measures international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime judicial decisions Vanzetti and Sacco trial Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone defendant's fault fair trial police protection juror safety legal reforms UK home office disruptive trials jury tampering intimidation security measures international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco case Heathrow robbery fair trial judge alone bias protection case law juror safety defendant responsibility trial by jury limitations jury tampering cases jury intimidation examples international terrorism trials drug smuggling cases organized crime juries vanzetti and sacco trial heathrow armed robbery mistrials cost jury safety issues judge-alone trials defendant's fault in jury tampering home office juror protection trial by jury jury tampering jury intimidation international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco case Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone fair trial defendants' fault police protection safety of jurors cost of trials security measures jury tampering intimidation trial by jury international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco case Heathrow armed robbery fair trial juror safety defendants' fault jury tampering intimidation international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti Sacco Heathrow armed robbery fair trial judge alone security measures police protection mistrials fair trial by jury trial by jury jury tampering intimidation real danger UK home office protection jurors police international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone defendants fault fair trial safety security measures extreme cases disruption examples necessity safeguards legal challenges judicial trials public safety criminal cases legal protection juror safety terrorism trials organized crime trials drug trafficking trials jury tampering intimidation trial by jury security measures international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone fair trial juror safety defendants fault jury tampering intimidation international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials jury protection costs fair trial defendants fault police protection trial by judgealone
test-science-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. copyright artistic incentives ownership rights originality creative investment intellectual property artistic output profit motive copyright protections innovation marginal cases installation art creativity stimulation artistic laziness artistic control profit motive copyright system originality intellectual property artistic output creativity incentives ownership rights copyright protections artistic laziness copyright artistic incentive profit motivation intellectual property rights originality creativity economic disincentive cultural production legal protections artistic control market dynamics cultural innovation intellectual laziness artistic freedom copyright protections economic incentives originality intellectual property rights creative investment profit motivation artistic output control over work discouragement of creativity legal safeguards economic disincentives copyright infringement artistic laziness new ideas market adaptation artistic output profit copyright system ownership investment creativity innovation originality intellectual property disincentive marginal cases creative urges copyright artistic control profit motivation creative investment originality intellectual property artistic output disincentive ownership rights copyright protections artistic freedom innovation intellectual laziness copyright artistic incentive ownership rights creative investment originality intellectual property artistic output profit motive copyright protection artistic creation copyright system innovation artistic control artistic output profit motivation copyright system ownership rights investment in creativity originality artistic incentives copyright protections intellectual property artistic laziness creative urges copyright law economic disincentives artistic freedom creative investment intellectual property rights creative innovation artistic control profit motive copyright system originality artistic output intellectual property creativity incentives ownership rights copyright protections artistic freedom innovation动机 创作动力 著作权保护 艺术原创性 创意激励 artistic output profit motive copyright system ownership rights investment in creation originality creativity incentives intellectual property protection artistic freedom innovation copyright enforcement artistic disincentives legal protections economic factors in art copyright infringement artistic laziness
test-economy-beghwbh-con02a	"Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Hyperloop capacity expansion passenger numbers Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar passenger volume metropolitan areas population comparison railway capacity transportation statistics Hyperloop capacity passenger traffic comparison high-speed rail Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar capacity transportation demand metropolitan area population Hyperloop capacity passenger traffic comparison Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar ridership population estimates transportation capacity rail service comparison commuter usage high-speed train analysis transit efficiency Hyperloop passenger capacity Hyperloop expansion potential Taiwan High Speed Rail comparison Eurostar passenger numbers combined statistical area population transportation infrastructure capacity analysis high-speed rail ridership Hyperloop capacity room for expansion Taiwan High Speed Rail passengers Eurostar metropolitan areas population comparison riderhip transportation efficiency Hyperloop capacity passenger traffic comparison transportation capacity high-speed rail population estimates commuter usage Eurostar ridership expansion potential infrastructure limitations Hyperloop capacity passenger volume expansion transportation railway comparision population travel demand infrastructure sustainability Hyperloop expansion passenger capacity transportation comparison high-speed rail Taiwanese high-speed rail Eurostar capacity population comparison travel demand analysis commuter rail efficiency infrastructure capacity planning Hyperloop capacity passenger traffic comparison Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar ridership population comparison transportation capacity analysis infrastructure expansion potential Hyperloop capacity passenger traffic comparison Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar ridership transportation demand analysis capacity planning high-speed rail systems urban mobility commuter rail population statistics"
test-international-emephsate-pro01a	The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 admission Turkey economy EU develop dynamically booming fastest growing young skilled vibrant workforce innovation industry finance complementary population declining aging GDP drag resources Youth workforce economicimpact agingpopulations predictions populationprojections statisticalanalysis Turkey EU economy young workforce innovation industry finance population decline aging population GDP growth young population economic complementarity admission Turkey economy EU develop dynamically boom fastest growing economy workforce innovation industry finance young population skilled vibrant complementary GDP declining aging drag resources EU27 projections population growth STAT 15% GDP per capita aging populations impact EU25 MSC 2035 admission of turkey economic development EU economy young workforce innovation industry finance young population aging population GDP growth Turkey economy European Union population decline EU demographics workforce contribution EU workforce decline economic complementarity Turkey demographics EU aging population impact GDP per capita decline Turkey EU accession benefits Turkey EU economy growth young_population workforce innovation industry finance aging population_projection GDP resources elderly_care relevance expansion phrases search performance economic development demographic complementarity workforce contribution innovation industry finance population decline aging population GDP per capita EU demographics Turkey EU admission younger workforce economic aging impact union growth demographic analysis Turkish economy EU economic development demographic advantage aging population workforce contribution GDP growth immigration benefits population projections economic complementarity admission Turkey economy EU growth young workforce innovation industry finance population decline aging workforce drag on GDP younger population complementary World Bank World Factbook Europa GDP per capita admission Turkey EU economy development young skilled workforce innovation industry finance population declining aging GDP resources care drag GDP per capita World Bank World Factbook population projections EU27 aged population economic impact Member States admission Turkey economy EU growth young workforce innovation industry finance population decline aging population GDP complementary care resources drag on GDP younger population EU27 projections population projections economic impact aging populations
test-international-ghbunhf-con04a	Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. UN reform Security Council reform financial transparency 21st century governance international organization improvement permanent membership changes modern world representation international relations improvement global governance reform UN reform Security Council reform financial transparency permanent membership international organizations modern world global governance diplomatic processes organizational structure political reforms UN reform Security Council reform financial transparency 21st century governance international organization efficiency permanent membership changes global representation international cooperation improvements UN structure updates UN reform procedural improvements financial transparency Security Council permanent membership 21st-century reforms international organizations government reforms modern world representation UN reform Security Council financial transparency government reforms international organizations 21st century challenges permanent membership modern world diplomatic procedures UN reform Security Council financial transparency 21st century permanent membership international organizations government reform modern world problem solving UN reform Security Council reform financial transparency 21st-century governance international organization reform permanent membership global governance problem-solving governmental procedures UN reform outdated structures financial transparency Security Council permanent membership 21st century international organizations government reform modern world global governance procedural improvements UN reform procedural improvements financial transparency Security Council reform permanent membership 21st-century governance international organization reform global governance diplomatic reform reform UN Security Council permanent membership financial transparency modern world international organizations government search outcomes expansion terms
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro02a	If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: benevolent deity evil existence divine omniscience moral universe theological problem suffering explanation abrahamic religions natural development amoral universe good god contradiction evil imperfection benevolent deity problem of evil natural development amoral universe abrahamic religions conventional god moral universe suffering explanation evil existence world imperfection religious compatibility theodicy evil benevolent deity natural development moral evil cosmic suffering abrahamic religions problem of evil theodicy universe imperfection divine goodness moral universe conflict benevolent deity observable evil divine indifference suffering natural development amoral universe Abrahamic religions problem of evil religious explanation theological noncognitivism evil benevolent deity world suffering natural development moral implications religious explanations abrahamic tradition problem of evil evil existence justification benevolent deity natural development amoral suffering无辜者 benevolent deity evil existence world imperfection divine indifference natural development amoral universe abrahamic tradition problem of evil suffering explanation religious compatibility philosophical debate benevolent deity observable evil divine interest creation natural development amoral universe Abrahamic tradition problem of evil loving God world's ills conventional God religious explanations Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy evil benevolent deity natural development amoral suffering Abrahamic tradition problem of evil religion conventional description universality evil deity benevolence suffering natural development abrahamic religions problem of evil universe morality innocence catastrophes religious explanations philosophical arguments
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro03a	Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 dictatorship social unrest controlling discipline financial losses strikes riots country stability Singapore one party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness economic growth autocracy stable trade investment anarchy production motivation Olson's theory dictatorship benefits social unrest controlling discipline opposition parties Singapore one party state free speech autocracy stability economic growth trade and investment hierarchical values strikes and riots country stability financial losses crime reduction Mancur Olson theory anarchy incentives dictatorship benefits social unrest prevention hierarchical societies economic stability political repression free speech autocracy advantages Mancur Olson theories economic growth political order investment attractiveness crime reduction democratic vs autocratic governance state control opposition parties impact economic productivity immigration policies trade stabilization political frameworks social unrest control discipline hierarchical values financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability one party state opposition parties free speech orderliness competitive advantage immigration autocracy economic stability trade investment anarchy incentives production political framework communist dictatorships capitalist dictatorships dictatorships social unrest control hierarchical values financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness economic growth investment immigration democracy autocracy stabilization Mancur Olson anarchy trade investment economic incentives dictatorships social unrest control stability economic growth free speech autocracy hierarchy security policies financial losses crime reduction competitive advantage investment immigration democracy anarchy production incentives political framework trade Olson's theory dictatorships social unrest control hierarchical values financial losses strikes riots crime rates order Singapore People’s Action Party free speech orderliness investments immigration autocracy economic stability Mancur Olson anarchy trade investment Democratic government dictatorships social unrest control stability financial losses crime rates Singapore one-party state free speech orderliness economic growth autocracy democracy Mancur Olson anarchy trade investment political framework production incentives theft search optimization keyword expansion dictatorships benefits social unrest prevention hierarchical societies economic stability authoritarian governance Singapore politics free speech debate autocracy advantages economic growth political order investor attraction crime reduction democratic deficits economic anarchy trade investments political stability authoritarian economics governance models economic prosperity political science comparative politics economic theory policy analysis dictatorships social unrest control order hierarchical values financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability one-party state opposition parties free speech orderliness productivity investment autocracy democracy economic growth trade political framework anarchy incentives production economic prosperity
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro01a	Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. protests banking crisis financial meltdown ideology manifesto Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialist class warriors liberals Capitalism manifesto age coherent meaningful protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology manifesto government general malaise Athens Rome Occupy movement global social liberals capitalism age class warriors seventies socialist liberalism forum post Occupy Wall Street protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology government manifesto Athens Occupy movement Socialists class warriors Capitalism liberals forum post protests banking crisis financial meltdown ideology manifesto Occupy movement Athens protestors occupy liberals Capitalism socialism manifestos cohesive aging class warriors malaise liberalism occupy wall street protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology government manifesto Athens Occupy movement Rome Socialists class warriors sevenies liberals Capitalism manifesto protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology difference malaise protesters Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists class warriors seventies liberals Capitalism manifesto protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise Occupy movement Athens protesters Rome financial crisis socialists class warriors occupy wall street liberalism capitalism manifesto protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology government manifesto Athens Occupy movement Socialist class warriors financial crisis general malaise occupy wall street liberal capitalism protests banking crisis financial meltdown ideology manifesto Athens Rome Occupy liberal socialist class warriors malaise modern capitalism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology protesters Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialist class warriors liberals Capitalism manifesto malaise
test-economy-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement corruption urban Hukous alienation social crime Hukou system division exclusion social stratification legislation developing nations movement control Hukou system china social stratification corruption urbanization crime legislation law enforcement population control social exclusion urban hukou regional differences movement control population management developing nations capacity limitations legal enforcement corruption Hukou system urbanization social alienation crime rates legislation effectiveness social stratification division exclusion movement control population management developing nations capacity issues corruption Hukou system urbanization social segregation crime rates law enforcement china's household registration legislation impacts control people's movement developing nations capacity management state of confusion corruption Hukous urban Hukous social alienation law enforcement crime increase segregation Household Registration System legislation effectiveness Chinese Hukou system Wang Fei-Ling Wu Treiman relevance expansion phrases query optimization search performance developing nations limited capacity confusion corruption illegal practices social alienation crime legislation impact Hukou system social stratification urban migration corruption Hukou system social stratification urbanization enforcement challenges legal compliance migration issues development limitations societal alienation crime correlation search efficacy expansion keywords query optimization developing nations legal enforcement social stratification corruption urban migration Hukou system segregation crime law compliance state control societal integration economic disparity search optimization keyword expansion search query improvement meaningful search terms query enhancement controlling people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement inconsistency corruption urban Hukous illegal sales official bribery social alienation increased crime legislative impact China Hukou system social stratification demographic analysis governance challenges Hukou system developing nations urban migration law enforcement social stratification corruption China segregation crime household registration"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro02a	"China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China Tiananmen Socialist market economy democratic elections village level one-child policy UN Security Council UNESCO abstention veto power nuclear program six-nation talks East Asia SE Asia Central Asia diplomatic frameworks powerful economy political reforms international responsibility UNSCR 1973 Tiananmen Square democratic elections one-child policy UN Security Council responsible member veto power six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomatic frameworks East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia Tiananmen Square democratic elections one-child policy UN Security Council international community North Korea nuclear program six-nation talks peaceful rise regional diplomatic frameworks East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen Soviet Union democratic elections village level one-child policy UN Security Council veto power North Korea nuclear program East Asia SE Asia Central Asia UNSCR 1973 China Tiananmen social change openness democratic elections one-child policy UN Security Council veto power international responsibility UN votes diplomatic efforts North Korea nuclear programme East Asia SE Asia Central Asia ""peaceful rise"" China Tiananmen social change openness democratic elections one-child policy UN Security Council diplomatic role nuclear program regional diplomacy Tiananmen Square democratic elections one-child policy UN Security Council veto power North Korea nuclear program six-nation talks East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia China's rise international community regional diplomatic frameworks China Tiananmen democratic elections village level one-child policy UN Security Council permanent member international community UNSC veto peaceful rise Six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme East Asia SE Asia Central Asia diplomatic frameworks China Tiananmen social change openness democracy village elections one-child policy UN Security Council UN votes veto power North Korea nuclear program diplomatic framework East Asia SE Asia Central Asia Tiananmen Square democratic elections one-child policy UN Security Council China's foreign policy North Korea nuclear program six-nation talks China's regional diplomacy"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con03a	"Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 human rights reform turkey eu accession kurdish language death penalty judicial independence political freedoms press freedom association rights expression antiterrorism laws penal code criminal procedure codes administrative procedure codes state security courts leyla zana kurds population percentage human rights conventions membership compliance jurisdiction european convention on human rights human rights reforms turkey eu accession kurdish language democratic progress abolition death penalty judicial independence political liberalization press freedom association rights expression freedoms Turkey EU relations Hillary Clinton speech Protocol 6 European Convention Hillary Clinton European Union influence Turkey human rights improvements Kurdistan Workers' Party ban Turkish judicial system reform Turkey EU membership Kurdish minorities rights human rights Turkey EU reforms Kurdish legislation judicial independence press freedom association expression abolition death penalty antiterrorism torture prison system European Convention on Human Rights membership accession compliance jurisdiction punishment Human Rights conventions state security courts parliamentarians human rights reforms turkey eu membership kurdish language restrictions removal abolition death penalty judiciary independence political system liberalization media freedom press freedom association rights expression rights international convention application protocols torture prevention prison system reform antiterrorism laws political expression parliamentarians release eu influence human rights compliance human rights Turkey EU reforms Kurdish legislation press freedom judiciary torture prison system antiterrorism Penal Code police powers state security courts democracy accession David Phillips human rights improvement Turkey EU influence Kurdish language reforms judiciary independence torture antiterrorism laws political expression political system press freedom association freedom expression freedom European Convention on Human Rights Protocol 6 Protocol 13 death penalty abolition civil liberties police powers justice administration social progress Kurds parliamentarians Leyla Zana Human Rights conventions EU membership accession process human rights record turkey eu kurdish language legislative reforms judiciary independence torture prison system antiterrorism statutes political expression police powers state security courts leyla zana kurdistan workers' party accession process human rights conventions jurisdiction compliance human rights improvements turkey eu influence kurdish language abolition death penalty judicial independence political reforms press freedom association rights expression freedoms European Convention on Human Rights Protocol 6 Protocol 13 antiterrorism statutes Political expression reforms EU accession Kurdish minority rights Leyla Zana Human Rights conventions state security courts human rights Turkey EU Kurdish legislation press freedom judiciary torture antiterrorism penal code administrative procedure security courts democracy accession punishment compliance conventions jurisdiction influence reforms human rights improvements turkey eu influence kurdish language reforms judiciary independence torture prohibition prison system reform antiterrorism laws media freedom political expression police powers civil liberties jurisdiction convention enforcement accession process parliamentarian release"
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con02a	Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. needle exchanges drug use public health addiction drug dealers rational actors social acceptance drug policy harm reduction eradication efforts needle exchanges drug use public health policies drug addiction drug dealing rational actors social acceptance eradication of drug use public opposition needle exchanges drug use public health policy drug addiction drug dealing rational choice theory social acceptance drug market expansion harm reduction drug policy criticism community impact long-term effects public opposition needle exchanges drug use drug addicts drug dealers new markets rational actors long-term effects societal acceptance eradication efforts public opinion needle exchanges drug use public health drug dealers addiction rational actors social acceptance eradication efforts public opposition needle exchanges drug use public health risk reduction drug dealers new markets rational actors societal acceptance eradication efforts public opposition needle exchanges drug use drug addiction drug dealers public health policies rational drug users social acceptance eradication of drug use rational choice theory public opposition needle exchanges drug use drug dealers rational actors public perception social acceptance eradication of drug use risk reduction addiction facilitation new drug markets needle exchanges drug use public health drug policy rational actors drug dealers new markets risk perception social acceptance eradication public opposition harm reduction drug addiction drug trafficking community impact health risks legal implications needle exchanges drug use drug dealers rational actors public acceptance eradication drug addict聚集 new markets exploration risk reduction social acceptance long-term effects rational choice theory drug policy criticism
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro03a	This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoker behavior change smoking cessation benefits health outcomes smoking smoking rates decrease lung cancer prognosis public health policy effects of smoking bans smoker quitting habits smoking cessation statistics smoking bans public smoking smoker behavior health benefits smoking cessation lung cancer survival observational studies public health policy smoking reduction non-smoking environments social factors health risks behavioral changes legislative impact smoking statistics smoking habits tobacco control public health outcomes smoking ban effectiveness smoking cessation rates environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke smoking restrictions health promotion public health measures smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoker behavior changes public health impact smoking cessation rates health benefits quitting smoking lung cancer prognosis smoking in public places smoking cessation statistics country smoking bans effectiveness of smoking bans smokers' habits change smoking laws impact smoking bans public smoking smoker behavior smoking cessation health benefits lung cancer smoking statistics public health policies smoking restrictions social impacts of smoking bans smoking habits smoking frequency health outcomes smoking ban effects smoking cessation rates public health improvement smoking cessation studies smoking ban implementation smoking reduction health risks of smoking smoking ban success smoking ban effectiveness public smoking bans smoking cessation methods smoking prevention smoking regulation smoking ban impact smoking ban public smoking smoker behavior smoking frequency smoking cessation health benefits lung cancer smoking study England smoking ban public health policy smoking ban impact public smoking restrictions effects of smoking ban on smoking frequency reducing smoking rates smoker behavior change public health benefits smoking cessation statistics smokers quitting habits health benefits of quitting smoking lung cancer smoking link smoking laws changes smoking bans public health smoking cessation behavioral change lung cancer health outcomes social influences environmental factors health statistics policy impact cessation rates public policy smoking frequency health behavior smoking regulations tobacco control epidemiology health behaviors smoking prevalence health economics health psychology public health interventions health education health promotion health risks health inequalities health disparities health equity health services research health systems health policy health communication health literacy health behavior change health behavior theory health behavior models health behavior interventions health behavior assessment health behavior measurement health behavior smoking ban benefits public smoking restrictions smokers behavior change health impact smoking cessation lung cancer survival smoking cessation rates country smoking statistics public health policy effects of smoking ban smoking frequency reduction healthier lifestyle promotion pub smoking regulations smoking cessation studies health outcomes smoking ban smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoker behavior change smoking cessation benefits public health policy smoking rates decrease health outcomes smoking early stage lung cancer treatment smoking study England quitting smoking statistics smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoker behavior changes health benefits smoking cessation lung cancer prognosis smoking cessation rates public health policies effects of smoking bans country smoking statistics smoking behavior analysis
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro01a	Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. affirmative action social mobility educational inequality meritocracy socio-economic background ethnic minority representation university admissions privilege data analysis higher education access economic disparity talent hard work academic institutions public vs private schools wealth advantage home environment high school graduation rates racial disparities underrepresentation university demographics opportunity gap socioeconomic status discrimination policy solutions equality of opportunity affirmative action social mobility meritocracy education inequality private schools university admissions ethnic minorities socioeconomic status racial discrimination high school graduation rates wealth disparity equality opportunity affirmative action socioeconomic status ethnic minorities university admissions social mobility meritocracy educational inequality private schools public schools academic performance socioeconomic background race and education higher education access data analysis underrepresentation graduation rates social justice wealth disparity affirmative action benefits educational inequality socio-economic advantages meritocracy debate ethnic minority representation university admissions statistics school quality impact social mobility issues racial disparities in education wealth and opportunity data analysis in education diversity in higher education university admission criteria public vs private schooling outcomes merit-based system challenges equality of opportunity affirmative action socio-economic background race university admissions meritocracy educational disparities underrepresentation data analysis higher education access social mobility public vs private schools ethnic minorities graduation rates wealth impact talent vs privilege affirmative action social mobility meritocracy education disparity underrepresentation socioeconomic status ethnic minorities university admissions opportunity gap wealth inequality equality of opportunity affirmative action social mobility meritocracy wealth disparity educational opportunities underrepresentation ethnic minorities socioeconomic status university admissions data analysis educational inequality privilege home environment college graduation rates affirmative action equality of opportunity wealthier children school quality university admissions ethnic minorities meritocracy socioeconomic status talent hard work education quality home life life chances random advantages underrepresented groups high school graduation higher education access wealth and education opportunity gap equality opportunity affirmative action socio-economic background higher education access ethnic minorities meritocracy data analysis university admissions educational inequality social mobility wealth advantage talent assessment home environment public vs private schools graduation rates racial disparities opportunity gap wealth distribution social justice academic institutions student demographics statistical representation policy implications educational reforms socioeconomic status diversity in education academic performance discrimination equal opportunity underrepresented groups educational outcomes standardized testing educational funding teacher quality community impact educational attainment college preparation social stratification cultural capital educational achievement educational success equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions socioeconomic status meritocracy ethnic minorities data analysis educational inequality social mobility public vs private schools graduation rates higher education disparities wealth distribution home life stability academic performance talent hard work societal rewards discrimination underrepresentation UK university admissions USA college enrollment educational opportunities socio-economic background racial discrimination educational funding home environment impact student success factors educational outcomes academic achievements social justice opportunity gap university diversity minority rights educational reform social equity wealth and education correlation
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro01a	"The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 free speech public safety commercial speech deception advertising regulation tobacco advertising fraud Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly AG of Massachusetts free speech false shouts public safety commercial speech advertising regulations tobacco advertising fraud prevention First Amendment Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech clear and present danger commercial speech misrepresentation advertising regulation tobacco advertising fraudulent tax advice Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech public safety misleading advertising tobacco advertising commercial speech false advertising consumer protection public health fraudulent tax advice clear and present danger Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech circumstances false shouts clear and present danger commercial speech misrepresentation consumer protection tobacco advertising illegal fraudulent tax advice Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech public safety commercial advertising deception tobacco regulation fraud Supreme Court false statements harm prevention marketplace of ideas misleading advertisements consumer protection speech restrictions clear and present danger constitutional rights advertising regulations legal protections free speech public safety false advertising tobacco advertising commercial speech misleading information consumer protection fraud regulation precedent legal limits Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech circumstances clear and present danger commercial speech misrepresentation consumer protection advertising regulations tobacco advertising illegal fraudulent tax advice free speech clear and present danger false shouting fire commercial speech regulation tobacco advertising restrictions fraudulent tax advice Supreme Court decisions Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech context matters public safety advertising regulations misinformation consumer protection tobacco advertising illegal activities fraud Supreme Court decisions truth in advertising"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro01a	China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China Europe strategic partnership trade economic ties global economy international affairs arms embargo Foreign Ministry EU superpower Xinhua European Commission China Europe strategic partnership trading partner global economy international affairs arms embargo economic wellbeing EU-China relations normal trading relationship Foreign Ministry spokesman European Commission Xinhua EU embargo bilateral trade economic cooperation diplomatic relations human rights investment technology exchange climate change Belt and Road Initiative multilateralism security cooperation China EU strategic partnership trade relations economic ties global economy international affairs arms embargo Xinhua European Commission Ma Zhaoxu foreign ministry normal trading relationship citizens' economic wellbeing China-EU relations trading partnership economic cooperation global economy strategic alliance arms embargo trade volume diplomatic relations superpower dynamics economic wellbeing international affairs China Europe strategic partnership trading partner global economy international affairs arms embargo economic wellbeing normal trading relationship China-EU partnership trade relations economic cooperation strategic alliance global economy arms embargo diplomatic ties EU citizens' interests Ma Zhaoxu normal trading relationship international affairs China Europe strategic partnership trading partner global economy international affairs arms embargo economic wellbeing normal trading relationship China Europe strategic partnership trade exports imports services economic growth international affairs superpower Foreign Ministry ma Zhaoxu arms embargo normal trading relationship Xinhua European Commission China Europe partnership trade relations economic ties global economy strategic alliance arms embargo foreign ministry international affairs superpower EU citizens Xinhua European Commission China-European Union trading partnership economic growth global economy strategic alliance arms embargo Xinhua European Commission Foreign Ministry superpower relations economic wellbeing international affairs
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro03a	A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. UN standing army international peacekeeping global security professional military operational effectiveness equipment standards troop motivation conscription multinational forces command structure cultural barriers language challenges foreign legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause training supply chain peace operations strategic assets global cooperation defense strategy uniformed services international relations military doctrine defense budget international law human rights conflict resolution global governance security studies strategic partnerships military logistics UN standing army international military force global peacekeeping professional armed forces uniformed troops multinational military military training standards equipment distribution combat effectiveness cultural barriers language differences military ethos voluntary enlistment military efficiency conflict resolution peacekeeping missions military coordination military effectiveness professional soldiers international cooperation defense policy global security military strategy military doctrine peace enforcement peacekeeping operations military interoperability international law military technology defense expenditure military recruitment military preparedness military discipline military motivation military effectiveness evaluation international military relations military reform military modernization UN standing army international peacekeeping military effectiveness global defense cooperation professional military cultural integration military training standards equipment supply soldier motivation conscription volunteer forces operational efficiency command structure multinational forces foreign legion Indian army Roman army cultural barriers professional ethos mutual cause peace operations security studies defense policy strategic defense international relations global security peacekeeping missions military reform military modernization UN standing army operational effectiveness profit motives under-equipped troops training standards military motivation professional ethos command structure cultural integration linguistic barriers successful military examples French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army mutual cause preparedness incentive for service UN standing army operational effectiveness troop supply developing nations military equipment training standards soldier motivation command and control international forces cultural barriers professional ethos shared cause French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army UN standing army effectiveness operational readiness resource allocation international cooperation training standards motivation command structure cultural barriers linguistic differences professional ethos shared cause historical precedents military efficiency strategic advantages UN standing army search accuracy operational effectiveness troops staffing developing nations profit motives under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentives training equipment soldier motivation enlistment conscription state obligations fighting wars UN force command control national forces cultural barriers linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat training preparedness successful operations UN standing army effectiveness operations military efficiency training equipment motivation command and control cultural barriers linguistic differences professional ethos military history conscription developing nations major powers UN operations force coordination foreign legion Indian army Roman army mutual cause combined forces UN standing army effectiveness operations troop variety developing nations profit motives equipment training motivation enlistment conscription major powers public pressure incentives command control cultural differences linguistic barriers professional ethos mutual cause French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army successful forces UN standing army operational effectiveness supply issues developing nations military training equipment standards motivation professional ethos command structure cultural challenges linguistic barriers foreign legion Indian army Roman army international cooperation strategic advantage peacekeeping missions global security resource allocation military reform diplomatic influence
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con02a	Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. social networks mobilize genuine social issues state legitimacy of riots massive social pressures poverty integrated immigrant communities public consciousness arab spring london riots government suppression demonstrations virtual communication media attention organizing power engagement motivation visibility preventing violence cyber regulation riots study blocking social networks state intervention in protests legitimacy of riots social pressures government suppression Arab Spring media attention organizing power internet repression positive outcomes of riots public consciousness legitimate demonstrations violence prevention media engagement immigrant communities social issues political activism internet censorship public awareness riot justification democratic rights social media impact civil unrest media freedom public participation digital communication protest mobilization internet regulation civil liberties social justice public policy social networks benefits blocking social networks cyber regulation riots social issues government suppression media attention internet repression public consciousness Arab Spring London riots immigrant communities poverty peaceful protests organizing power media attention preventing violence blocking social networks legitimate demonstrations riot justification media attention internet repression Arab Spring London riots cyber regulation social network access public consciousness immigrant communities social pressures government suppression media organizing power protest prevention outraged expression blocking social networks mobilize genuine social issues state legitimacy gauge riots massive social pressures poverty immigrant communities addressing issues ruling elites positive outcomes public consciousness Arab Spring London riots legitimate demonstrations government suppression physical force internet repression muzzle expression media attention organizing power engagement motivation visibility prevent violence aid endeavor cyber regulation Legal matters Media Bistro blocking social networks relevant expansion phrases genuine social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities addressing issues positive outcomes Arab Spring London riots legitimate demonstrations government suppression internet repression media attention organizing power engagement motivation violence prevention study proves social networks blocking riots legitimacy social issues poverty immigration government suppression media attention public consciousness Arab Spring internet repression violence prevention protest rights outrage media organization cyber regulation blocking social networks benefits of social networks legitimacy of riots addressing social issues government suppression media attention social pressures Arab Spring London riots cyber regulation internet repression public consciousness preventing violence media organizing power blocking social networks state regulation legitimate demonstrations social pressures media attention internet censorship riot legitimacy Arab Spring London riots social network suppression media organizing power government intervention public consciousness cyber regulation social networks blocking riots Arab Spring government suppression media attention social issues public consciousness internet repression immigrant communities poverty genuine demonstrations media attention organizing power violent protests public engagement
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con03a	Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities university representation state funding education reform parental choice examination data policy criticism systemic issues minority underrepresentation public schooling educational inequality social mobility tokenism institutional racism long-term disadvantage education policy critical race theory affirmative action criticism social problems education policy state-funded schooling ethnic minorities university representation school funding parental choice academic performance underprivileged children policy failure tokenism integration examination data social mobility racial discrimination socioeconomic disparities systemic issues public education reform meritocracy equality diversity social justice critical race theory affirmative action criticism social problems education policy underrepresentation state schools funding parental choice accountability minority representation university admissions policy failure integration issues education inequality systemic discrimination social mobility education reform tokenism racial disparities poverty and education educational funding school choice public schooling academic performance data meritocracy civil rights social justice educational attainment socioeconomic status racial profiling affirmative action debate equality in education affirmative action criticism social problems masked state-funded schooling failure ethnic minorities disadvantages integration limitations university underrepresentation policy tokenism better education funding parental choice in education accountability measures underprivileged children potential social issues underlying affirmative action social problems embedded issues poor ethnic minorities disadvantages state-funded schooling integration underrepresented universities state intervention policy failures funding education reform parental choice accountability standard improvement underprivileged children potential fulfillment affirmative action criticism embedded social problems poor representation state-funded schooling failure integration limitations ethnic minority disadvantage policy effectiveness education reform parental choice accountability measures school funding underprivileged children potential systemic issues tokenistic policies academic performance data policy critique social inequality solutions affirmative action social problems embedded issues poor ethnic minorities disadvantage state-funded schooling integration university representation policy failure state schools parental choice accountability examination data standard improvement underprivileged children potential fulfillment affirmative action social problems embedded issues poor ethnic minorities state-funded schooling integration university representation state schools funding parental choice education accountability examination data policy critique tokenistic policies underprivileged children potential fulfillment affirmative action social problems poor ethnic minorities university representation state-funded schooling integration underprivileged children policy criticism educational reform accountability school funding parental choice academic performance systemic inequality minority enrollment educational opportunity public school failure diversity policies social mobility civil rights equal opportunity affirmative action debate affirmative action criticism social problems educational inequality state funding school integration underrepresentation policy effectiveness state schools improvement parental choice accountability ethnic minorities poverty university admissions tokenism education reform policy solutions
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalization head coverings Islamic schools Koran interpretation burqa veiling moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil Workers Power religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression head coverings Islam schools of thought Koran dress prescriptions Burka moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veils religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings society perceptions Islamic schools Koran interpretation moderate Islam severe Islam Burka veiling banning veils cultural interpretations religious symbols division within society Hijab social pressure religious oppression Muslim women head coverings Hijab as an essential tenet schools of Islam Koran's dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalization head coverings Islam schools of thought Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations Burka veiling banning social interpretation religious symbols division in society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious oppression head coverings Islamic schools Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalization head coverings Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations Burka veiling banning Workers Power religious symbols division in society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veiling banning veils religious freedom cultural impact religious symbols social division Western society Hijab religious oppression Muslim women cultural pressure religious interpretation Koran Islamic schools veiling Burka moderate Islam severe interpretations banning head coverings Worker's Power religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings society's approval Islamic schools Koran interpretation modern dress Burka veiling moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con03a	Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe class consciousness Socialism economic inequality Occupy movement 1% class struggle popular realization political process European protests media manipulation social justice class consciousness Socialism Occupy movement class distinction European protests economic inequality popular realization socialist thinkers media portrayal political classes social process unemployment rich elites bonuses popular first step class consciousness Socialism Occupy movement unemployment rich political classes media european societies class distinction 1% Socialist thinkers protesters unequal salaries bonnuses process media portrayal policy parties worker awareness popular realization economic inequality European history class consciousness Socialism recent history interests unemployment rich salaries Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers process media political classes single party policy class consciousness Socialism Occupy movement unemployment unequal salaries media political classes European societies class distinction process protesters class consciousness Socialism recent history interests unemployed rich salaries bonuses class distinction Occupy movement 1% media political classes single party policy process Europe class consciousness Socialism Occupy movement 1% unemployment rising unemployment popular realization class distinction European societies media political classes process Socialist thinkers inequality fascist capitalism class consciousness Socialism Occupy movement 1% unemployment rich elites bonus payments media political classes social process European protests class consciousness Socialism economic inequality Occupy movement European protests class struggle popular realization political process media portrayal social justice class consciousness Socialism economic inequality Occupy movement 1% European protests class distinctions Socialist thinkers media portrayal political classes class conflict social change 工人阶级 阶级意识 社会主义 经济不平等 占领华尔街运动 1% 欧洲抗议 阶级区别 社会主义者 媒体呈现 政治阶层
test-international-epglghbni-pro03a	It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, religious minorities Ireland unrest Northern Ireland gerrymandering discrimination Catholic community politics unification representation Unionist rhetoric stigma equal treatment religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation stigma politics Unionist rhetoric Irish unification Catholic community political representation Northern Ireland Parliament religious minorities Ireland united Ireland unrest Northern Ireland gerrymandering discrimination Catholic community representation Unionist rhetoric politics stigma equal treatment Republic of Ireland religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination representation civil service political reforms stigma Catholic community politics Unionist rhetoric equal treatment Ireland unification religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service political representation Unionist rhetoric equal treatment stigma Republic of Ireland religious minorities Ireland united Ireland unrest Northern Ireland gerrymandering discrimination Catholic minority representation protestant civil service Unionist rhetoric stigma equal treatment reforms religious minorities Ireland united Ireland unrest Northern Ireland gerrymandering discrimination Catholic community politics representation Unionist rhetoric reforms stigma Republic of Ireland protestant catholic equal treatment Whyte religious minorities Ireland united Ireland northern Ireland catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination representation protestant unionist rhetoric stigma equal treatment politics Republic of Ireland minority rights religious minorities Ireland united Northern Ireland catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination representation Unionist rhetoric politics protestant republic stigma equal treatment minorities unity conflict social justice historical context political reform religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation politics Unionist rhetoric equal treatment minority rights stigma political representation Irish unity sectarianism historical context civil rights
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro03a	"Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" judges jury justice evidence training objectivity prejudice studies innocence trials court expertise judges juries justice evidence training predjudice objectivity studies innocence trials bias expertise screening evaluation prosecution strategy discrimination professionalism judges juries justice evidence prejudice objectivity studies innocence professionalism trials integrity expertise judicial training juror training judicial objectivity juror objectivity juror expertise judge vs jury juror disinterest judge efficiency juror professionalism judge reliability juror bias judge qualifications jury vs judge juror competency judge decision making juror decision making jury screening judge selection process juror screening process judicial vs jury juror education judge jury comparison juror attention juror evaluation judge evaluation jury vs judge effectiveness juror effectiveness judge vs juror expertise juror vs judge expertise judge jury bias juror jury bias judges juries evidence training objectivity prejudice expertise trials innocence screening research search performance relevant expansion phrases judges delivering justice juries technical training evaluating evidence prejudices objective decisions studies innocent defendants jury trials screened justices expertise courtroom behavior juror attentiveness legal studies judicial system reform search accuracy query expansion judges jury justice evidence evaluation training prejudice objectivity studies innocence professional judgment expertise screening prosecutorial strategy trials juror attention Baldwin and McConville Joanne Frail Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC search efficacy expansion keywords judges juries evaluating evidence technical training recognize prejudices trusting experts screened justices trials innocent defendants professional assessment jury trials dull trials protracted trials juror attention contempt of court BBC judges jurors justice evidence training prejudice objectivity studies innocence trials expertise screening judicial training juror bias jury efficiency judge objectivity jury competence studies on jury verdicts juror attention judicial screening"
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro02a	You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, government surveillance intelligence agencies private communications war on terror national security evidence collection privacy concerns foreign espionage [1] references government surveillance intelligence agencies war on terror democratic governments foreign governments national security privacy concerns arrests without just cause evidence of abuse government surveillance intelligence agencies war on terror democratic governments foreign governments national security political privacy evidence of abuse [1] Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate government surveillance intelligence agencies democratic governments foreign governments national security war on terror privacy concerns evidence of abuse [1]Posner Eric The New York Times Room for Debate 2013 government surveillance intelligence agencies war on terror privacy concerns national security foreign governments arrests without just cause evidence of abuse democratic governments government surveillance intelligence agencies privacy concerns arrests without just cause national security democratic governments foreign governments internet privacy war on terror privacy rights evidence of abuse search accuracy expansion terms intelligence agencies government surveillance privacy concerns war on terror democratic governments foreign governments national security public safety civil liberties legal protections surveillance programs data collection cyber security privacy rights constitutional law legal debate information technology electronic communications privacy invasion civil liberty violations digital age surveillance state government surveillance intelligence agencies war on terror privacy concerns foreign governments national security evidence of abuse beneficial keywords communication privacy legal actions search optimization expand search terms legal privacy intelligence agencies communication surveillance democratic governments national security foreign intelligence war on terror evidence collection privacy concerns internet surveillance room for debate eric posner government surveillance intelligence agencies war on terror national security privacy rights evidence collection legal concerns security threats foreign espionage democratic governments
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con02a	Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV resource scarcity police enforcement Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban Ghana advertising ban tobacco advertising survey results tobacco control law enforcement public health policies urban areas developing countries smoking regulations legal compliance enforcement challenges unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower costs CCTV enforcement resource allocation police priorities tobacco advertising bans Ghana tobacco ads public health policies African city regulations smoking ban enforcement survey results tobacco control measures international smoking laws unenforceable smoking bans costs of enforcing smoking bans police resources tobacco advertising bans enforcement challenges in high income countries enforcement challenges in low income countries Ghana smoking ban enforcement factors affecting smoking ban enforcement CCTV and smoking bans police priorities in law enforcement unenforceable smoking bans expensive manpower CCTV enforcement higher income countries police resources important crimes African cities tobacco advertising bans Ghana tobacco ads survey recall tobacco advertising enforcement unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police resources enforcement challenges African cities Ghana tobacco advertising ban survey violations tobacco advertising unenforceable smoking bans costs of enforcing smoking bans police resources tobacco advertising bans public health enforcement smoking bans effectiveness African cities smoking bans Ghana smoking ban enforcement higher income country smoking bans smoking ban enforcement challenges unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries expensive manpower CCTV enforcement challenges resource allocation police priorities Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban Ghana advertising ban tobacco advertising survey results tobacco control law enforcement public health policy smoking regulations developing countries law violation enforcement effectiveness tobacco advertising ban public health enforcement unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries expensive manpower CCTV enforcement police resources Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco advertising survey recall tobacco advert radio television Kaloko Mustapha unenforceable smoking bans costs of enforcing smoking bans police resources tobacco advertising bans resource constraints in enforcing bans Ghana smoking ban enforcement factors affecting ban enforcement higher income countries smoking bans African cities smoking bans manpower requirements for enforcing bans CCTV for smoking bans smoking ban enforcement in Berlin smoking ban enforcement in New York City tobacco advertising enforcement in Ghana tobacco advertising bans effectiveness unenforceable smoking bans resource allocation for enforcement cost of enforcing smoking bans public health policies enforcement challenges tobacco advertising bans law enforcement priorities smoking regulations African smoking laws public awareness of smoking bans
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro01a	Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. international law occupied territories Israel Palestine Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation West Bank Gaza Supreme Court of Israel International Court of Justice 1967 Six-Day War custom international law annexation moral arguments border disputes international law occupied territories Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation International Court of Justice West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian territories Arab states 1967 Six-Day War Judea settlements Supreme Court of Israel moral considerations just settlement borders security guarantees international law Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation International Court of Justice West Bank Gaza Judea 1967 Six-Day War Palestinian territory sovereignty annexation moral argument pre-1967 borders UN Organization international law occupied territories Hague IV Convention International Court of Justice belligerent occupation West Bank Gaza Palestinian territories Israeli settlements 1967 war Judea and Samaria Supreme Court of Israel custom international law military victory annexation moral argument just settlement pre-1967 borders Western powers Arab states 1967 conflict Palestinian majority nation representation Israel Palestinian territories international law occupied territories International Court of Justice belligerent occupation moral legitimacy West Bank Judea and Samaria Gaza Egypt Jordan Supreme Court of Israel Arab states 1967 war land annexation customary international law Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation supreme court ruling international condemnation moral arguments Israel occupied territories international law belligerent occupation Palestinian territory West Bank Gaza Sovereignty Supreme Court Advisory Opinion International Court of Justice Hague IV Convention moral arguments belligerent occupation customary international law 1967 war annexation legitimacy just settlement nations' borders might makes right western powers international law occupied territories Hague IV Convention International Court of Justice belligerent occupation West Bank Gaza Palestinian territories Israeli settlements Supreme Court of Israel custom international law 1967 war moral arguments land annexation peace settlement borders sovereignty military victory Israel occupied territories international law Advisory Opinion International Court of Justice Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation West Bank Judea and Samaria Palestinian territories Arab states 1967 war Egypt Jordan Supreme Court of Israel moral arguments land annexation border disputes international condemnation western powers international law occupied territories Israel West Bank Gaza Palestinians Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation Advisory Opinion Supreme Court of Israel annexation morality justice border disputes military conflicts humanitarian law Israel Palestinian territories international law occupied territory Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation International Court of Justice West Bank Judea and Samaria Gaza moral justification Arab states 1967 war civil rights settlements Supreme Court of Israel borders security guarantees
test-international-emephsate-pro02a	Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey European continent Historical membership Geographical location Istanbul Turkey and EU European Union Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Modernization Western influence Secularism Swiss civil law Civilization clash Turkey European continent geographical position historical context European Union membership Istanbul Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire World War I westernization secularism law system Islamic law Swiss civil law state orientation modernization civilization clash Turkey European continent Geography History European Union Istanbul Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Westernization Secularism Civil law Modernization Western nation Islamic nation EU membership criteria State system Roman Empire World War I European powers Values Membership rights Civilizations Turkey European continent geographical location historical connection European Union membership Istanbul Europe EU core values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire westernization secularization law system Islamic law modernization civilization clash state system World War I Turkey European continent geographical location historical connection European Union membership Istanbul Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire World War I modernization secular state western methods law system Islamic law European state system Samuel Huntington Clash of Civilizations geographical location historical context European Union membership Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire modernization secularization western influence Eurasian geography European system membership criteria Turkey European continent geographical location historical context European Union membership Istanbul EU values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire modernization secularization western methods Islamic nation state system World War I cultural identity membership rights Turkey European continent Istanbul European Union Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire secularization western methods modernization European state system Crimean War world order Turkey European continent geographical location historical context European Union membership Istanbul EU values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire westernization modernization secular state legal system cultural identity geopolitical status Europe European continent geographical location historical ties European Union membership Istanbul Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire modernization secularization western methods law system Islamic law Swiss civil law cultural values geopolitical status
test-international-ghbunhf-con03a	Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. UN organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees United Nations structure international organizations diplomacy UN General Assembly UN respect UN organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organisations respected among citizens United Nations organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organizations United Nations structure United Nations organization UN organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organisations United Nations structure United Nations organisation UN organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organizations respect among citizens UN organs WHO UNESCO UNICEF ICJ UNHCR UN General Assembly diplomacy international organizations respected United Nations UN organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organisations United Nations organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organizations respected institutions global impact United Nations organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UN General Assembly diplomacy international organizations respect among citizens UN organs WHO UNESCO UNICEF ICJ UNHCR UN General Assembly diplomacy international organizations respected
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro05a	"A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 arms ban effectiveness military items EU code of conduct legally binding embargo symbolic China arms trade external aggression internal repression 1998 arms export code arms ban code of conduct EU arms embargo military equipment weapons sales China European Union legal binding export regulation external aggression internal repression EU member states arms export control 1998 code of conduct code of conduct military equipment arms export EU embargo symbolic ban international arms trade external aggression internal repression legally binding export regulation China arms trade EU leadership EU states code of conduct arms ban military items EU member states legally binding weapons sales external aggression internal repression EU leadership public support lifting China arms ban European Union arms embargo China arms export regulations 1998 code of conduct arms ban effective regulations code of conduct military equipment exports symbolic measure international arms trade EU policies China arms sales misuse external aggression internal repression legally binding embargo enforcement arms ban effective embargo tough EU code of conduct military equipment exports regulation external aggression internal repression legally binding embargo blunt instrument symbolic ban EU leadership public support Lifting China arms ban EU's arms embargo on China existing code of conduct 1998 code of conduct arms ban effective embargo tough EU code of conduct military equipment exports external aggression internal repression legally binding embargo enforcement EU leadership sales regulation China arms trade EU member states misuse prevention code of conduct military items buying arms exports regulation EU embargo symbolic ban weapons sales China EU leadership external aggression internal repression arms misuse code of conduct arms ban EU arms embargo military equipment sales China arms trade EU member implementation legally binding embargo arms regulation external aggression internal repression 1998 arms export code arms ban effective regulation code of conduct military equipment exports EU member states international law symbolic measure external aggression internal repression legally binding embargo weapons sales"
test-economy-thsptr-pro05a	A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. economic_growth equity distribution_effectiveness poverty_reduction work_incentives automatic_stabilizers recessions tax_brackets economic_welfare progressive_tax_system 1950s_economy 1980s_economy disposable_income velocity_of_money perceptions_of_fairness worker_motivation economic_development inequality_reduction government_policy economic_theory data_analysis political_economics public_finance economic_history wealth Redistribution economic_models economic_incentives 财政政策 经济增长 税收公平 社会福利 经济发展 progressive taxation economic growth distributional effects poverty alleviation worker motivation recessions automatic stabilizers velocity of money economic welfare equity perception 1950s economy 1980s economy tax brackets growth rates economic policies economic development wealth redistribution workforce motivation debt relief market stability wealth inequality socioeconomic impact 财政政策 经济发展 收入分配 经济增长 税收制度 经济福利 公平感知 贫富差距 市场稳定 税收负担 经济刺激 progressive taxation economic growth redistributive effect welfare social development poverty alleviation wealth redistribution disposable income money velocity work motivation equity perception recession stabilization tax brackets economic data 1950s economy 1980s economy progressive tax impact worker motivation economic stability inequality wealth distribution government policy economic theories 财税进步性 经济增长 社会福利 经济发展 贫困救济 财富再分配 可支配收入 货币流通速度 工作积极性 公平感知 经济衰退 税收等级 经济数据 20 progressive taxation benefits economic growth redistributive effects poverty alleviation increased economic welfare work motivation automatic stabilizer recession impact comparison historical tax rates economic development disposable income velocity of money worker motivation inequality reduction government revenue wealth redistribution work ethic economic stability tax brackets worker productivity resource allocation economic justice fairness in taxation progressive tax advantages economic policy analysis tax impact on growth progressive taxation economic growth distribute wealth equity income inequality recession fairness motivation disposable income velocity of money economic welfare automatic stabilizer 1950s 1980s economic data worker motivation wealth redistribution economic stability economic policy economic development progressive taxation economic growth revenue redistribution equitable perception automatic stabilizer poverty alleviation wealthier individuals disposable income money velocity economic motivation recessions market downturns worker productivity economic data 1950s economic growth 1980s economic growth progressive taxation economic growth distribution of wealth poverty alleviation equitable society work motivation recession mitigation velocity of money disposable income economic stability government policies economic data 1950s economy 1980s economy economic inequality perceptions of fairness economic motivation automatic stabilizers unemployment impact wealthy vs poor worker productivity economic incentives macroeconomics 财政政策 税收公平性 经济增长促进 收入分配 贫困问题解决 经济福利增加 社会经济发展 税收负担转移 收入弹性 经济刺激 财政稳定 beneficial expansion keywords economic growth progressive taxation promote economic welfare redistribute tax burden wealthy poor payability disposable income velocity of money equitable perception motivation recessions automatic stabilizer unemployment wage cuts income loss average yearly growth 1950s 1980s workers economy progressive tax regime cultural context economics politics great american deception economy future optimization search terms economic growth progressive taxation wealth redistribution poverty alleviation economic welfare labor motivation automatic stabilizer recessions historical economic data inequality tax brackets disposable income economic velocity cultural economics political economy income distribution economic policies fiscal policy taxation impacts growth rates economic stability worker incentives income inequality tax system changes economic history economic models economical benefits redistribution poverty alleviation income inequality economic motivation equitable system automatic stabilizers historical economic data wage impact tax brackets cultural economics political economy economic policies
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con03a	Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. broadcasting funding viewer content offense blasphemy testing viewership pay TV compensation regulation ethics public service broadcasting BBC programming complaints censorship accountability compulsory levy tv funding broadcasting ethics blasphemy viewer rights censorship media regulation pay for offense free speech public broadcaster accountability audience testing religious sensitivity media ethics blasphemy laws viewer choice media impact compulsory levy broadcasting ethics blasphemy audience testing censorship media funding public broadcasting salaries programme testing viewer rights blasphemy charges television ownership airtime allocation compensation for content religious offense free speech broadcaster responsibility media regulation consumer protection ethical broadcasting viewer choice media ethics blasphemy compulsory levy offended consumers broadcaster responsibility viewer values programming testing audience monitoring cultural sensitivity financial exclusion media ethics public funding content censorship broadcasting standards viewer rights religious beliefs 节目测试 观众反应监测 文化敏感性 公众资金 内容审查 广播标准 观众权利 broadcasting compulsory levy audience response testing blasphemy offence broadcaster responsibility viewer rights funding mechanisms content regulation public service broadcasting compensation media ethics censorship program testing viewer backlash religious sensitivities broadcasting standards public broadcaster accountability search performance recommendation system expansion phrases query optimization content relevance audience engagement broadcasting ethics compulsory levy viewer rights program testing audience monitoring offensive content blasphemy viewer response station funding fair representation media accountability public service broadcasting cultural sensitivity content diversity viewer compensation ethical broadcasting search accuracy broadcasting ethics compulsory levy broadcaster funding blasphemy audience response testing programme testing viewer offense media funding public service broadcasting consumer rights media regulation content censorship ethical broadcasting public broadcaster blasphemous content viewer exclusion broadcasting standards media ethics paid programming media funding models compulsory funding media ownership free speech media accountability search efficacy expansion keywords foot the bill airtime exclusion broadcaster funding compulsory levy offensive programming blasphemy deeply held beliefs values fundamental beliefs broadcaster responsibility audience testing programme monitoring viewers' rights viewer expectations content censorship broadcast ethics public broadcasting media regulation audience feedback content controversy public service broadcasting BBC Jerry Springer: The Opera viewer compensation media criticism offensive content broadcaster accountability search results optimization meaningful expansion terms enhance query broadcasting ethics compulsory levy offense blasphemy audience response major broadcasters BBC program testing viewer values station funding free speech media regulation public service broadcasting consumer rights media accountability blasphemy compulsory levy audience response testing broadcaster responsibility viewer rights content regulation public funding offensive programming BBC ethics media accountability viewer offense station funding
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con01a	Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. social media education teacher roles in digital age classroom extensions student engagement methods online learning platforms knowledge sharing in education educational technology funding for educational tools teacher training for digital literacy remote learning support interactive teaching techniques education technology trends social media education classroom extension discussion pages student engagement extra help shy students facebook education twitter education khan academy online learning platforms classroom discussions educational technology digital classrooms social learning teacher-student communication educational resources digital literacy technology in education online tutoring interactive learning blended learning virtual classrooms educational platforms social networking for education learning management systems educational software digital tools educational innovation remote learning e-learning distance education technology integration student participation online discussions digital collaboration educational videos multimedia learning educational apps online support educational technology social media education classroom extension teacher-student communication online discussions homework support student engagement learning tools Khan Academy YouTube Facebook education Twitter education school funding teacher skills digital learning platforms social media education classroom extension teacher-student communication online discussion pages homework help student engagement learning through social platforms Khan Academy educational YouTube shy students classroom discussion tools Facebook education Twitter education school funding teacher skills educational technology flipped classroom digital learning resources social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning fun Khan Academy YouTube classroom discussions Facebook Twitter school funding teacher skills educational technology flipped classroom social media education teacher social media classroom discussion platforms online student engagement educational technology social media in classrooms student interaction tools social media learning benefits digital learning resources educational social networks online learning communities student teacher communication educational video resources social media for education virtual classroom extensions student participation methods educational platform advantages digital teaching tools social media learning impact social media education classroom extensions teacher-student communication discussion platforms educational technology Khan Academy online learning resources classroom engagement digital learning tools social media in education educational funding teacher skills online discussion groups social media education teacher roles online discussions student engagement extra help knowledge sharing learning tools technology in education educational platforms remote learning funding constraints teacher skills student participation fun learning video lectures classroom extension communication tools educational technology informal learning shy students group discussions picture sharing video sharing Khan Academy social media education educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student engagement extra help shy students classroom discussions Khan Academy YouTube lectures school funding teacher skills social media platforms classroom technology educational technology online learning digital tools interactive learning student participation social media education discussion pages teacher-student communication extra help student engagement Khan Academy online lectures facebook education twitter education classroom extensions digital learning shy students school funding teacher skills educational technology
test-society-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural life mortality rates city comparison developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system urban benefits growth poverty social cleavage policy analysis political economy food security sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine China's Hukou system rural mortality urban food security hukou system developing countries poverty sub-saharan africa famine mao's great famine china's rural-urban divide hukou restrictions socioeconomic inequalities rural rural mortality city mortality comparison rural life conditions developing countries poverty famine in rural areas child mortality rural diseases affecting rural populations hukou system effects urban vs rural development social cleavages China food security in rural Africa Mao's famine impact hukou system social inequality rural mortality city benefits developing countries rural poverty urban food security social cleavages Hukou system premature deaths famine child mortality diseases economic growth disparity political economy rural development rural deprivation social inequality urban-rural divide rural life mortality rates cities famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system developing countries urban food security political economy social cleavage China growth poverty exclusion rural mortality city benefits Hukou system developing countries poverty urban food security social cleavages child mortality AIDS famine rural development economic growth disparities political economy rural life rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system premature death urban food security sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine China's Hukou system social cleavage growing inequality rural mortality urban benefits developing countries famine child mortality diseases Hukou system social cleavage economic disparity rural life mortality rates city comparison developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS Hukou system political economy urban food security Social cleavage Mao's Great Famine China's Hukou system premature death gaping social cleavage rural poverty divison and exclusion rural mortality cities comparison famine child mortality AIDS developing countries Hukou system urban food security Mao's Great Famine China's social cleavage"
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro01a	When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. terrorism security profiling ethnic national surveillance discrimination factual information airport policy rights liberties decision-making statistical evidence-based prejudice counterterrorism aviation risk-assessment terrorist profiling airport security ethnic profiling counterterrorism security policy surveillance civil liberties religious profiling terrorism trends muslim men airline security risk assessment national security profiling effectiveness security measures terrorist profiling muslim men ethnic profiling security measures airport security police decisions counterterrorism prejudice security policy racial profiling ethnic groups religious profiling terrorist profiling ethnic profiling security screening airport security national identity religious profiling 民航安全检查 恐怖主义预防 安全政策 预测分析 民族群体特征 安全优先级 数据驱动决策 社会接受度 法律权益平衡 恐怖袭击预测 民众安全利益 terrorists national groups ethnic groups search efficiency security policy profiling airport security factual information rights liberties prejudice decision-making major terrorist attacks Western targets young Muslim men police officers airport staff targeted groups terrorist profiling muslim men national groups ethnic groups security policy police officers airport security factual information elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases terrorists national groups ethnic groups security policy profiling factual information airport security surveillance prejudice rights liberties factual data decision making security measures airline safety ethnic profiling counterterrorism airport screening risk assessment terrorism ethnic profiling security policy airport screening factual information civil liberties national groups ethnic groups religious beliefs terrorist attacks young men Muslim men airport security profiling effectiveness decision making security measures terrorism profiling security ethnicities nationalities airport security surveillance factual information civil liberties prejudice statistical analysis threat assessment airline safety counterterrorism risk management terrorism security policies profiling airport security ethnic profiling factual information civil liberties terrorist attacks young Muslim men airport screening prejudice
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro02a	Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, nonviolent methods disrupting riots police force public order social media impact riot prevention tactical approaches law enforcement strategies preventative measures freedom of speech mobile phone shutdowns rioting tactics San Francisco BART activist communication public safety extreme measures peaceful dispersal community response police duty technological interventions communication blockades nonviolent methods disrupting riots police response social media shutdown public order rioter communication preventative measures batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets police duty free speech protest management SF BART communication disruption activist tactics preventive approach rioting prevention media censorship public safety peaceful dispersal law enforcement strategy nonviolent methods disrupting riots police action social media shutdown predictive prevention batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets political activism police tactics public order safety considerations extreme measures preemptive strategy freedom of speech protest management riot control emergency response communication disruption crowd control technological intervention policing techniques counter-rioting strategies non violent methods disrupting riots police action public order social media shutdown preventing spread riot control preventative approach freedom of speech activism social media networks police presence extreme measures batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public outrage nonviolent methods disrupting riots police action safety considerations preventative measures use of force batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order rioters activists communication methods cutting off social media freedom of speech prevention effectiveness San Francisco BART cell service shutdown nonviolent methods disrupting riots force police safety considerations police duty public order preventative approach shutting down social media rioters communication social media impact activist strategies empowering protest freedom of speech violations communication tactics past examples BART cell service nonviolent methods disrupting riots Police action social media shutdown police duty public order riot prevention tactical response extreme measures communication disruption activist strategies freedom of speech preemptive action rioting prevention San Francisco BART cell service shutdown protest management nonviolent methods disrupting riots beneficial expansion keywords police action safety considerations public order batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets preventative approach shutting down social media social media activism police duty rioter communication San Francisco BART mobile phone shutdown freedom of speech violations of rights [1] [2] O'Rourke Cabanatuan nonviolent methods disrupting riots meaningful expansion terms police action safety considerations public order riot control methods preventative approach shutting down social media activist tactics communication disruption past examples freedom of speech protest management nonviolent methods disrupting riots police action social media shutdown public order rioters freedom of speech prevention tactics BART incident extremis measures peaceful dispersal tactical response communication disruption
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols school environment divisive symbols Hijab alienation bullying Crucifix public classrooms Italy segregation PE swimming science lessons machinery Christian symbols symbol display political correctness cultural diversity education policy school uniform head covering gender issues secularism accommodation conflict resolution free speech identity politics religious symbols in schools hijab controversy school policies on religious attire crucifix in schools alienation in schools bullying in schools practicality of religious wear safety concerns in schools school uniform policies religious diversity in education separation of church and state in education cultural sensitivity in schools school management of religious conflicts legal implications of religious symbols in schools impact of religious symbols on learning environment religious symbols and student rights religious symbols and teacher rights educational inclusivity religious freedom in schools school integration strategies religious accommodation in education religious neutrality in public schools school dress codes religious symbols and classroom religious symbols school environments Hijab alienation bullying PE swimming technology science lessons Crucifix public classrooms Christian symbol segregation Italy authority ban divisive headscarves machinery public education gender equality cultural diversity conflict resolution education policy religious accommodations free speech secularism integration discrimination human rights legal challenges social division community relations teacher-student dynamics curriculum content student safety academic freedom pluralism cultural sensitivity religious symbols in schools division in schools hijab in schools classroom divisiveness headscarves in education crucifix in classrooms school uniform policies religious attire conflicts school environment diversity school bullying school authority decisions religious symbols legality school safety concerns public school policies educational inclusivity religious accommodation in schools school integration issues educational segregation religious symbols impact school management challenges religious symbols hijab division schools classroom alienation bullying practicality safety crucifix public classrooms segregation Italian authorities religious symbols school environments Hijab classroom division alienation bullying practicality issues safety concerns crucifixes public classrooms segregation cultural diversity education policy legal implications headscarves PE lessons swimming technology science Italian authorities religious displays religious symbols school environments division Hijab alienation bullying practicality safety physical education swimming technology science crucifix public classrooms segregation Italy banning religious symbols educational policies cultural conflicts school uniform policies student rights religious freedom educational diversity legal issues ethical considerations human rights multicultural education discrimination inclusive education social integration faith-based symbols academic settings religious accommodations student inclusion teacher perspectives administrative challenges religious symbols school environments Hijab classroom division alienation bullying practicality concerns PE lessons swimming technology science Crucifix public classrooms Christian symbol segregation Italian authorities school policies religious symbols Hijab school environments division alienation bullying practicality safety PE swimming technology science Crucifix public classrooms Italian authorities segregation religious diversity education policy classroom displays religious symbols school environments Hijab divisive alienation bullying PE swimming technology science lessons Crucifix public classrooms Christian symbol segregation Italy authorities ban decision
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro03a	Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. colonialism neo-colonialism cultural imperialism skin whitening capitalism FMCG cultural inferiority globalized consumerism Africa Western products dependency postcolonialism neo-colonialist mind-set cultural hegemony economic exploitation globalization consumer culture international corporations neo-colonialism in beauty economic imperialism postcolonial critique decolonization neocolonialism in Africa global capitalism consumer goods cultural dominance colonial legacy postcolonial economics neocolonialism and beauty cultural assimilation neo-colonialism neo-colonialism cultural imperialism skin whitening products fast moving consumer goods FMCG companies African economy globalisation cultural inferiority dependency western products colonial legacy postcolonial theory neo-colonialist mind-set economic imperialism consumer culture global consumerism neo-liberalism cultural assimilation economic exploitation historical trauma postcolonialism colonial psychology neo-colonial economy neocolonialist mindsets global capitalism market colonialism colonialism neo-colonialism cultural imperialism skin whitening fast moving consumer goods FMCG cultural inferiority complex globalization dependency Western products consumer goods colonial situation Global North victim action capitalism mental dependence consumer behavior neo-colonialist mind-set cultural superiority economic exploitation international corporations post-colonialism racial beauty standards economic inequality global trade consumer culture historical context social dynamics market manipulation psychological impact consumer psychology cultural appropriation economic systems trade relations consumer empowerment decolonization anti-colon neo-colonialism cultural imperialism skin whitening products FMCG companies cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world mental dependence colonial situation victim of colonialism Global North action against neo-colonialism colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG cultural inferiority globalization dependency western products non-westerners Global North victimization action economic independence colonialism neo-colonialism cultural imperialism skin whitening FMCG fast moving consumer goods globalization dependency cultural inferiority capitalism neo-colonialist mind-set colonial situation Global North action against colonialism colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world dependency mental colonization western products non-westerners Global North action against neo-colonialism historical context economic influence consumer behavior cultural influence post-colonial theory anti-colonial activism monetizing colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalization consumer dependency western products mental colonization African economy colonial situation Global North victim nations action against neo-colonialism colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalization dependency western products non-westerners Global North consumer behavior economic exploitation historical context postcolonial theory social justice economic independence consumer culture identity politics market dynamics global economics consumer activism colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG globalisation cultural inferiority dependency consumer goods Africa Western products mental colonization
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives EU integration Major foreign policy decisions State level EU foreign policy High Representative EU reform EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states EU treaty UK foreign policy state level decision-making High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unity UK representation major foreign policy decisions High Representative role EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member state unity UK foreign policy state-level decisions High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK EU member states foreign policy decision-making High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member state unity UK EU treaties foreign policy decision-making High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state unity UK EU stance foreign policy decisions EU integration EU governance EU referendum EU Treaty of Lisbon High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state unity UK EU stance EU decision-making process High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum major foreign policy decisions UK representatives unison shadow role lame attempt High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution National sovereignty Referendum outcomes Borderline agreement Multinational decision-making
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro04a	Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity legislation social life human dignity social life respect for life legislative action ethical considerations medical ethics euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human rights religious views public health personal autonomy moral values suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity legislation social life suicide laws human dignity sanctity of life ethical considerations bioethics human rights moral implications legislation against suicide inviolability of human body respect for life social responsibility legal constraints on suicide ethical standards public health biomedical ethics autonomy versus protection sanctity of body rights and responsibilities Suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity social life legislation Suicide laws sanctity of life human dignity bioethics moral philosophy legislative restrictions ethical considerations biomedical ethics public health policy reproductive rights genetic modification end-of-life care ethical implications moral disputes medical ethics human rights legal regulations ethical standards bioethical debates medical ethics principles human dignity social life legislative action sanctity of life bioethics human rights moral considerations ethical implications legal restrictions medical ethics reproductive rights suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity social life legislation suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity legislative action social life suicide legislation human dignity sanctity of life bioethics medical ethics moral philosophy human rights public health legal restrictions bioethical concerns ethical considerations reproductive rights genetic engineering cloning ethics end-of-life care euthanasia debate moral theology biomedical ethics public policy biosecurity biotechnology regulations
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro03a	Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . home plate collisions baseball safety catcher training minor injuries sports risk MLB statistics pitcher safety outfielder collisions home plate collisions baseball injuries catcher safety sports risks pitcher batters outfielder risks MLB statistics sports rule changes home plate collisions baseball safety catcher injuries sports risks MLB statistics player training sport injuries risk assessment athlete protection collision incidents home plate collisions baseball safety catcher injuries MLB statistics rule changes sports injuries pitcher batters collisions outfielder risks training techniques collision safety home plate collisions injury risks sport safety baseball injuries catcher training risk management rule changes sports medicine sport rules MLB statistics home plate collisions risk of injury sport safety batting injuries outfielder risks catcher training injury prevention baseball risks MLB statistics rule changes collisions sports injury risk MLB catchers home plate Buster Posey Baseball-Catcher.com collisions injury risk sport MLB catchers home plate rule change equipment training inherent risks home plate collisions baseball safety catcher injuries risk management sports injuries pitcher safety outfielder safety sports risk training effectiveness rule changes home plate collisions injury risks sport safety MLB statistics catcher training risk management sports injuries baseball safety collision incidents rule changes
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), government rights social contract theory decision making public interest representative democracy individual versus collective urbanization rural decline policy making autonomy freedom long-term benefits short-term sacrifices civic responsibility community well-being philosophical ethics political philosophy social contract right to govern political philosophy public interest representative democracy civic responsibility government autonomy community well-being freedom vs responsibility city decline agricultural production human nature social beings policy making long term benefits social contract government rights public interest representative democracy autonomy community decision-making state intervention long-term benefits rural depopulation urbanization policy making individual vs collective philosophical approaches social contract government decisions best interest representative democracy communal benefits individual autonomy long-term planning rural abandonment urbanization public policy collective welfare civic duty political philosophy democratic governance social responsibility ethical leadership public goods economic incentives community rights policy-making societal well-being philosophical contract theory democratic principles ethical governance government social contract public interest representative democracy decision-making social being communities autonomy freedom long-term benefits rural abandonment urbanization agriculture amenities collective action philosophy social contract government decisions best interest community representatives individual autonomy long-term benefits rural abandonment city amenities social being philosophical contract collective welfare policy making government decisions social contract public interest representative democracy community welfare rural decline urbanization policy making collective vs individual利益 long-term benefits political philosophy government decisions social contract public interest representative democracy autonomy freedom urbanization rural decline agricultural production community welfare long-term benefits individual vs collective利益 social contract government authority political philosophy public interest individual freedom countryside decline urbanization philosophy of law policy making community well-being government decision-making social contract political philosophy personal autonomy community welfare long-term benefits countryside decline urbanization trend analysis policy making international relations philosophical concepts public interest individual freedom"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con01a	Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. violent imagery purposes banning music referencing violence musical genres diversity white middle-class protest hip hop rock music censorship creative industries impact content classification media criminal act intentions film censorship criteria Jerry Springer opera controversy Saving Private Ryan context violent music intentions censorship chilling effect violent imagery purposes banning music referencing violence diverse musical genres protest voices white middle-class protest hip hop criticism rock music criticism musical content regulation creative industry impact content classification restrictive content criminal intent film censorship video game censorship Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC director general religious content opera context Saving Private Ryan war portrayal didactic violence entertainment violence musical observation critical analysis musical intentions censorship limits social acceptability violent imagery purposes banning music referencing violence musical genres diversity white middle class protest hip hop rock music censorship creative industries impact content classification restrictions criminal intent vs artistic expression film censorship criteria Jerry Springer: The Opera Saving Private Ryan didactic violence musical genre criticism censorship limits social acceptability violent imagery purposes ban music referencing violence simplistic understanding genres protest hip hop rock white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists reduce diversity musical genres commenting violent events creative industries damage classify restrict content criminal acts intention Jerry Springer controversy religious content debate BBC director general classification boards context Saving Private Ryan vivid war portrayal didactic point critical analysis lyrics acclaimed popular music musical form limits social acceptability violent imagery popular music bans intentions censorship hip hop rock music middle class social acceptability creative industries classification boards graphic images context satire didactic point entertainment war Save Private Ryan cultural diversity chilling effect violent imagery purposes ban music referencing violence diverse musical genres protest against hip hop middle class protest creative industries impact musical genres commentary content classification restrictions criminal act intention banned films criteria saving private ryan context violent music criticism offensive music analysis classification boards intentions war violence portrayal jerry springer opera discussion violent imagery analysis musical themes engagement search accuracy expansion terms enrich query violent imagery music genres banning music white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity musical genres creative industries content classification restricting content media comparison criminal acts intent analysis classification boards offensive content satire violent films Saving Private Ryan didactic purpose entertainment vs observation violent music brutal themes critical analysis artist intentions social acceptability chilling effect mainstream hip hop musical themes violent imagery musical genres censorship hip hop rock music white middle class creative industries classification boards context intentions saving private ryan censorship controversy musical criticism cultural acceptance chilling effect violent imagery musical genres censorship hip hop rock music white middle class creative industries classification boards media content violent films Saving Private Ryan Jerry Springer: The Opera didactic point cultural criticism artistic expression censorship debate chilling effect violent imagery music censorship cultural diversity media classification intention behind violence entertainment vs critique chilling effect hip hop criticism media bias content analysis artistic freedom
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con03a	Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. social disgust art socially liberal movements public opinion commercial viability breaking stereotypes female sexuality gender norms liberalizing movements maintaining status quo artistic expression cultural change taboo artist freedom censorship social structures controversy Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin social disgust art and politics socially liberal movements commercial viability public opinion artist expression taboos feminism gender norms sexuality Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalizing movements status quo artistic freedom cultural critique censorship cultural maintenance social disgust socially liberal ideas art and social change commercial viability breaking stereotypes female sexuality gender norms liberalizing movements status quo artist expression public opinion taboos protection of art artistic freedom social disgust socially liberal ideas art as expression commercial viability public opinion breaking stereotypes female sexuality gender norms liberalising movements status quo artistic freedom taboos cultural change commercialisation of art artistic censorship social structures controversial movements artist expression art's role in society maintaining power protecting art free speech in art art and politics art and culture social critique through art art and social norms artistic controversy art and activism social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion commercial viability stereotype breaking female sexuality gender norms socially liberal movements status quo artist expression taboo attack social disgust socially liberal ideas art and social change commercial viability public opinion taboo breaking female sexuality gender norms artist expression status quo protection of art controversy in art liberal movements artist freedom art and gender art and sexuality cultural norms artistic expression social structures art and society artistic censorship liberal art movements art and public opinion art and culture art and politics social disgust art socially liberal public opinion commercial viability stereotype breakdown female sexuality gender norms commercially viable status quo taboos artist expression liberalizing movements cultural change social disgust liberal movements art and society commercial viability public opinion breaking stereotypes female sexuality gender norms taboos status quo artistic expression social structures commercially viable controversial movements artist freedom art as activism cultural change social liberalism artistic censorship protected art cultural maintenance social disgust art liberal movements public opinion commercial viability artist expression taboo stereotypes gender norms sexually explicit art cultural maintenance artistic freedom censorship status quo controversy liberalizing movements female sexuality cultural change artistic propagation social disgust art liberal movements public opinion commercial viability sexually explicit art gender norms taboos cultural maintenance artistic freedom social structures controversial art status quo artist expression
test-international-epglghbni-pro02a	The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, partition of ireland democratic processes unionist manipulation Government of Ireland Act 1920 Irish independence electoral boundaries manipulation Republican majority British Parliament twentieth century Ireland partition of ireland 1920 government of ireland act unionism republicanism gerrymandering irish home rule irish independence british parliament irish people irish unionists electoral manipulation irish nationalism partition injustices historical partition partition of ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 unionists British Parliament Irish vote manipulation electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust partition partition of ireland undemocratic partition unionist manipulation Government of Ireland Act 1920 Irish independence Republican majority electoral manipulation twentieth century ireland partition of ireland democratic process unionists irish parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 electoral manipulation republican majority British Parliament partition of ireland democratic process Northern Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 electoral manipulation unionists republican majority injustices historical analysis partition of ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 unionism republicanism electoral manipulation democratic rights Northern Ireland Irish independence British Parliament partition justification Irish vote Ferriter Ireland partition of ireland undemocratic people of northern ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 six counties Unionists manipulation electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust legitimacy partition of ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 Northern Ireland British Parliament unionism Republican majority electoral manipulation Irish independence historical injustices twentieth century Ireland partition of ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 unionism republicanism electoral manipulation British Parliament Irish independence Northern Ireland history democratic process political manipulation partition consequences
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con02a	The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. wealth distribution fairness equality socialism capitalism economic inequality political leadership technocracy international banking social welfare historical irony early 19th century socialism bank nationalization opportunity vs choice Blair Clinton left-wing politics wealth distribution social inequality economic fairness political leadership left-wing ideology technocracy international banking job security historical irony socialist theory economic models Blairism Clintonism capitalism early socialism nationalization financial crisis wealth distribution equality fairness Blair Clinton economic inequality unelected officials international bankers opportunity choice Socialism banks nationalisation capitalism economic models historical ironies wealth distribution fair distribution economic inequality socialist ideas political models technocratic governance international banking influence job creation historical irony early socialism bank nationalization wealth distribution equality fairness opportunity choice unelected technocrats international bankers capitalists socialists nationalising banks economic inequality political models historical ironies wealth distribution fair distribution economic inequality socialists capitalism bankers unemployment political leadership left-wing politics economic models social justice historical irony technocracy democratic governance wealth distribution economic fairness equality model Blair Clinton unelected technocrats international bankers socialism nationalising banks political economy income inequality opportunity vs fairness early 21st century politics wealth distribution economic fairness equality model of Blair and Clinton unelected technocrats international bankers nationalising banks political inequality inequality awareness political anger socialist ideals wealth distribution equality fairness opportunity choice unelected technocrats international bankers nationalisation banks inequalities socialism blair clinton politics economics historic ironies wealth distribution economic inequality fairness equality model of Blair and Clinton unelected technocrats international bankers nationalisation of banks socialism political leadership economic policies historical ironies
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook democracy oppressive regimes protests online activism Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin Avaaz.org internet petitions elections voting civil rights organizing protest tactics social networks digital activism online petitions unpopular policies dissent government transparency democraticprocess socialmedia arabspring protestorganization petitiongathering westerndemocracy onlineprotest governmentopposition socialnetworksimpact digitalactivism internetpolitics civicengagement socialmediaeffectiveness publicopinion mobilizationtechniques onlineprotests socialmediausage democraticadvocacy politicalchange civictechnology socialmovements onlineactivism democraticprocess socialmedia activism organization protests arabspring brazilprotests turkiprotests wisconsinprotests governmentopposition onlinepetition avaaazorg digitalactivism autocracies liberaldemocracies politicalorganization onlineprotest digitalgovernance citizenengagement socialnetworking protestcoordination governmentcontrol digitaldemocracy protesttechnology socialmediainfluence politicaldissent mobilizationtools onlineprotesttools digitalprotest civicengagement politicalcommunication proteststrategy socialmediaimpact digitalprotest maximize search utility relevant expansion phrases Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies organizing protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin oppressive regimes government intervention online environment protests online petition gathering Avaaz.org dissent irrefutable argument social media impact political organization citizen engagement digital activism protest coordination government transparency public opinion social movement support online mobilization democratic participation civic engagement digital democracy social media activism online petitioning government policy opposition Facebook democracy online protests oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin Avaaz.org petition government intervention internet social networks protests organizing disapproval dissent effective communication offline protests dictatorships liberal democracies Facebook democracy online protest social networks oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin offline protests government intervention popular policies united citizens online petition Avaaz.org dissent irrefutable argument Facebook democracy oppressive regimes arab spring brazil turkey wisconsin online petitions Avaaz.org internet activism social media protests government intervention dissent online organization Facebook democracy oppressive regimes autocracies western liberal democracies Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin protests online organization social networks digital activism petition gathering Avaaz.org protest mobilization dissent online petitions offline protest virtual safe houses government intervention election influence political engagement citizen voice policy opposition digital organizing protest technology online activism offline impact protest coordination public opinion shaping digital democracy free speech online Internet freedom media influence public policy discussion online dissent protest technology online organizing democratic process social networks protests Arab Spring online activism Avaaz petition gathering Western democracies oppressive regimes internet activism social media impact democratic process social networks protests online petitions Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Western democracies government intervention online activism digital organizing Avaaz.org mass mobilization protest organization social media impact political engagement"
test-international-amehbuaisji-con04a	ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials due process US Constitution ratification Rome Statute jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection pre-trial detention ICC US constitution due process jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection pre-trial detention Rome Statute international criminal court political considerations ICC due process US constitution Rome Statute ratification American Constitution jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention witness protection procedural violations ICC trials due process US constitution Rome Statute American Constitution jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy interests double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection ICC procedures pre-trial detention legal system political considerations ICC trials due process US Constitution Rome Statute jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection pre-trial detention ICC trials due process US constitution ratification Rome Statute jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection procedural violations ICC trials due process US constitution Rome Statute American Constitution jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy interests double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection procedural violations ICC trials due process US constitution Rome Statute American Constitution jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection procedural violations pre-trial detention ICC trials due process US Constitution Rome Statute American Constitution jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy interests double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection ICC proceedings ICC trials due process US Constitution Rome Statute American Constitution jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy political considerations double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection pre-trial detention
test-international-ghbunhf-con02a	The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 genocide 1948 Convention codification protection United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 United Nations crime of genocide 1948 Convention United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 genocide 1948 Convention crime of genocide United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN promotion international law human rights protection 1945 founding customary state behavior UN codification genocide convention Holocaust Memorial Museum international legal framework human rights enforcement global governance international justice legal development state responsibility international human rights law international criminal law genocide prevention international relations history UN international law human rights 1945 foundation customary behaviour codification protection genocide 1948 Convention Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 genocide 1948 Convention United Nations crime of genocide Holocaust international behavior law codification protection of human rights UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behavior codification 1948 Convention crime of genocide United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 1948 Convention crime of genocide United Nations promotion codification protection United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 genocide 1948 Convention crime of genocide United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 United Nations 1948 Convention crime of genocide United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
test-politics-oapghwliva-con03a	Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks political friction White House authority wasteful spending deficit reduction congressional discontent executive power government efficiency spending cuts legislative process presidential vetoes budgetary process government waste policy effectiveness Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Congressional friction presidential authority wasteful spending deficit reduction executive-legislative relations Virginia A. McMurty Senate hearing government waste Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks White House Congressional friction Virginia A. McMurty Senate Homeland Security Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks political friction wasteful spending deficit reduction executive authority Congressional relations Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks White House Congressman wasteful spending deficit reduction presidential authority legislative friction Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Virginia A. McMurty Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks congressional friction presidential authority wasteful spending deficit reduction Virginia A. McMurty Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks friction White House deficit reduction wasteful spending Congressional unhappiness Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks political friction Virginia A. McMurty congressional authority wasteful spending Line Item Veto Act constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks presidential authority wasteful spending deficit reduction Congressional friction executive-legislative relations veto threats
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro01a	There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? physical risk intelligence agencies democracy Russian FSB james bond information privacy internet surveillance surveillance benefits security trade-offs surveillance intelligence agencies democracy russian fsb physical risk privacy surveillance state power internet security intelligence gathering monitoring civil liberties spying whistleblowers nsa eavesdropping encryption intelligence-sharing transparency cybersecurity hacking data protection privacy-rights intelligence-community secret-services spying-on-citizens information-age intelligence-collection counterintelligence intelligence-analysis intelligence-cooperation intelligence-activities intelligence-gaps intelligence-budget intelligence-policy intelligence-reform intelligence-transparency privacy intelligence.agencies democracy russian.fsb surveillance security internet.security information.gathering intellectual.property cyber.security government监控 数据保护 个人隐私 信息安全 网络安全 physical risk intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence services relevant expansion phrases utility maximization information security privacy concerns physical risk intelligence agencies democracies FSB Russian intelligence james bond information privacy internet surveillance intelligence services retaliation security threats physical risk intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB James Bond retaliation information privacy surveillance physical risk intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB James Bond information privacy retaliation surveillance ethics physical risk intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB internet privacy James Bond retaliation information surveillance physical risk intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB james bond internet privacy surveillance cybersecurity information security intelligence services privacy concerns electronic surveillance privacy rights physical risk intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB James Bond films information privacy surveillance cybersecurity internet security privacy rights intelligence services
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro02a	Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Palestinian_statehood international_law self_determination israeli_settlements Viena_Declaration human_rights poll_data occupied_territories Brazilian_support 1967_borders West_Bank_and_Gaza Sovereignty Diplomacy Peace_process UN_Charter Palestinian_statehood international_law self_determination 1967_borders Israeli_settlements Brazilian_support poll_data negotiated_settlement Human_rights_violations Vietnam_Declaration Palestinian_majority international law palestinian aspirations statehood resistance international human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action self-determination political status economic development Israeli settlements Brazilian recognition 1967 borders polls peaceful coexistence negotiated two-state settlement Palestinian aspirations statehood resistance international law poll results two-state settlement self-determination 1967 borders Brazilian stance Human Rights Violations failure to withdraw blocks Palestinian aspirations statehood Palestinian people 1967 resistance international law two-state settlement 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter Brazilian President pre-1967 borders right to self-determination human rights violation 1967 borders Palestinian statehood poll results resistance to occupation international law self-determination right to self-determination Vienna Declaration international human rights civil rights Israeli settlements 1967 borders political status economic development cultural development human rights violation democratic processes Brazilian recognition peaceful coexistence Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation self-determination two-state settlement 1967 borders international law human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights Israeli settlements West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian-majority areas failure to withdraw legitimate Palestinian aspirations 1967 borders international law right to self-determination Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation negotiated two-state settlement human rights violation pre-1967 borders universal declaration of human rights UN Charter Brazilian recognition Palestinian majority democratic processes Palestinian_aspirations statehood resistance israeli_occupation political_status two_state_settlement 1967_borders self_determination international_law Vienna_Declaration Universal_Declaration_of_Human_Rights UN_Charter Brazil Palestinian_majority HUMAN_RIGHTS_VIOLATION Palestinian statehood international law self-determination Israeli occupation two-state settlement human rights violations 1967 borders universal declaration of human rights UN Charter self-determination rights Arab conquests West Bank Gaza Strip international recognition democratic processes
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro01a	Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains labor rights free speech limitations strike impacts union privileges economic inequality collective_bargaining rights freedom_of_association decision_making_process political_process unions private_sectors economic_impact political_influence free_speech rail_industry auto_industry social_harm racial_hate_limitations collective_bargaining rights freedom_of_association political_process economic_impact unions private_sectors political_influence free_speech limits_on_rights social_harm rail_strike auto_industry racial_hate decision_making_processes inequality supply_chains logistics_chains collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions influence economic disruption private sector unions political process labor rights free speech limitations collective bargaining rights union influence supply chains strike impacts political leverage collective bargaining right freedom of association decision making process unions political process privileges economic impact public sector private sector disruption free speech rail strike auto industry limits harm society racial hatred LabourUnionReport.com GM Ford The Detroit News collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence economic disruption political process private unions free speech limitations labor rights strike impacts supply chains collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence economic disruption private sector unions political process free speech limitations labor rights strike impact supply chains public sector unions union privileges decision-making access right to organize collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence economic disruption private sector unions political process right to unionize limitations on rights free speech restrictions labor unions economic impact supply chains collective_bargaining rights freedom_of_association decision_making_process political_process influence economy unions private_sectors international_labor free_speech rail_strikes auto_industry social_harm racial_hatred Labor_UNION_Report Government_controls collective bargaining right freedom of association political process unions economic disruption supply chains free speech rail strike auto industry government intervention
test-international-emephsate-pro03a	Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, strategic alliance energy independence geopolitical influence EU membership NATO member Caspian Sea Middle East Central Asia energy security transit country Nabucco pipeline Russia-Ukraine disputes energy cooperation regional power EU energy minister EU external policy energy supply diversity strategic alliance energy security EU expansion NATO member regional power Middle East influence Central Asia influence trade routes Caspian Sea Russian oil gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy cooperation geopolitical importance EU-Turkey relations strategic alliance energy security eu expansion nato membership middle east influence central asia power caspian oil russia gas monopoly nabucco pipeline eu-turkey relations geopolitical importance regional stability energy cooperation transit nation bosporus straits eu membership benefits geopolitical dynamics energy diplomacy strategic geography eu-turkey partnership strategic location Turkey European Union international relations energy security NATO middle east Central Asia trade routes Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy cooperation EU energy minister regional power geostrategy energy independence diplomacy security policy Turkish geopolitics strategic position Turkey European Union energy security NATO trade route Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipeline Nabucco energy cooperation EU energy minister Middle East Central Asia geographic situation energy dependency transit point energy security policy turkey's accession regional power energy issues strategic position Turkey European Union international relations energy security geopolitics NATO Turkey's influence Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia energy cooperation gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly Middle East Central Asia Solana Gökhan Kurtaran Ali Tekin Paul A. Williams strategic position Turkey European Union international relations energy security geopolitics NATO trade routes Caspian Sea Russia Bosporus Central Asia Middle East Nabucco pipeline gas imports energy cooperation EU energy policy transit country regional power diplomacy strategic position Turkey European Union energy security regional power NATO Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline energy cooperation geographic situation energy policy energy imports energy security trade routes diplomatic relations EU energy minister energy dependency energy supply chain geopolitics energy transit Turkey's role in EU strategic position Turkey European Union international relations energy security geopolitics NATO Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline energy cooperation Turkey's influence Middle East Central Asia trade routes energy dependency EU energy minister Turkey's accession process strategic alliance energy security EU membership NATO regional influence trade routes Caspian Sea Russian gas Nabucco pipeline Middle East Central Asia geopolitical position transit country energy cooperation EU-Turkey relations energy dependency energy policy EU enlargement
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro01a	Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, dictatorships effectiveness democracies mobilizing resources investment decision making policy implementation institutional modification legal frameworks pro-investment fracking opposition autocratic governments Cuba healthcare services education services Cuban healthcare system PISA test Autocracy vs Democracy dictatorships effectiveness mobilizing resources quicker decision-making policy implementation legal framework low taxes exchange rate manipulations import tariffs fracking ban Cuba healthcare education services Autocratic governance healthcare efficiency education performance Cuban healthcare system PISA test dictatorships democracies mobilizing resources quicker decision making policy implementation legal frameworks institutional changes pro-investment environment fracking energy access industry growth healthcare services education curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare system PISA test Autocratic governments opposition Western world resource control energy extraction manufacturing reshoring Cuban healthcare Cuban doctors education success dictatorships resource mobilization quicker decision making policy implementation special interests democracies effectiveness autocratic government fracking low taxes Cuba healthcare system education services autocracies dictatorships democracies mobilizing resources investment decision making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal reforms pro-investment environment fracking energy access industry development healthcare services education services Cuba Shanghai PISA test Autocratic governments Political consensus Special interests Opposition Resource control Healthcare system Education system Economic framework Taxation Exchange rates Import tariffs Curricula Salaries Supplies search performance query expansion phrases elevate democracies dictatorships mobilizing resources investment decision implementation policies quicker decision-making consensus special interests legal framework taxes exchange rates tariffs fracking energy industry opposition autocratic government cheap access pro-investment healthcare education Cuba Cuban healthcare Cuban doctors PISA test Shanghai Economist Monthly Review authoritative governance control allocation Cuba's healthcare search accuracy query expansion dictatorships democracies mobilizing resources investment policy implementation decision making legal frameworks institutional changes political consensus special interests fracking Cuba healthcare system education services PISA test Socialism resource mobilization decision-making speed policy implementation institutional flexibility political consensus special interests pro-investment frameworks low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs fracking opposition autocratic governance healthcare services education services curriculum control salary determination supply management economic efficiency legal frameworks investment attraction political opposition resource allocation Cuba healthcare education performance authoritarian advantages optimization search results expansion terms decision-making policy implementation institutional flexibility political consensus special interests pro-investment frameworks resource control health services education outcomes dictatorial advantages democratic disadvantages economic investment governance efficiency fracking energy access industry boost healthcare systems education performance Cuba Shanghai PISA test enhance search outcomes recommend beneficial expansion terms mobilizing resources resource allocation quicker decision-making policy implementation democracies vs dictatorships autocratic governance economic framework low taxes exchange rate manipulations import tariffs fracking energy extraction industrial growth healthcare services education special interests political consensus Cuba healthcare system Shanghai PISA test
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con01a	Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. paternalism personal freedom public health policies smoking regulations individual choices state intervention risk-taking autonomy rights education initiatives paternalism personal autonomy public health policy individual freedom smoking regulations risk management societal responsibility education initiatives public place smoking state intervention paternalism personal freedom public policy risk management individual rights government intervention smoking regulations public health autonomy decision-making education freedom of choice societal norms legal responsibility health risks paternalism personal freedom public health policies individual rights state intervention smoking risks informed consent risk-taking behavior societal norms freedom of choice paternalism personal autonomy state intervention public health individual freedom risk taking education informed decision-making public places smoking regulations paternalism personal autonomy public policy individual freedom state intervention smoking rights risk assessment informed decision-making public health freedom of choice education on health risks paternalism personal autonomy public health state intervention individual freedom risk taking informed consent smoking legislation public places health education paternalism personal autonomy public health policy smoking restrictions individual freedom state intervention risk management education public places societal decision-making paternalism personal autonomy public policy smoking regulations individual freedom risk management state intervention public health informed consent social responsibility paternalism personal freedom state intervention public health risk management informed consent societal responsibility individual rights voluntary compliance education public policy libertarianism civil liberties harm principle
test-international-eiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance poverty short-term solutions economic environment political stability interest rates entrepreneurship education loans silver bullet long-term effects investment strategies IOE 2011 study microfinance poverty short-term solutions long-term impacts political stability economic environment interest rates education entrepreneurialism loan repayment primary school attendance IOE silver bullet microfinance poverty loan entrepreneurship economic environment political stability interest rates loan repayment primary education silver bullet short-termism IOE impact of microfinance microfinance failures microcredit financial inclusion sustainable development financial literacy community lending informal economy financial services rural finance financial markets financial exclusion microfinance institutions microcredit schemes financial crises debt traps socio-economic factors financial empowerment microloans financial sustainability financial health microfinance policies financial education financial services access financial management financial capability microfinance benefits microfinance challenges microfinance limitations microfinance challenges microfinance criticism microfinance impact on education microfinance sustainability microfinance and political stability microfinance short-term solutions microfinance interest rates microfinance loan repayment microfinance long-term effects microfinance short-termism loan interest rates political stability economic environment entrepreneurialism primary school attendance silver bullet unresolved issues quick-fix solutions loan repayment individual interests community investment microfinance short-term solutions long-term benefits loan repayment political stability economic environment entrepreneurialism silver bullet quick fixes community loans international organization of education interest rates school attendance microfinance poverty silver bullet short-term solutions loan interest rates investment risks long-term consequences education impact political stability economic environment entrepreneurialism quick fixes loan repayment school attendance interest rates community loans political instability economic challenges loan accessibility entrepreneurship risks child labor debt traps microfinance short-termism loan interest rates political stability economic environment entrepreneurialism primary education loan repayment silver bullet quick-fix solutions unresolved issues individual investments community loans IOE microfinance failures microfinance silverbullet politicalenvironment shorttermism interestrates educationinvestment longterminterests loanrepayment poverty sustainabledevelopment economicclimate entrepreneurialism quickreturn primaryschoolattendance loaninterestrates communitydevelopment unresolvedissues microfinance poverty loans entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-term solutions interest rates education investment silver bullet IOE 2011 quick fixes long-term interests
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro04a	Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation China influence democracy human rights United Nations Security Council Russia Syria Philippines South Korea European Union dictatorship democratization international relations arms supply UN voting sanctions reform investment global benefits cooperation strategies international relations democracy promotion human rights China influence Russia comparison EU-China relations dictatorship encouragement voting patterns UN Security Council sympathetic nations regime support East Asia politics power dynamics diplomatic tactics trust building arms supply United States influence Philippine transition Korean presidency regime change strategies global benefits international cooperation diplomacy effectiveness geopolitical strategies regime engagement diplomatic impact Cooperation influence China regime democracy human rights international engagement public lectures trust United Nations Security Council Russia voting patterns Syria sanctions United States East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea European Union China-EU relations global benefits Cooperation influence democracy human rights China United States Russia United Nations Security Council Syria Philippines Korea democratic promotion arms supply international engagement veto power political influence EU East Asia democratic transition diplomatic strategy global benefits Cooperation influence China democracy human rights United Nations Security Council Russia Syria Philippines Korea United States East Asia European Union arms supply voting sanctions reforms dictatorship democratization international engagement trust investment relationship relevant expansion phrases public lectures friendly nations earned trust arms supplier United Nations Security Council voting patterns Syria sanctions Russia alignment China's response democratic influence human rights promotion East Asian states democratization encouragement Philippines dictatorship Korean presidency European Union global benefits investment in relations Cooperation China democracy human rights United Nations Security Council Russia philippines korea United States europe investments diplomacy arms supply voting patterns dictatorships international relations UN sanctions regime change regime support UNSC Philippine dictatorship Marcos Korean president Chun Doo Hwan East Asia political influence regime reform China's response to threats friendly nations earned trust coinciding interests EU-China relations global benefits public lectures threats to China Chinese sensitivity reg Cooperation China influence democracy human rights United Nations Security Council Russia Syria Philippines Korea European Union strategic alliances political engagement diplomatic relations arms supply voting patterns humanitarian concerns regime change international relations East Asia democratic promotion human rights advocacy geopolitical strategy Cooperation China influence democracy human rights United Nations Security Council Russia Syria East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea European Union political influence diplomatic relations arms supply voting patterns geopolitical strategy Cooperation China influence democracy human rights United Nations Security Council Russia Syria Philippines Korea European Union diplomatic strategies authoritarian regimes democratic transitions international relations sanctions political influence strategic partnerships global politics geopolitical alliances
test-international-aegmeppghw-con05a	Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 population member states voting power EU enlargement Germany Turkey policy-making semi-membership status enlargement date policy influence Demographia population policy membership voting rights EU enlargement Turkey Germany power dynamics economic impact social implications demographic changes semi-membership status integration process population expansion turkey eu membership voting power analysis eu enlargement policy influence growth projections membership status decision-making impact search utility expansion phrases query expansion relevant keywords population growth EU membership voting power decision-making influence Turkey demographics European Union expansion demographic projections semi-membership status EU policy change enlargement impact voting rights member state influence demographic dominance search efficiency query expansion population voting power EU membership decision-making enlargement inauguration period semi-membership policy change search performance recommendation system expansion phrases query refinement demographic impact voting power EU membership Turkey population growth decision-making influence enlargement effects EU policy integration process search accuracy query enrichment turkey population voting power EU enlargement decision-making influence member states policy change inauguration period semi-membership status population projections European Union membership search efficacy expansion keywords Turkey population EU voting power demographic impact decision-making influence EU enlargement inauguration period semi-membership status search optimization turkey population voting power EU enlargement Turkey EU membership Turkey EU impact Turkey EU decision-making Turkey EU comparison Germany EU representation EU enlargement effects EU member states Turkey EU projections Turkey EU status EU population projections EU voting power distribution EU membership timeline EU decision-making process search outcomes beneficial expansion terms population growth Turkey voting power EU enlargement Germany social sciences policy making semi-membership status demographic projections
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con02a	The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. freedom of speech association rights social networking violations teacher-student relationships legal rights potential predators online privacy constitutional rights internet communication education policy civil liberties digital age rights Missouri law social media restrictions freedom_of_speech association_rights teacher_student_social_media violation_of_rights potential_predators social_networking_laws constitutional_rights digital_privacy education_policy censorship online_behavior legal_misinterpretation digital_divide first_amendment privacy_rights educational_ethics freedom_of_speech association_right social_media_censorship teacher_student_relationship privacy_rights online_predation government_intervention digital_citizenship civil liberties internet_regulation freedom of speech association rights teacher student social media potential predator law violation constitutional rights online harassment digital privacy social networking sites government overreach digital citizenship educator conduct internet regulations civil liberties online communication digital ethics social media policy legal interpretation constitutional law privacy rights digital age rights educator/student boundaries freedom of speech association rights teacher-student social media potential predators government censorship fundamental rights social networking sites legal violations privacy concerns freedom of speech association rights social networking potential predators teacher-student relationship internet regulation civil liberties online harassment constitutional rights privacy concerns freedom of speech association rights teacher-student social media policy violation of constitutional rights potential predator social networking website regulations government infringement on rights law freedom speech association social media facebook twitter violation teacher student potential predator rights government censorship discrimination privacy fundamental Solove Daniel Missouri Huffington Post freedom of speech association rights social media regulation teacher-student relationship privacy violations online harassment constitutional rights legal discrimination internet laws social networking ethics freedom of speech social networking laws teacher-student interaction online privacy constitutional rights internet regulation social media restrictions First Amendment digital ethics cyberbullying educational policy
test-economy-thsptr-pro04a	Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: progressive taxation equality harmony social classes opportunity wealth distribution flat taxes regressive taxes powerful social message social cohesion social mobility reduction of distinctions powerful social message economic ladder desperation crime sympathy empathy powerful social message economic inequality equal sacrifice distinct social classes beneficial social cohesion real equality of opportunity levelling the playing field financing social services mobility reduction inequality benefits regressive tax systems wealth stratification empirical evidence for progressive taxation impact of taxation on society progressive taxation equality harmony social mobility opportunity government revenue flat taxes regressive taxes powerful social message desperation crime wealth distribution social classes economic ladder equal sacrifice pou hypothesis progressive_taxation economic_inequality social_mobility reDistribution equal_sacrifice flat_taxes regressive_taxes poverty wealth_distribution public_services crime social_cohesion economic_ladder wealth_stratification social_classes equality humanitarianism social harmony opportunity social Justice 财税政策 社会流动性 收入分配 公共福利 犯罪率 社会凝聚力 经济阶梯 财富分层 社会阶层 平等 人道主义 社会和谐 机会 再分配理论 progressive taxation benefits economic equality social mobility flat taxes regressive taxes political economy social services wealth distribution opportunity gap public goods desperation crime wealth stratification social cohesion redistribution theory empirical evidence inequality reduction social harmony economic justice wealth redistribution poverty alleviation consumption impact desire for equality empirical studies social class formation economic ladder marginal tax rates economic mobility public finance progressive policies social contract inequality of opportunity economic disparity wealth concentration descent into poverty wealth progressive taxation equality harmony social classes opportunity regressive taxes economic ladder social services wealth distribution social cohesion powerful social message equal sacrifice pou hypothesis progressive taxation equality harmony social mobility opportunity economic ladder flat taxes regressive taxes powerful social message equal sacrifice social cohesion wealth stratification social classes social services consumption save distinctions between groups real equality of opportunity level the playing field desperate crime sympathize empathize pou hypothesis progressive taxation equality harmony social mobility opportunity flat taxes regressive taxes powerful social message empathy cohesion distinctions between groups social classes wealth distribution real equality of opportunity reducing social stratification financing social services desperation crime regulatory mechanisms economic ladder equal sacrifice principle powerful social message public services funding wealth inequality reduction social cohesion benefits economic mobility poverty alleviation desire for fairness public opinion on taxation impact on social classes benefits of progressive taxation desirability of progressive tax progressive taxation equality harmony social mobility regressive taxes flat taxes political economy social services wealth distribution economic opportunity desperation crime social cohesion economic ladder regression analysis social classes sacrifice principle public finance inequality empathy social stratification cognitive psychology economic theory public goods microeconomics macroeconomics distributional justice intergenerational mobility wealth transfer wealth inequality social policy public choice theory neoclassical economics 财税政策 收入分配 社会流动 经济不平等 公共财政 progressive taxation equality harmony social mobility opportunity flat tax regressive tax powerful social message real equality empathy social cohesion social classes economic ladder desperation crime wealth distribution descriptive statistics public finance economic inequality public goods social stratification intergenerational mobility distributional justice social welfare social contract wealth transfer consumption save funding sources burden sharing social services social justice inequality reduction descriptive econometrics macroeconomics economic policy 财税政策 经济平等 社会和谐 progressive tax benefits economic inequality flat tax criticism regressive tax impact social mobility public services fiscal policy economic opportunities wealth distribution social classes empirical evidence tax reform equality sacrifice social cohesion desperation and crime revenue generation wealth redistribution empirical studies inequality reduction regulatory economics political economy 财税改革 社会流动性 公共支出 经济平等 贫富差距 税收负担 社会团结
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro01a	Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. free speech riot legitimacy legal peaceful dissent social media misuse state apparatus societal engagement public harm disadvantaged groups speech curtailment individual safety freedom of expression riot prevention social media regulation civil rights public security political dissent riot economics social disorder legal measures civil unrest public safety social justice digital activism state response protest effectiveness civil liberties media influence government intervention riot aftermath public opinion civil disobedience legal protections speech limits societal impact democratic principles riot psychology legal action social media impact freedom of assembly public safety free speech riots legitimacy state apparatus peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contact representatives Parliament social media misuse violence consequences freedom of speech limits security safety long-term damage short-term curtailment societal impact speech organization legal methods public harm disadvantaged groups media restrictions social unrest democratic values civil rights government response protest ethics social media regulation public safety law enforcement riot prevention speech and violence political engagement free speech riots legitimacy state apparatus societal engagement violence public harm disadvantaged social media misinformation censorship security safety dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representatives Parliament UK riots 2011 speech organization violence curtailment long-term effects short-term restrictions freedom of expression misinformation spread social unrest law enforcement democratic values civil disobedience protest tactics government response public opinion media influence emergency measures constitutional rights legal actions public safety social justice political discourse digital communication civil liberties law and order community free speech vs riots legitimacy of riots peaceful dissent methods impact of riots on disadvantaged misuse of social media for organizing riots curtailment of free speech during riots importance of individual safety over free speech long-term damage of riots temporary restriction of free speech free speech legitimacy tolerance dissent demonstrations petitions Parliament violence public security safety social media organization curtailment disadvantage misinformation Bloomberg UK riots Twitter messaging services free speech riots legitimacy democratic society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representatives engagement with state public harm disadvantaged social media misuse violence consequences freedom of speech curtailment individual safety long-term damage temporary restrictions speech organization societal security free speech riots legitimacy democratic society dissent demonstrations petitions Parliament violence social media misinformation state apparatus public safety legal methods disadvantaged security freedom of speech curtailment long-term damage short-term restrictions free speech legitimacy societal engagement legal methods demonstrations petitions representative contact state apparatus public harm disadvantaged impact social media misuse violence organization speech curtailment individual safety freedom of speech limitations long-term damage short-term restrictions opinion expression free speech legitimacy societal engagement legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions representative Parliament fundamental unwillingness state apparatus public regard violence consequences disadvantaged harm social media misuse organized violence curtailment necessity individual security speech rights temporary restrictions opinion expression long-term damage short-term curtailment free speech riots legitimate dissent legal methods peaceful protests demonstrations petitions parliamentary representatives state apparatus societal engagement violence against property public harm disadvantaged communities social media misuse organizing violence freedom of speech restrictions individual safety long-term damage short-term curtailment immediate expression social media regulation riot prevention democratic rights political dissent civil liberties emergency measures
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con01a	Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 tourism employment Tunisia economy job creation higher education economic growth linked industries tax contribution purchasing power tourism employment Tunisian economy higher education jobs tourism impact job creation economic growth linked industries transportation jobs student employment tax contribution consumer spending tourism employment linked industries job creation economic growth higher education student population tax contribution consumer spending Tunisia economy employment impact tourism jobs tourism industry tunisia economy higher education students job creation economic growth tax contribution linked industries transport jobs student employment expectations Tourism employment economy Tunisia higher education job creation economic growth linked industries taxation purchasing power employment generation tourism sector analysis tunisian economy higher education jobs economic growth drivers linked industries impact tax contributions job creation statistics Employment Tourism Tunisia job creation economic growth higher education tax contribution purchasing power linked industries transport sector student population employment expectations economic development Employment Tourism Economy Tunisia Job creation Higher education Economic growth Tax contribution Linked industries Transportation Student population tourism employment Tunisia economy linked industries higher education job creation economic growth tax contribution goods purchasing employment figures student population Employment Tourism Industry Job Creation Higher Education Economic Growth Tax Contribution Purchasing Power Linked Industries Transport Sector Employment Figures Student Population Societal Contribution
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con04a	Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. tax avoidance education tax government budget loophole exploitation quality education national tax graduate relocation fiscal policy educational investment economic impact graduates tax loophole education budget deficit quality investment policy deterring international migration tax avoidance education tax government budget loophole exploitation quality education national taxation graduate mobility fiscal policy economic impact higher education funding tax avoidance educational tax government revenue national tax system budget deficit education quality graduate loophole tax policy fiscal impact educational investment economic consequences tax avoidance educational tax government budget quality education loophole exploitation national tax collection graduate mobility tax avoidance educational loophole government budget quality education national tax graduate migration fiscal policy educational funding economic impact taxation systems tax avoidance education funding government budget quality education national tax graduate loophole economic impact fiscal policy taxation system tax avoidance educational taxes government budget graduate mobility national taxation loophole exploitation education quality fiscal impact economic consequences tax avoidance graduates national taxes education funding government deficits quality education loophole exploitation tax avoidance education funding loophole exploitation government revenue quality education national tax collection graduate tax fiscal impact educational investment tax policy
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro02a	Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. terrorism profiling ethnic profiling behavioral analysis intelligence gaps Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab one-way flights cash transactions Detroit airplane incident intelligence patterns terrorist behavior drug mules smugglers statistical analysis common sense Caucasian businessman terrorism profiling ethnicity behavior patterns security checks statistics intelligence ethnic profiling behavioral profiling airport security terrorism patterns intelligence gaps 圣诞日 bombers Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash purchases one-way flights luggage affluent business travelers terrorism profiling ethnic profiling behavioral profiling terrorist behavior patterns Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident common sense profiling statistical profiling affluent travelers Caucasian businessmen one-way flights luggage-free travel drug smuggling suicide bombers intelligence analysis counter-terrorism measures security checks targeted screening travel behavior analysis counterintelligence homeland security ethnic minorities race and crime profiling ethics civil liberties surveillance techniques profiling-terrorism targeted-checks christmas-day-bomber umar-farouk-abdulmutallab cash-purchases one-way-flights luggage-free-travelers behavior-patterns intelligence-gaps statistical-analysis ethnic-profiling common-sense-approach affluent-caucasian-businessman suicide-bombers drug-smugglers terrorist-profiles terrorism profiling ethnic characteristics targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payments one-way flights luggage behavior patterns intelligence ethnic groups common sense statistics affluent Caucasian businessman return tickets suicide bomber drug smuggler Detroit airplane incident terrorism profiling ethnic profiling targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payments one-way flights luggage terrorist behavior drug mules intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident Washington Post common sense statistics terrorism profiling ethnicity Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash one-way flights patterns behavior intelligence gaps Caucasian businessman profiling terrorism ethnicity Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight pattern recognition intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism profiling ethnicity Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab suicide bomber drug mules intelligence patterns Caucasian businessman statistics detector checks behavior analysis intelligence gaps terrorism profiling ethnicity Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash flights suicide bomber drug mules smugglers intelligence gaps pattern recognition affluent business travelers
test-society-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. control people movement developing nations limited capacity state confusion corruption illegal Hukous urban Hukous alienation social stratification segregation crime Hukou System China developing nations movement control legislation impact Hukou system corruption urbanization social stratification crime social exclusion law enforcement movement control developing nations capacity management legal enforcement corruption urbanization social exclusion crime Hukou system social stratification law enforcement legislation impact rural-urban migration control people's movement developing nations managing systems state of confusion corruption in China illegal Hukous urban Hukous social alienation crime rates Hukou System social stratification legislative effects segregation and crime control people's movement developing nations capacity management system implementation confusion state of confusion corruption Hukou system urban Hukous social alienation crime increase segregation legislation enforcement Hukou System and Social Stratification China's Hukou System Household Registration System control people's movement relevant expansion phrases developing nations capacity management system implementation state of confusion corruption Hukous illegal sales officials bribery laws urban areas social alienation crime increase segregation legislation impact Wang Fei-Ling Hukou System Demography Household Registration System Springer control people movement developing nations limited capacity system management state confusion law enforcement corruption urbanization challenges social alienation crime rates Hukou system social stratification division exclusion Chinese household registration control people movement developing nations capacity management system implementation corruption in legislation migration to cities alienation from society urbanization issues Hukou system effectiveness of laws social stratification segregation and crime movement control population management developing nations capacity limitations urbanization issues corruption Hukou system china social stratification police enforcement crime rates segregation legal compliance city migration policy effectiveness law enforcement challenges corruption urban Hukous social stratification enforcement issues limited capacity law violation crime rates segregation developing nations illegal activities official bribery societal alienation demographic challenges Hukou system"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con02a	A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. ban effectiveness legal prohibition political capital legislative process social change hip hop music violence criminality file sharing enforcement grassroots musicians internet distribution urban music videogame bans piracy classification controversial content nuance regulation ban effectiveness legislative process enforcement challenges social change hip hop regulation music distribution file sharing piracy urban music artist resilience videogame bans classification systems internet regulation liberal democracy policies controversial content internet censorship classification standards artistic freedom ban effectiveness legislation enforcement legal prohibition political capital vague proposals legislative document fully-fledged law violent behavior criminality social disaffection hip hop music consumer behavior legitimate use state power file sharing networks illegal pirating music distribution grassroots musicians short-range pirate radio urban communities amateur artists record companies violent videogames publishing companies classificiation bodies controversial material nuanced understanding shared standards internet regulation classification control ban effectiveness political capital investment legislative document creation enforcement of bans social change justification hip hop music regulation file sharing networks online store platforms music piracy urban music genres grassroots musicians pirate radio stations internet distribution networks amateur artists video game bans classified music content internet regulation content classification standards ban effectiveness political capital enforcement legislative process vigilance grassroots social change distribution networks file sharing piracy amateur artists classification nuanced understanding controversial material liberal democracy urban music hip hop violence criminality social disaffection legitimate use state power online stores e-commerce black market eBay Silk Road violation of law law enforcement circumvention internet regulation censorship classification body transparent debate standards shared values unregulated space internet culture music industry legal prohibition enforcement effective change political capital vague proposals legislative document fully-fledged law ban effectiveness legitimate state power violence reduction criminality hip hop music social disaffection file sharing networks enforceable law policy justification beneficial social change grassroots musicians urban communities pirate radio stations illegal piracy file sharing systems internet distribution amateur artists record companies controversial genres violent videogames Australia banning videogame piracy internet regulation content classification nuanced understanding dangerous material control controversial material legal prohibition enforceability legitimacy of state power beneficial social change violence in music criminality hip hop music political capital file sharing networks e-commerce piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio business regulation classification bodies nuanced understanding content control internet distribution effective law enforcement liberal democracy controversial material standardized classification online stores illicit distribution consumer behavior artistic freedom ban effectiveness legal prohibition political capital enforceability legitimate state power violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music file sharing networks enforcement beneficial social change legislative document violation of law grassroots musicians pirate radio short-range broadcasting urban communities ambitious artists record companies publishing companies internet distribution regulated space classifications nuanced understanding controversial material effective legal bans political capital investment transformative legislation social change justification hip hop music restrictions enforcement challenges file sharing networks illegal music distribution urban music genres grassroots musicians pirate radio stations internet distribution resilience liberal democracy music bans videogame violence restrictions classification body debates internet regulation content control shared standards offenses search outcomes beneficial expansion terms legal prohibition political capital legislative document social change hip hop music violence criminality file sharing enforcement urban music grassroots musicians file sharing networks piracy internet distribution amateur artists videogames classification bodies regulated space controversial material internet censorship control classification nuance standards policy
test-international-eiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. microfinance infrastructure governance poor structural constraints sustainability political instability NGO community state private sector poverty loan repayment economic barriers social barriers financial inclusion regulatory framework partnership tensions development challenges microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poor reaching loan repayment population poverty governance issues structural constraints microfinance sustainability political instability NGO involvement community involvement state involvement private sector involvement partnership tensions microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest populations structural constraints governance issues regulation challenges political instability multiple actors NGOs community state private sector effectiveness tensions poverty alleviation lived reality microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest populations loan repayment governance issues regulatory challenges political instability NGO involvement community engagement private sector roles sustainability concerns microfinance effectiveness structural constraints poorest needs financial inclusion barriers microfinance barriers infrastructure poverty governance sustainability regulation political instability partnerships actors objectives microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations political instability structural constraints poorest population regulatory issues governance challenges microfinance sustainability multiple actors tension in partnerships need assessment population reach microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations political instability governance issues structural constraints poor households sustainability tensions in partnerships need assessment power dynamics regulation challenges poverty alleviation economic inclusion loan repayment risks community engagement network effects financial inclusion population segmentation market access challenges in implementation distributional issues development economics resource allocation financial services non-profit sector economic empowerment loan defaults financial technology public-private partnerships development finance credit risk management financial education market failure informal economy access to credit financial exclusion development goals macro barriers microfinance infrastructure political instability governance structural constraints poverty sustainability partnerships NGOs communities state private sector economic needs microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest population sustainability issues governance challenges structural constraints multiple stakeholders political instability microfinance barriers infrastructure limitations poorest populations sustainability issues multiple actors governance challenges structural constraints political instability effective implementation regulation needs
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro03a	Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, suicide legislation suicide prevention social norms intimate partner issues financial stress mental health suicide rates deterrence effective legislation suicide statistics suicide causes suicide prevention policies suicide legislation societal norms and suicide deterrence and suicide prevention economic factors and suicide mental health and suicide intimate partner issues and suicide employment issues and suicide legal prohibition of suicide public health approach to suicide prevention long-term vs short-term suicide decisions suicide_legislation suicide_prevention social_norms mental_health_issues emotional_stress financial_problems intimate_partner_problems suicide_statistics public_policy mental_illness suicide_risk_factors deterrence_effect public_health_strategies suicide prevention societal norms legislative action mental health impact economic factors emotional stress intimate partner issues public health data deterrence theory quality of life suicide legislation social norms short-term circumstances deterrent economic stress intimate partner problems job issues deterring suicide legal prohibition suicide prevention mental health suicide prevention societal norms legislation impact mental health economic stress intimate partner issues legal deterrents public health data suicide prevention social norms legislation impact mental health financial stress relationship issues public health legal deterrent suicide rates policy effectiveness prohibiting suicide norms standards society messages legislation limits individual actions deterrent effect intimate partner problems jobs problems financial stress suicide prevention costs of suicide suicide prevention legal intervention societal norms mental health legislation impact short-term circumstances long-term consequences economic stress emotional distress public health data intimate partner issues job-related stress financial difficulties deterrence effects suicide rates policy recommendations behavioral science normative influences legal sanctions psychological factors statistical analysis risk assessment public awareness policy-making health economics social responsibility ethical considerations suicide prevention legislation impact societal norms mental health economic factors relationship issues public health policy long-term vs short-term decision-making legal deterrence health statistics legislative intervention
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con02a	Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. freedom speech democracy marketplace ideas expression artists criticism stagnation harmful politics censorship intellectual diversity moral progress tradition thought public debate limits freedom of expression marketplace of ideas democratic principles artistic freedom pluralism censorship intellectual diversity critical thinking speech limitations tradition vs progress freedom speech artists expression ideas democracy marketplace thought stagnation harmful politics censorship innovation creativity moral tradition cultural philosophy education public debate oppression liberty civilrights power perspective equality justice media law internet socialmedia history criticism ethics innovative government policy publicfigure censorship perspectives diversity libertarianism anarchy culturalrelativism politicalcorrectness freedom of expression pluralistic society marketplace of ideas democratic values challenging beliefs progress through discourse limiting speech stagnation of thought harmful traditions diversity of opinions critical thinking open debate censorship implications ethical considerations legal perspectives cultural impacts freedom of speech marketplace of ideas pluralism democratic principles expression challenging beliefs progress stagnation harmful practices traditional modes of thought limits on speech freedom of expression marketplace of ideas pluralism democratic values censorship artistic freedom idea exchange critical thinking intellectual diversity open society freedom speech integral democracy marketplace ideas challenging harmful practices stagnation traditional expression artists modern thought progress limitation modes plurality beliefs fluid formation reformation access vital contribution freedom speech artists censorship democracy marketplace ideas harmful practices stagnation expression thought challenging beliefs progress integral fluid tradition freedom speech artists expression marketplace ideas democracy stagnation harmful practices thought plurality limits challenging beliefs progress tradition modes freedom of expression pluralistic society democratic principles marketplace of ideas censorship cultural diversity intellectual freedom critical thinking open dialogue social progress
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 oppression gender equality religious symbols Muslim Hijab cultural discrimination women's rights democratic societies veil bans inequality feminism Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Belgium France discrimination liberalism oppression women symbols religious equality discrimination Belgium Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan France democracy muslim dress gender inequality civil rights symbols oppression women religious symbols gender equality Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy veil ban discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide Muslim Hijab oppression compulsory hijab countries democratic society equality Hijab Western countries banning Muslim veil Belgium full veil ban France full face veil ban inequality Muslim dress male female dress rules discrimination liberal societies oppression gender equality religious symbols Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy veil ban discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide gender Muslim Hijab democracy inequality discrimination Muslim veil full veil Belgium France dress rules liberal societies oppression women symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab discrimination liberal societies Belgium ban veil France 2010 inequality men counter-productive democratic society compulsory discrimination veiling rules europe symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab powerful discrimination liberal societies Belgium ban full veil France 2010 inequality men counterproductive democratic society misogyny culture religion gender issues politics law liberation identity modesty veiling coverings headscarves feminism genderEquality genderRoles culturalConflicts genderDifferences genderNorms genderIdentity genderExpression genderS symbols oppression religious symbols gender equality Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy inequality discrimination Muslim veil ban liberalism symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide gender Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy veil ban discrimination liberal societies Muslim dress inequality Muslim women full Muslim veil France ban implementation
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro02a	Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . collisions baseliner catcher tradition baseball injury play game dynamic protection defense offense predictability sport nickname peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch collisions basement tradition home plate baseball hardball fan expectations safety game dynamics innovation player safety game integrity nickname collisions basement catcher baserunner tradition baseball injury hardball sport safety nickname game play priority protection debate expectation fan manager expectations expectancies peanuts cracker jacks seventh-inning-stretch hit play protection defense offense dynamic intensity uniqueness popularity popular playful sportsmanship aggression traditions protection hitting catching running blocking hitting crashing protection safety r collisions in baseball home plate hits baseball tradition game of baseball hardball player safety catcher safety fan expectations sports injuries baseball history game dynamics baseball rules collisions baseball tradition home plate injuries fans players managers hardball dynamics offensive defensive play sport game controversy ethics protection risk history baseball tradition collisions in baseball home plate hits game of baseball sports injuries hardball nickname baserunner catcher dynamics peanuts and cracker jacks seventh-inning stretch collisions baseball tradition home plate injuries fans players managers shin guards chest protector dynamics offense defense hardball debate play sports tradition game development collisions baseball tradition home plate injuries fan expectations player safety management views shin guards chest protector physicality hardball offense-defense dynamic game integrity baseball collisions fan expectations tradition player safety internet sources game dynamics nickname hardball potential injuries home plate hits baseball tradition shin guards chest protector catcher protection baserunner risks play intensity game uniqueness injury debates ESPN.com NESN Associated Press collisions baseball tradition home plate injuries fans players managers shin guards chest protector hardball dynamic offense defense play game debate
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. migration restrictions economic benefits social impacts population growth public services urban development humanitarian crises poverty food security sub-Saharan Africa country towns rural areas business environment crime productive workforce resource allocation public goods inequality development sustainability migration restrictions economic benefits of limited migration urban development city growth population control social consequences of unrestricted migration humanitarian crises caused by overpopulation malnutrition in urban areas public service strain urban poverty crime in densely populated cities economic impact of excessive migration sub-Saharan Africa migration issues urban food security city planning and migration rationale for migration limits impact of migration on city infrastructure migration restrictions economic benefits social impact population growth public resources urban development humanitarian crises food security poverty crime city attractiveness productivity taxation rural areas urban planning resource allocation economic growth unemployment sub-Saharan Africa policy solutions migration restrictions economic benefits urban living standards public goods provision population growth civic services food security humanitarian crisis business environment social exclusion crime rates city development rural perceptions urban planning policy implications subsistence challenges migration restrictions economic benefits urban appeal population growth public resources humanitarian crises food security social exclusion crime economic development rural areas migration restrictions economic benefits of city living population growth in cities living standards public services basic goods provision humanitarian crises urban development food security economic attractiveness unemployment crime rates rural to urban migration city planning economic growth public health infrastructure migration restrictions economic benefits urban development population growth public services humanitarian crisis food security sub-Saharan Africa city appeal rural beliefs productive workforce crime rates city planning resource allocation migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits population growth public services urban development humanitarian crisis basic needs food security economic growth criminal activity rural areas city attractiveness migration restrictions economic benefits social impact urbanization population growth cities development public services food security humanitarian crises business environment rural areas economic exclusion crime resource allocation productive population sub-saharan africa world development期刊 Maxwell Daniel migration restrictions economic benefits urban development population growth public services humanitarian crisis social exclusion criminal activities food security rural areas
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con01a	Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. socialism historical development 21st century challenges political activism trade unions European socialism anti-capitalism globalization internationalism socialism evolution modern socialism 21st century socialism socialist challenges socialist adaptation trade unions decline socialist militancy anti-capitalism movement globalization impact socialist internationalism socialism historical evolution political strategies 21st century challenges anti-capitalism trade unions globalization internationalism political movements social changes socialism evolution modern socialist challenges trade unions role anti-capitalism movement globalization impact internationalist revival left politics Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political activism trade unions European socialism anti-capitalism globalization internationalism relevance expansion phrases social change historical context modern challenges political evolution trade unions socialism adaptation internationalism globalization anti-capitalism activism goal alignment political strategies economic trends socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political activism trade unions European socialism anti-capitalism globalization internationalism left politics socialism evolution challenges应对 21世纪挑战 internationalism重新发现 militancy resurgence trades unions衰落 anti-capitalism resurgence national struggles/job preservation capitalism globalization union centrality decline political activism methods变化 socialism evolution historical context modern challenges trade unions decline political activism anti-capitalism globalization impact internationalism revival Socialism historical evolution 21st-century challenges political activism trade unions anti-capitalism globalization internationalism left-wing movements
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro02a	They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, colorism racial overtones whitening creams discrimination structural inequality socioeconomic background racism lighter skin education income Brazil African Americans Latinos state regulation gender and society social capital fuel colourism racial overtones perception of whiteness inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans darker-skinned latinos education levels income Western Hemisphere Brazilian racism whitening creams state discrimination skin color social capital gender and society race in another america fuel colourism society racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference education income darker-skinned African Americans darker-skinned latinos state discrimination whitening creams racism Brazil skin color social capital gender and society gender society race discrimination skin color racism colorism racial overtones whitening creams societal ideals educational disparity income inequality structural racism state intervention discrimination social capital skin color socioeconomic background Brazil gender inequality social status colourism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural differences darker-skinned African Americans darker skinned latinos education income Brazil whitening creams racism state discrimination banning creams social capital skin colour ancestry socio-economic background colorism racial overtones whitening creams discrimination socioeconomic background racism structural inequality skin color social capital light skin advantage Brazilian society African American community equality laws search accuracy query expansion colourism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference discrimination lighter skinned African Americans latinos education income Brazil racism whitening creams state intervention social capital skin color ancestry colorism racial overtones white ideal community inferiority complex structural differences darker-skinned African Americans darker skinned latinos education socio-economic background whitening creams racism state discrimination skin color social capital Brazilian racism colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural differences discrimination socioeconomic background whitening creams racism African Americans latinos Brazil state intervention skin color gender inequalities social capital colorism racial overtones whitening creams discrimination structural racism socioeconomic background light skin preference skin color social capital racism in Brazil racial disparities skin tone discrimination education inequalities cosmetic products
test-international-epglghbni-pro01a	Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. British Empire colonialism Ireland historic injustices land rights secession Hong Kong decolonization Northern Ireland colonialism endofempire historicaljustice NorthernIreland secession righttoownership laborrights unjustseizure HongKongreversion morally obliged britain northern ireland colonialism irish independence land rights historical wrongs decolonization hong kong china british empire moral obligation secession colonialism land rights Irish independence historical injustice decolonization Hong Kong return Britain Ireland colonialism secession land rights historical justice Hong Kong British Empire colonialism moral obligation land rights Irish independence decolonization Hong Kong Northern Ireland sovereignty British Empire colonialism Ireland secession moral obligation labor rights land ownership historical wrong decolonization Hong Kong Britain Ireland colonialism secession morality historical injustice Hong Kong decolonization British Empire colonialism historical injustice Northern Ireland secession rights labor theory decolonization Hong Kong China colonialism endorsed rights land ownership historical injustices restitution Britain Hong Kong decolonization northern Ireland independence movements
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con02a	"Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. gender diversity skill-based hiring economic impact board representation quota implementation female leadership empirical evidence company performance workforce efficiency educational disparities EU labor market board composition gender quotas corporate governance economic growth hiring practices training effectiveness diversity metrics skills-based hiring gender diversity economic impact board representation quotas Norway gender-specific hiring training workforce efficiency EU business strategy economic growth gender quotas gender diversity in workforce gender equality in hiring gender-specific measures board composition gender imbalance corporate governance women in upper management economic inefficiency talent acquisition merit-based hiring diversity and inclusion human resources labor market employment practices affirmative action gender parity skill-based selection workforce development gender-blind hiring diversity metrics economic modeling gender bias in hiring workforce planning organizational effectiveness public institutions hiring practices private companies gender diversity skills-based hiring economic impact board representation empirical evidence Norway quotas gender quotas board composition structural inefficiencies upper management experience female board members Public institutions hiring private sector recruitment skills-based employment gender diversity economic impact business value creation training effectiveness European Union labor market board representation quotas Norway economic data female leadership quota implementation effects board value decline gender-specific hiring disadvantages skills gender hiring economic impact business advancement unity value creation training private companies public institutions economic growth EU women education structural inefficiencies Norway board representation firm valuation quotas employment gender quotas board diversity board performance female directors upper management experience company growth empirical data board composition skills gender economic impact hiring practices private institutions public institutions training qualifications diversity empirical data Norway board representation quotas female directors upper management experience structural inefficiencies economic growth country specific conditions EU skills gender economic impact hiring practices public institutions private institutions quality diversity training employment equality gender quotas board composition EU Norway firm valuation gender discrimination workforce diversity empirical evidence gender-specific hiring structural inefficiencies quota implementation board members upper management experience skills gender economic impact hiring practices private institutions pUBLIC institutions training empirical data EU Norway board representation female representation structural inefficiencies quota implementation upper management experience female board members firm valuation skills gender economic impact hiring practices public institutions private institutions training EU country quotas empirical data board representation female directors company performance structural inefficiencies female employees male employees experience board value quota implementation skills gender business economic impact united people value training public institutions private institutions empirical data Norway boards quotas structural inefficiencies upper management experience female board representation firm valuation"
test-international-ghbunhf-con01a	The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. United Nations peacekeeping conflict resolution military intervention international disputes UN peacekeepers peacekeeping operations UN history peacekeeping missions global peacekeeping UN peacekeeping conflict resolution military intervention UN history UN success stories UN peacekeepers roles UN conflict prevention UN missions UN peacekeeping operations international peacekeeping UN peacekeeping contributions UN peacekeeping conflict resolution military intervention international disputes UN history UN success stories peacekeeping operations UN roles UN missions global peacekeeping UN achievements UN peacekeeping international disputes military force authorization UN history peacekeeping missions UN success stories UN roles in conflict resolution UN peacekeeping operations UN military interventions UN peacekeeping contributions UN peacekeeping achievements UN peacekeeping conflict resolution military force international disputes UN peacekeepers Kuwait South Korea Cyprus peace negotiations UN peacekeeping international disputes resolution military force authorization UN success peacekeeper roles UN history conflict prevention peacekeeping missions UN contributions global peacekeeping UN peacekeeping war prevention diplomatic negotiations military intervention international disputes UN peacekeepers conflict resolution United Nations peace enforcement UN missions global peacekeeping peacekeeping operations UN history UN effectiveness UN peacekeeping prevention of wars international disputes military force authorization UN success peacekeeper roles UN history UN impact on conflicts global peacekeeping efforts UN operations examples UN peacekeeping conflict resolution military intervention international disputes peacekeepers UN history peacekeeping missions peacekeeping operations UN roles UN success peacekeeping achievements UN effectiveness UN prevention UN actions peacekeeping examples UN impact UN peacekeeping international disputes military force authorization UN success UN history peacekeeping operations UN contributions conflict prevention peace negotiations UN roles UN effectiveness peacekeeping missions UN achievements
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con02a	It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, rural communities EU farming CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation cultural preservation traditional agriculture farmer income CAP direct payments subsidies for farmers rural development urbanization farmer income traditional culture European agricultural policy rural communities support farming viability EU farm statistics farmers rural communities CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation European Union traditional culture diversity rural community support farmer incentives direct payments agricultural subsidies urbanisation impact cultural preservation European agriculture policy traditional farming rural livelihoods EU farm statistics rural communities CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation farmer income traditional culture European Union rural communities farmer viability CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation cultural preservation diversity European Union agricultural policy rural development common agricultural policy urbanisation sustainable farming economic incentives farm subsidies European Union traditional culture village preservation CAP direct payments subsidies rural communities farmer viability urbanization traditional culture European Union rural communities European Union agriculture policy farmer income CAP direct payments subsidies urbanization traditional culture diversity rural development farming economics rural employment farmer support rural livelihoods CAP policy European agriculture farm subsidies rural development urbanisation impact traditional farming cultural preservation rural economics
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con04a	Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, packaging labelling taxation enforceability health warnings tobacco regulation government lawsuits tobacco industry nigeria lawsuits public health policy enforcement alternative regulations tax measures pack labelling taxation tobacco enforcement government lawsuits health warnings brand-free packs Nigeria tobacco industry legal actions tobacco control public health policies packaging labelling taxation tobacco enforcement health warnings lawsuits government manufacturers nigeria policies regulations alternatives publichealth campaigns pack labelling taxation tobacco regulations enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria tax policy public health enforcement legal actions against tobacco IRIN news pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers nigeria lawsuits query expansion relevant phrases enforcement solutions health warnings brand-free packs government lawsuits tobacco regulation labelling requirements taxation alternatives public health policy legal actions industry compliance regulatory enforcement consumer protection health advocacy policy recommendations litigation strategies global tobacco control international laws health communication public health campaigns regulatory compliance legal precedents policy implementation health impact assessments pack labelling taxation enforceability health warnings brand-free packs government lawsuits tobacco enforcement nigeria lawsuits tobacco regulation pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers nigeria irinnews search optimization keyword expansion legal enforcement tobacco labeling public health policies government litigation regulatory compliance health warnings brand-free packaging international tobacco control lawsuit strategies regulatory impact analysis policy effectiveness consumer protection health communication regulatory frameworks tobacco industry public health legislation search outcomes enhancement recommended beneficial expansion terms pack labelling taxation alternative enforceable solutions governments tobacco manufacturers lawsuits Nigeria health warnings brand-free packs enforcement alternatives international cases regulations policies strategies public health industries market analysis impact implementation evaluation standards compliance legislation industry standards research innovations policies application adoption examples case studies legal frameworks compliance
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro07a	Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. atheism God's existence philosophy of religion theology philosophers laypeople God's lack of interest battlefield debates definitive answer God's existence proof little change in life pointless debate atheism benefits atheism god existence theological debates philosophical arguments impact of god's existence atheist perspective belief systems religious wars existence proofs life without god academic discussions atheism god existence theological debates philosophical arguments irrelevance of god impact of god's existence pointless debates belief systems existential philosophy religious conflict atheism theism god existence philosophical debates theological arguments life meaning belief systems existential questions religious wars secularism metaphysics agnosticism faith spirituality ethics moral philosophy naturalism supernatural scientific evidence philosophical inquiry spiritual beliefs non-belief worldviews human experience divine attributes cosmic indifference existential crisis ontological argument cosmological argument teleological argument moral argument problem of evil free will determinism afterlife spirituality religious studies philosophy of religion critical thinking rationality skepticism humanism secular atheism God existence theological debates philosophical arguments life meaning scientific perception religious impact existential philosophy debate irrelevance existence proof atheism theism God existence philosophical debates theological arguments lack of divine intervention existential relevance faith vs reason debating religion impact of deity belief academic disputes atheism benefits religious wars irreligion agnosticism divine indifference life purpose spiritual value metaphysical discussions secularism non-belief advantages philosophical inquiries divine absence existence proofs worldviews comparison atheism god existence philosophical debates theological discussions lack of divine intervention life purpose religious arguments academic controversy belief systems existential relevance atheism god existence theological debate philosophical arguments belief irrelevance existential impact academic discussions historical perspectives proof of deity universe perception atheist stance redundant argumentation life significance atheism God.existence theologians philosophers laypeople debate value arguing futility universe humanity battlefield definitive.answer centuries evidence change position relief hassle pointless atheism God's existence philosophy of religion theological debates existence proofs impact of God's existence human perception of divinity atheist arguments divine indifference battlefield conflicts academic disputes centuries of debate definitive answers pointless arguments hassle relief lack of change
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ academic tradition western universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university expansion critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic freedom immigration USSR Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual tradition academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech democratic process higher education expansion critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic freedom immigration academic qualifications intellectual property dissenting voices university rankings historical context academic integrity academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment democratic education university expansion free speech critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic orthodoxy migration Soviet Union USA Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual tradition academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech democratic process university expansion critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy intellectual dissent immigration Soviet Union Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual freedom academic inquiry qualification integrity academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic inquiry immigration USSR USA Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual tradition intellectual dishonesty academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic inquiry Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual tradition immigration USSR qualifications academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector ongoing process artistic changes scientific changes critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy intellectual dissent intellectual tradition immigration USSR USA Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual honesty qualifications academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment universities free speech democratic process critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic inquiry intellectual property immigrant academics USSR USA Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual honesty academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech democratic process university expansion critical pedagogy intellectual dissent academic freedom immigration trends Soviet Union United States Yale University Harvard University ETH Zurich intellectual property academic orthodoxy academic tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment university history free speech democratic process higher education expansion critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy intellectual dissent immigration academic qualifications intellectual integrity
test-international-eiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending poorest population crisis in microfinance India microcredit suicide early mortality regulation microfinance organizations default threats borrower stress banking regulation financial crisis credit distribution financial inclusion financial sustainability credit risks microfinance impact financial health population vulnerability microfinance suicides microfinance loans microfinance regulations microfinance policies microfinance failures financial distress poverty alleviation financial exclusion credit accessibility microfinance ethics microfinance challenges loan repayment credit culture microfinance debt cycles microfinance capitalism subprime lending poverty financial crises India microcredit suicide mortality regulation credit default free market ideologies Microfinance India debt sustainability population stress financial inclusion loan repayment financial regulation debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending crises poor population credit access repayment problems India suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry defaults credit distribution threats default debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending crises poorest suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poorest population credit access suicide early mortality regulation microfinance industry borrower stress defaults Biswas debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending crises poorest suicide early mortality Biswas 2010 regulation microfinance industry credit distribution threats default debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending crises poorest suicide early mortality regulation microfinance organization credit distribution defaults Biswas 2010India debt cycles microfinance capitalism subprime lending poverty credit crisis regulation India suicide microcredit repayment stress currency instability lending practices financial crisis population health market failure economic policies debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending crises poor payback stress suicide early mortality regulation microfinance organization credit distribution default India Biswas debt sustainability microfinance regulation subprime lending poverty cycle financial stress microcredit crisis India microfinance default penalties credit distribution financial suicides economic instability microfinance ethics loan repayment pressure microfinance impact alternative lending solutions
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 underground nuclear storage geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems deep underground long-term investment maintenance costs structural integrity public fears nuclear waste Yucca mountain repository costs nuclear safety small countries waste management environmental impact regulatory challenges decommissioning expenses underground nuclear storage costs geological repositories construction difficulties in deep storage 300m underground depth failsafe systems nuclear waste management small countries nuclear storage challenges in implementing underground storage maintenance costs for nuclear sites Yucca mountain repository costs of nuclear waste management potential leaks in nuclear storage public concerns over nuclear safety nuclear waste disposal alternatives underground nuclear storage geological repositories deep burial fail-safe systems nuclear waste management long-term investment structural integrity monitoring Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public opinion environmental concerns radioactive waste disposal regulatory requirements nuclear power costs geologic disposal nuclear facility maintenance environmental impact assessment nuclear energy sustainability underground nuclear storage costs deep geological repositories nuclear waste management construction challenges failsafe systems maintenance investments Yucca mountain waste repository pUBLIC fears about nuclear safety EUROPEAN nuclear waste storage underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction challenges failsafe systems long term investment maintenance Yucca mountain public fears nuclear safety waste repository structural integrity costs nuclear waste management underground nuclear storage geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems deep underground maintenance costs structural integrity Yucca Mountain public fears nuclear waste disposal long-term investment repository sites nuclear safety waste management environmental concerns underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction challenges failsafe systems maintenance costs long-term investment structural integrity Yucca mountain nuclear waste management public fears nuclear safety repository site costs underground nuclear storage geological repositories construction difficulty failsafe systems deep underground maintenance costs structural integrity Yucca mountain public fears nuclear safety long-term investment repository sites nuclear waste management environmental concerns public acceptance infrastructure challenges underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories failsafe systems nuclear waste management long term investment Yucca mountain nuclear safety public fears repository construction cost analysis nuclear energy radioactive waste disposal nuclear facility maintenance geological engineering environmental risks nuclear power plants radioactive contamination public policy energy storage solutions radioactive waste management underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories nuclear waste management maintenance costs nuclear safety failsafe systems Yucca Mountain public fears structural integrity long-term investment nuclear energy storage costly nuclear storage smaller countries nuclear waste
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability political transparency health disclosure presidential health elections government trust political manipulation leader credibility presidential deaths political misinformation vote integrity power transition political parties public relations misinformation electoral integrity presidential campaigns health propaganda accountability government transparency political trust presidential health misinformation election electorate leadership public health media reporting political integrity accountability transparency leadership elections political ethics health disclosure public trust presidential candidates misinformation governance political scandals modern ghana john atta mills nii lantey vanderpuye accountability political transparency leader's health electorate trust presidential candidates information accuracy electoral integrity public deception political misinformation health secrecy political lies presidential elections government accountability public health disclosure political scandal transparency in government health misinformation political communication presidential health rumors political trust issues political transparency issues presidential election transparency health and politics political deception electorate rights political transparency challenges presidential health rumors disclosure accountability transparency leadership public trust election health misinformation political ethics governance 信息公开 领导人健康 选举人 信任危机 accountability transparency health deceit election politics leadership truth administration electorate candidate misinformation statement presidency public trust political ethics accountability electorate transparency political ethics health secrecy presidential candidates misinformation governance leadership public trust political scandals electoral mandate political accountability health deception political lies election integrity accountability political secrecy health disclosure elected officials distrust voter relations truthfulness presidential candidates electorate trust media accountability leadership transparency accountability transparency political trust misinformation election presidency health secrecy leadership ethics political lying Ghana politics John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye accountability transparency leadership public trust health secrecy political deceit election outcomes misinformation governance democratic principles presidential health electoral accountability political ethics
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con01a	If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. double standards BBC opera broadcast religious offense Charter Article Four Christianity Muslims Sikhs profanation major broadcasters publishers UK communities established church monarchy BBC double standards religious offense Sikhs Bezthi Birmingham Rep Christian symbols profanity BBC charter established church monarchy UK communities minority faiths offensive content religious broadcasting charter obligations BBC double standards Muslim offensive content Sikh Bezthi Birmingham Rep Christian symbols profanity charter UK communities established church monarchy double standards BBC charter Christianity profanity religious offense media bias UK communities royal church representation Muslim attack comparison Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi BBC charter article 4 BBC double standards Muslim Sikh Christianity broadcast offensive content charter religious sensitivity blasphemy UK communities monarchy search performance recommendation system expansion phrases query analysis religious sensitivity double standards broadcasting regulations charter compliance community representation BBC operations minority faiths offensive content media ethics search accuracy query expansion helpful terms enrichment work attack Mohammed double standards Birmingham protests Sikh Bezthi Birmingham Rep panics broadcasted offence religions Christianity majority diverse ignored profaned symbols imagery broadcasters publishers UK Article Four BBC charter UK communities established church monarch support consideration search efficacy beneficial expansion keywords query optimization religious sensitivity broadcasting standards BBC charter community representation offensive content faith protection media bias article four uk broadcasting religious double standards christianity portrayal minority faiths bbc charter analysis public protest religious offense management BBC double standards offensive content religious sensitivities charter broadcasting regulations Christian symbols minority faiths public reaction opera controversy protest charter obligations established church monarchy media ethics search outcomes expansion terms supplementary queries double standards religious offenses BBC charter article four community representation Christian symbols profanity minority faiths UK broadcasting religious diversity charter obligations royal church support offense handling media bias religious equality cultural sensitivity charter compliance
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro04a	No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, privacy surveillance intelligence services NSA personnel communication patterns alarm bells investigation tracking foibles safety numbers NSA surveillance privacy concerns intelligence services data privacy surveillance programs privacy safety personnel limitations pattern recognition communication security intelligence gathering privacy in numbers privacy surveillance intelligence agencies NSA personnel communication patterns alarm bells information security tracking public privacy security measures safety in numbers pattern recognition oversight privacy concerns privacy concerns intelligence services surveillance programs NSA personnel limitations pattern recognition communications monitoring alarm bells information tracking privacy intelligence surveillance NSA tracking communication personnel investigation patterns privacy concerns safety in numbers privacy intelligence agencies NSA surveillance tracking communications patterns investigation safety in numbers privacy surveillance intelligence agencies personnel motivation communications patterns alarm bells NSA Foreign Policy privacy surveillance intelligence services NSA personnel costs patterns alarm bells communications safety in numbers foibles privacy surveillance intelligence agencies NSA personnel motivation tracking communications patterns alarm bells investigation safety in numbers privacy surveillance intelligence services NSA personnel constraints pattern recognition communications security information overload
test-economy-thsptr-pro03a	The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. diminishing_marginal_utility progressive_taxation economic_resources distribution_of_income moral_ownership utility_society economic_efficiency citizen_welfare collective_good state_intervention marginal_utility_of_wealth economic_damages inequality_effect public_goods efficient distribution utility maximization diminishing marginal utility progressive taxation economic resources societal wealth income redistribution collective good state intervention economic efficiency marginal utility theory wealth distribution public policy economic resources allocation utility derivation social welfare income inequality economic growth property rights moral ownership state morality economic resource utilization wealth reallocation economic efficiency improvement taxation effectiveness utility gain wealth accumulation diminishing returns social utility economic optimization wealth concentration income optimization economic justice diminishing_marginal_utility marginal_utility_of_wealth progressive_taxation economic_distribution income_distribution social_utility moralOwnership state_rights economic_resources collective_good marginal_happiness_utility inequality_effectiveness wealth_redistribution utility_maximization economic_policy government_role income_tax wealth_reallocation marginal_wealth_happiness economic_diminishing_returns resource_allocation economic_efficiency social_welfare economic_theory efficient distribution marginal utility progressive taxation economic resources social utility wealth distribution collective good ownership rights moral claim state intervention economic efficiency utility maximization efficient distribution income distribution utility maximization diminishing marginal utility progressive taxation economic resources social utility wealth distribution moral ownership collective good state intervention economic efficiency income inequality utility derivation resource allocation public policy wealth reallocation economic resources utilization diminishing_marginal_utility marginal_utility_of_wealth efficient_distribution income_distribution utility maximization society economic_resources progressive_taxation wealth_reallocation moral_ownership collective_good state_intervention economic_resources_utilization inequality revenue_collection public_goods property_rights economic_morality efficient distribution income distribution utility maximization diminishing marginal utility economic resources wealth distribution social utility progressive taxation collective good state intervention economic efficiency moral ownership property rights public services economic resources allocation wealth reallocation citizen welfare diminishing_marginal_utility marginal_utility_of_wealth inequality economic_resources social_utility maximizing_utility progressive_taxation wealth_redistribution economic_efficiency collective_good state_rights moral_ownership property_rights economic_distribution utility_theory wealth_distribution economic_incentives public_policy economic_utility social_welfare market_failures government_intervention economic_equity wealth_accumulation hedonic_adaptation resource_allocation economic_vulnerability wealth_effect consumption_happiness wealth_satisfaction inequ efficient distribution marginal utility progressive taxation aggregate utility economic resources social utility wealth distribution moral ownership rights expansion state intervention economic efficiency collective good marginal utility theory inequality reduction economic resources allocation moral justification for taxation utility maximization economic model analysis wealth reallocation diminishing marginal utility marginal utility theory wealth distribution economic resources aggregate utility maximizing utility progressive taxation collective goods state intervention moral ownership claim economic efficiency marginal utility of wealth social utility inefficient distribution internet resource public interest law
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con03a	Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. supervision cyberspace teacher role childdevelopment socialmedia interactions peerpressure identityformation cyberbullying inappropriatecontent collegeadmissions jobopportunities pempek yermolayeva calvert supervision cyberbullying socialmedia identityformation teacherrole developmentalimpact inappropriatecontent collegeadmissions employmentopportunities teachers supervision cyberspace socialmedia children peerinteraction identityformation cyberbullying unsupervised development education adolescents college job chances onlinebehavior monitoring pedagogy psychology developmental interactions appropriatebehavior onlineprivacy wellbeing Internet safetyschools onlinebullying teens technology educationimpact onlineidentity learningenvironment studentwellbeing onlineethics onlinecommunication educationaltechnology onlineharassment schoolsafety studentdevelopment onlineconduct supervision cyberbullying socialmedia teacherroles childdevelopment identityformation inappropriatebehavior collegeadmissions employmentimpact peerinteraction onlineethics digitalcitizenship youthmentoring internetusage adolescentbehavior socialnetworking technologyeducation onlineharassment digitaldivide onlineprivacy parentalinvolvement educationpolicy youthwellbeing teachers supervision cyberspace social media children peer interaction cyberbullying identity formation inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities teacher presence online safety adolescent development digital literacy internet supervision online monitoring child protection technology in education educational technology digital citizenship cyber supervision teacher role in cyberspace social media supervision impact of social media on children cyberbullying prevention teacher intervention online social networking site regulation adolescent identity formation inappropriate content online developmental psychology in cyberspace teacher monitoring digital interactions cyberspace supervision social media impacts child development cyber bullying teacher monitoring social networking sites peer interaction identity formation college admissions job opportunities online behavior adolescent communication digital literacy internet safety educational technology online reputation management cyber supervision teacher supervision social media supervision child development cyberbullying prevention adolescent behavior online interactions peer influence identity formation college admissions job prospects digital literacy internet safety educational technology parental involvement online monitoring educational impact digital footprint youth cyber safety social networking sites digital citizenship technology in education educational policy online behavior management online reputation digital ethics cyberspace supervision teacher role social media impacts adolescent behavior cyber bullying identity formation social networking supervision child development online safety educational technology digital citizenship peer interaction supervision technology in education online monitoring student well-being college admissions employment impact internet safety youth online behavior digital literacy educational strategies teacher responsibility online environment management supervision cyberbullying socialmedia teacherroles identityformation studentwellbeing onlinebehavior developmentalpsychology collegeadmissions employmentopportunities
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro03a	People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. information politicians manifestos ideas celebrity endorsement voter interest newspapers blogs online media space limitations in-depth analysis democratic process depoliticization young generations political development prohibition party tactics political transparency media bias celebrity influence democratic engagement political depolitization young voters policy analysis electoral misinformation media space constraints public policy education political campaign strategies political discourse quality political debate fairness media priorities electoral information access media ethics political education celebrity endorsements political awareness electoral processes political activism media influence on voting political misinformation electoral decision-making political engagement electoral information sources electoral transparency media role in politics political misinformation spread political ap celebrity_endorsement political_debate politicians_manifestos political_information social_media_influence media_space_limitations electoral_processes political_participation younger_generations_political_engagement democratic_process politics_education policy_analysis public_policy_formation campaign_strategy media_censorship information_overload celebrity_politics political_ambition media_interests political_discourse political_influence media_content_prioritization political_awareness political_interest electoral_choices media_bias p political information voter education media bias policy analysis political engagement celebrity influence democratic process misinformation youth apathy political discourse media space allocation political transparency public awareness political campaigning policy implementation media ethics political communication political education political misinformation media impact political misinformation spread political engagement decline political ignorance political alienation political manipulation political disinformation political obfuscation political disengagement political activism political apathy political literacy political understanding political participation political polarization political distraction political superficiality political obfuscation tactics political information gap information politicians manifestos ideas celebrity endorsement voters newspapers blogs online media space limitations policy debates democratic process informed choices depoliticization younger generations political engagement fundamental issues search performance relevant expansion phrases politicians' manifestos celebrity endorsement voter information media space newspapers blogs online media political debate coverage celebrity influence policy discussion democratic process informed voting political depoliticization younger generations political engagement search accuracy expansion terms enrich query political information celebrity influence voter engagement media space policy analysis democratic process depoliticization younger generations political development election strategies informed choice political education information politicians manifestos ideas celebrity endorsement voter interest media space newspapers blogs online media candidate exposure policy analysis democratic process depoliticization younger generations political engagement information politicians manifestos ideas celebrity endorsement voter engagement media space newspapers blogs online media political analysis democratic process depoliticization younger generations political issues campaign strategies policy formulation voter choice political development media influence public discourse political education celebrity endorsements political information manifestos ideas voter engagement media space online media newspapers blogs political debate political analysis policy platforms democratic process information access electoral processes political development depoliticization younger generations political interference political influence public opinion voter education political discourse media bias political awareness celebrity politics political misinformation electoral strategies public policy media ethics information overload media responsibility political misinformation media influence political activism media power pol
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con02a	Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 investment tourism economic growth foreign currency income European tourists Tunisia disposable incomes cointegration modeling demand favorable results foreign direct investment overnight stays agriculture services investment tourism economic growth foreign currency income Tunisia European tourists disposable income overnight stays foreign direct investment cointegration error correction models Investment tourism economic growth foreign currency income Europeans disposable incomes Tunisia foreign direct investment cointegration Error Correction Models Investment opportunities tourism impact economic growth foreign currency income European tourists Tunisia economy foreign direct investment tourism statistics tourism demand models cointegration error correction models Investment Tourism economic growth foreign currency income European travelers favourable results Tunisia foreign direct investment cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic growth Foreign investment Foreign currency income European tourists Disposable incomes Overnight stays Tunisia Cointegration Error correction models Investment tourism economic growth foreign currency income disposable incomes Tunisia European tourists cointegration foreign direct investment Investment Tourism economic growth foreign currency income foreign investment European tourists disposable incomes Tunisia services sector agriculture sector cointegration modeling demand/error correction models Investment Tourism economic growth foreign currency income Tunisia European tourists currency exchange services sector agriculture foreign direct investment cointegration modeling demand error correction models Investment Tourism Economic growth Foreign currency income European tourists Disposable income Overnight stays Tunisia Foreign direct investment Cointegration Error correction models
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro03a	There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. journalism ethical standards leveson inquiry millie dowler nick daviess amelia hill watergate anonymous sources new york times guardian le monde julian assange the spectator journalism ethical journalism Assange Leveson Inquiry Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill journalism ethics anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism definition journalism standards journalism profession journalism ethics standards journalism vs blogging journalism vs media journalism vs entertainment journalism vs advertising journalism ethical standards leveson inquiry nick davis millie dowler anonymity watergate new york times guardian le monde julian assange journalist definition actual journalists Leveson Inquiry hacking phones Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill ethical journalism advertising organizations entertainment-focused media revealing information Watergate anonymous sources New York Times Guardian Le Monde The Spectator Julian Assange journalism ethics journalists Leveson Inquiry ethical journalism phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill opinion blogs professional ethic information dissemination Watergate anonymous sources Julian Assange The Spectator New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism ethical standards leveson inquiry watergate anonymous sources new york times guardian monde ethical journalism journalist definition press ethics journalist roles media ethics journalism ethical standards media ethics leveson inquiry millie dowler nick davis amelia hill watergate anonymous sources new york times guardian monde julián assange spectator journalism ethics Leveson Inquiry Assange 信息公开 职业道德 新闻伦理 Watergate 匿名消息源 New York Times The Guardian Le Monde Milly Dowler journalism ethics Leveson Inquiry Assange professional standards ethical journalism Watergate anonymous sources Nick Davies Amelia Hill Guardian New York Times Le Monde ethical definitions journalism roles media ethics investigative journalism journalism ethical standards information dissemination professional ethic Leveson Inquiry Assange media ethics journalism definition Watergate anonymous sources Nick Davies Amelia Hill New York Times Guardian Le Monde The Spectator
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro01a	Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . collisions baseball entertainment bang-bang plays plate collisions sports violence American football ice hockey rugby rule changes collisions_baseball bang_bang_plays entertainment_sports baseball_drama violent_hits_sports baseball_rule_changes sports_collisions entertaining_plays sport_entertainment baseball_collision_risks collisions sports entertainment bang-bang plays baseball thrilling catcher blocking runner sliding sport drama violent hits rugby collisions football hits hockey body checks risk excitement sports criticism baseball rules baseball collisions bang-bang plays entertaining baseball moments dramatic baseball plays plate collisions rule changes in baseball violent hits in sports entertainment in baseball safety in baseball collisions baseball entertainment bang-bang plays dramatic plays sport safety metaphor columnist excitement violent hits American football ice hockey rugby bang-bang plays collisions at the plate baseball entertainment sports drama rule changes in baseball dangerous plays in baseball violence in sports comparing baseball to football comparing baseball to hockey comparing baseball to rugby collisions<Baseball> bang-bang plays catcher blocking plate runner sliding dramatic plays sport entertainment violent hits American football ice hockey rugby baseball safety rule changes baseball collisions bang-bang plays entertainment in sports sports drama dramatic baseball moments runner caught stealing catcher blocking plate exciting baseball plays sports safety violent hits in sports baseball rule changes comparison of sports violence collisions baseball entertainment bang-bang plays sport drama baseball criticism columnist description violent hits American football ice hockey rugby rule changes sport safety collisions baseball entertainment bang-bang plays dramatic plays sport safety rule changes violent hits American football ice hockey rugby
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro01a	The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 referendum wishes of the people democracy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaing popular vote national parliaments legitimacy referendum wishes of the people democracy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing political legitimacy national parliaments vote rejection fear of rejection referendum democracy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution public opinion parliamentary ratification legitimacy citizen vote political legitimacy democratic process referendum wishes democracy Lisbon Treaty Constitution legitimacy Valéry Giscard d’Estaing popular vote parliament Euroscepticism European Union treaty comparison referendum wishes people democratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution EU Valéry Giscard d’Estaing popular vote national parliaments fear legitimacy referendum wishes of people democracy Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaing popular vote national parliaments legitimacy referendum wishes of the people democracy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution popular vote national parliaments fear rejection legitimacy Vallèry Giscard d'Estaing referendum wishes of the people democracy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution Valléry Giscard d'Estaing popular vote national parliaments rejection legitimacy referendum wishes democracy Lisbon Treaty Constitution EU Valéry Giscard d’Estaing legitimacy popular vote fear rejection referendum democratic decision-making Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution citizen participation parliamentary ratification public rejection legitimacy of decisions Valéry Giscard d'Estaing
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro02a	Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. suicide motivations suffering family punishment responsibility cowardice mental-health impact bereavement public-policy suicide moral responsibility family impact cowardice strong sense of duty punishment for suicide attempt mental health awareness suicidal thoughts emotional pain consequences of suicide 社会责任感 家庭影响 心理健康意识 suicide morality responsibility suffering implications family mentalhealth cowardice punishment ethics suicide selfishness suffering loved ones cowardice problem solving responsibility family punishment mental health emotional impact social consequences ethical considerations prevention support empathy moral responsibility psychological harm suicide moral cowardice responsibility family suffering easy way out punishment intentional immense pain suicide impacts suicide morality suicide consequences responsible behavior selfish actions mental health stigma coping strategies family responsibilities suicide prevention ethical considerations suicide moral implications pain suffering family责任 instilling responsibility cowardice face problems mental health consequences legislation prevention suicide moral义务 suffering loved ones responsibility punishment cowardly problems face strength easy way out killing oneself family affairs selfish act suicide motives suffering family impact responsibility punishment cowardice mentalhealth prevention selfishness suicide morality family suffering pain problems responsibility cowardice punishment intervention mentalhealth emotionalimpact
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con03a	A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. hiphop marginalisation youngpeople impoverishedcommunities freespeech discrimination verserhyming rapmusic banned musicalgenre diversity expression socialaspect criticism nihilism violence predatory entrenchment nuancedebate intelligence creativity language mainstream socialexclusion marginalized protection accessibility hip hop culture rapping basics economic marginalization marginalized communities free speech debates religious expression hip hop stereotypes juvenile impressionability critical thinking musical genre diversity hip hop lyrics analysis community values academic perspectives expression rights language choice mainstream appeal creative expression access to speech diversity in art hip hop education social norms prejudice reinforcement custodial mindsets musical education music criticism rap verse analysis hip hop activism hiphop marginalization youngpeople impoverishedcommunities rapping socialexpression freespeech criticism religiousbeliefs genderstereotypes academicperspectives verselyrics socialexclusion intelligence respect creativity musicalgenres discrimination violence nihilism expression language mainstreamaccess hip hop culture marginalized communities free speech rap verses economic marginalization social exclusion critical perspective linguistic diversity musical principles hip hop history cultural expression debate on hip hop stereotypes in hip hop rap lyrics analysis academic perspectives on hip hop censorship of hip hop marginalized voices social norms and values artistic freedom access to speech linguistic nuance critical engagement with art protection of minority speech cultural stereotypes hip hop and society discourse on hip hop impact of hip hop on society hip hop marginalized communities free speech cultural stereotypes musical genre critical perspective social norms linguistic expression academic analysis debate artistic interpretation economic context community values speech rights marginalized voices musical education cultural appropriation lyrical meaning social exclusion intellectual respect creative freedom hip hop culture marginalized communities free speech rap verses social norms economic marginalization critical perspective musical diversity cultural expression religious beliefs stereotype reinforcement lyrical interpretation intellectual respect censorship debates artistic freedom community values musical education social exclusion linguistic nuances access to expression custodial mentality marginalized voices hip hop marginalized communities free speech cultural expression critical thinking stereotypes academic perspectives social norms language rights accessible art forms music criticism nuanced interpretation censorship debates youth empowerment artistic freedom hip hop diversity marginalization young people impoverished communities rapping basics free speech debate religious belief social aspects hip hop creativity ban hip hop stereotypes black men violence hip hop criticism word-play nuance critical perspective academic views marginalized communities expression music interpretation affordable speech mainstream access search optimization keywords expansion hip hop marginalized communities economic diversity cultural expression free speech debate stereotypes violence criticism nuance interpretation social norms values accessibility education marginalization academic analysis rights language representation creativity censorship inequality discourse cultural appropriation education critique hip hop culture marginalized communities critical thinking cultural expression free speech musical diversity social norms economic marginalization lyrical interpretation creative expression debate ethics speech censorship artistic freedom social exclusion linguistic nuance intellectual respect community identity music criticism minority representation artistic value social commentary censorship debates youth culture linguistic complexity cultural stereotypes expressive freedom
test-international-amehbuaisji-con02a	Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. risk lawfare israel legal process political ends article 8 settlements west bank negotiations international courts un human rights council muammar gadafi risk lawfare israel legal process political ends article 8 settlements west bank peace process international courts un human rights council muammar gaddafi risk lawfare israel legal process political ends article 8 west bank settlements peace process international courts un human rights council muammar gadaddafi risk lawfare Israel settlements policy Article 8(2)(b)(viii) peace process UN Human Rights Council resolutions punitive litigation international courts legal process politicization UN bodies criticism West Bank settlements risk lawfare israel settlements west bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council Muammar Gadaffi Article 8(2)(b)(viii) negotiation risk lawfare legal process political ends article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements west bank international courts peace process un human rights council muammar gadafi lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council Muammar Gaddafi lawfare israel settlements West Bank international courts UN Human Rights Council Muammar Gadaffi Article 8(2)(b)(viii) peace process risk lawfare israel legal process political ends article 8 west bank settlements peace process international courts un human rights council muammar gadaffi lawfare international courts settlements policy UN Human Rights Council peace process Article 8(2)(b)(viii) West Bank Israel political ends legal process abuse UN body criticism Muammar Gadaffi negotiation failure
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con01a	Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. social disgust art conceptual art provocation strong reactions emotional engagement taboo topics censorship critical thinking Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping artistic expression emotional responses contemplation ideas in art conceptual art taboo subjects emotional response critical engagement Sarah Lucas provocative art social disgust art censorship intellectual insight emotional first response social disgust provocation in art conceptual art taboo topics emotional reactions in art sarah lucas provocative art disgust in art art and emotion contemplation of art taboo subjects in art critical engagement with art social disgust provocation in art conceptual art strong reactions taboo subjects emotional engagement critical thinking art censorship Sarah Lucas sexuality and gender stereotyping emotional response art criticism provocative art intellectual contemplation art's role in society social disgust conceptual art taboo subjects emotion engagement critical thinking Sarah Lucas provocations art censorship emotional response artistic expression social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual art taboo areas death religion sexuality banned emotions attention drawing attention taboos Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping context contemplation ideas vital social disgust conceptual art taboo topics emotion engagement critical thinking Sarah Lucas provocation art theory emotional response artistic freedom social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual art taboo areas death religion sexuality emotions shock necessary provocative art disgust critical engagement contemplation insight ideas central taboos Sarah Lucas gender stereotypes social disgust conceptual art emotional engagement taboo subjects provocations critical thinking Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotypes art censorship emotional responses artistic intent cultural taboos artist's message emotional contemplation disgust art conceptual art provocation in art taboo subjects in art critical engagement with art Sarah Lucas art emotional responses in art art and ethics artistic freedom art and censorship
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem globalization friendship maintain connections shared interests online social networks circle of friends expanding social network experimental investigation positive self-views close relationships Facebook socialization child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world maintaining friendships expanding social circles online communication shared interests self-efficacy positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles online communication social networks peer interaction shared interests maintaining friendships expanding social circles chat conversations shared photos status updates self-efficacy happiness online social behavior self-control positive self-views social networks benefits child socialization peer interaction online friendships global connectivity maintaining relationships distance communication shared interests mental health friendship quality confidence building online communities consumer research positive self-esteem social support experimental studies Facebook socialization child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world maintaining friendships expanded social circles online communication chat conversations shared photos status updates self-control consumer research self-views experimental investigation socialization selfesteem selfconfidence onlinefriends globalizedworld socialnetworks chatconversations sharedphotos statusupdates selfesteem selfcontrol positiveview experimentalinvestigation Facebook socialisation child development trust self-esteem globalization maintain friendships expanding friend circle online communication shared interests chats photos status updates circle of friends self-control consumer research self-views positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world maintaining friendships expanded social circles shared interests online communication self-control self-view positive psychology social networks impact Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world maintaining friendships expanding social circle online social networks self-efficacy positive self-view experimental investigation consumer research Facebook socialization child development trust self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles online social networks self-control positive self-views experimental investigation
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural-urban migration economic growth infrastructure investment urban privilege special economic zones workforce development investment in rural areas urban-rural divide Cultural divisions China urbanization sub-Saharan Africa rural challenges urban food security decision making priorities rural-urban migration economic growth rural areas urban areas decision making national level China urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure rural workforce investors urban-rural divide sub-saharan africa food security workforce migration investment priorities cultural divisions resource allocation prioritization rural-urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones workforce migration cultural divide investment strategies urbanization impact food security policy making inequality sub-saharan africa urban-rural divide china development rural-urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones workforce migration investment in rural areas urban-rural divide balanced workforce investor attraction political economy food security China's urbanization social change rural-urban migration economic growth decision makers urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce migration investor attraction urban food security sub-Saharan Africa China urban-rural divide rural-urban migration economic growth cultural divisions urban privilege investment in rural areas special economic zones workforce in cities urban food security sub-saharan africa China urban-rural divide rural areas economic growth urban privilege special economic zones workforce migration investment priorities China rural-urban divide food security urban modernization cultural divisions resource allocation sub-saharan africa rural-urban migration economic growth resource allocation decision making urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment cultural divisions workforce retention investor attraction urban modernization rural development policy prioritization China urbanization search optimization keyword expansion rural urban migration economic impact urban privilege special economic zones workforce migration investment in rural areas balanced workforce urban-rural divide China urbanization political economy urban food security sub-saharan Africa development resource allocation infrastructure development cultural divisions urban modernization rural underdevelopment rural development urbanization impact economic inequality resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones rural workforce investment strategies urban-rural divide cultural divisions urban modernization rural stagnation policy recommendations China urbanization resource distribution workforce migration rural revitalization urban bias
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro01a	These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, skin whitening creams mercury health problems renal damage mental health cosmetic safety consumer protection banned products WHO skin care safety toxic ingredients cosmetic regulations Skin whitening creams mercury health problems renal damage cosmetic safety banned products World Health Organization consumer protection cosmetic ingredients toxic chemicals health hazards regulatory standards skin issues mental health product bans ingredient safety cosmetic regulations skin whitening creams mercury harmful ingredients health problems kidney damage mental health cosmetic safety banned products consumer protection WHO skin issues skin whitening creams dangers mercury in cosmetics health risks from skin lighteners ban on harmful beauty products mercury toxicity skin problems from mercury renal damage from cosmetics mental health issues from skin lighteners world health organization skin whitening cosmetic safety regulations harmful ingredients in beauty products search query expansion dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems kidney damage mental health consumer safety cosmetic regulations WHO skin lightening products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems kidney damage mental health consumer safety cosmetic bans WHO skin whitening creams mercury health problems renal damage mental health cosmetic safety product bans WHO toxic ingredients search efficacy expansion keywords skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage major skin issues mental health banned products consumer safety cosmetic regulations WHO mercury toxicity health hazards cosmetic safety regulatory measures ingredient safety skin care safety health risks product bans consumer protection search optimization expansion terms dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal kidney damage states world ban consumer products consumption cosmetics prevention WHO World Health Organization lightening toxicity Skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage mental health cosmetic safety consumer protection banned products WHO
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con03a	Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, smoking ban economic impact smoking ban job loss smoking ban bar closures economic effects smoking ban smoking restrictions employment smoking ban pub impact smoking regulation economy smoking ban social implications economic consequences smoking ban smoking ban public health smoking regulations employment impact smoking ban economic impact smoking ban closures bars and smoking bans employment drop smoking bans smoking ban public health economic consequences smoking ban bar closures smoking ban smoking restrictions businesses effects of smoking ban on economy smoking ban social implications smoking ban job loss economic impact smoking ban pub closures employment rates public health policy 酒吧关闭 就业下降 吸烟禁令影响 smoking ban economic impact smoking ban job loss smoking ban business effect smoking ban bar closures smoking restrictions economic consequences smoking ban employment drop smoking ban public health debate smoking ban legal challenges smoking ban social impact smoking ban financial analysis smoking ban economic impact employment bars closure public health policy economic downturn tobacco control 酒吧 夜店 经济衰退 elevate search performance relevant expansion phrases query analysis business impact smoking ban economic effects closure rates employment decline pub industry social implications public health debates evidence-based policy bar closures UK smoking ban U.S. smoking bans economic research smoker behavior health policies environmental restrictions consumer behavior economic impact analysis health economics public health measures industrial effects market dynamics legal implications health risks smoking regulations policy enforcement economic models healthcare costs job market impacts local economies community effects healthcare access public spaces reg smoking ban economic impact smoking cessation venues bar closure smoking ban economic effects smoking restrictions employment drop bars smoking ban public health economics smoking ban UK smoking ban bars US smoking ban economic study smoking ban economic impact smoking ban bar closures smoking ban employment drop smoking restrictions economic consequences smoking ban business effects smoking ban public health trade-offs smoking regulation economic analysis smoking ban social impact smoking ban restaurant business smoking ban consumer behavior smoking ban economic impact smoking ban bar closures smoking ban employment effects smoking ban public health smoking ban economic analysis smoking ban酒吧关闭 smoking ban就业影响 smoking ban经济后果 smoking ban酒吧经济 smoking ban经济研究 economic impact smoking ban closures employment public health evidence research pub industry bar economics critics smokers behavior regional economist bbc news
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro03a	There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, safeguards democracies UK intelligence oversight authorisation Secretary of State civil servants legal advice Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner laws political systems accountability compliance intelligence agencies security measures democratic accountability oversight mechanisms intelligence services secretarial approval legal advice commissioners interception laws government safeguards democratic oversight regulatory frameworks security agencies civil servants legal compliance intelligence oversight parliamentary oversight democratic safeguards safeguards democracies UK intelligence agencies democratic accountability oversight authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance with law political systems security measures authorisation process due diligence legal frameworks [1] safeguards democracies UK intelligence accountability oversight authorisation secretary legal advice civil servants independent review compliance laws safeguards democracies UK democratic accountability oversight Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner authorisation legal advice civil servants Foreign Secretary Home Secretary compliance laws safeguards democracies UK intelligence agencies democratic accountability oversight authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance laws prism statement safeguards democracies intelligence accountability oversight authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law politics.co.uk 2013 safeguards democracies UK intelligence oversight authorisation Secretary of State civil servants legal advice independent review compliance Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner democratic accountability safeguards democracies UK intelligence oversight authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary civil servants legal advice Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance laws accountability democratic accountability intelligence agencies security measures prevent abuse security oversight legislation regulation public interest transparency government transparency safeguards democracies UK Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner democratic accountability oversight legal advice civil servants authorisation Foreign Secretary Home Secretary compliance laws
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con03a	There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 policy options economic advantages discriminatory quotas anti-constitutional regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity OECD capital access entrepreneurship female start-ups credit access red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signings rankings voluntary quotas binding quotas economic distortions EU constitution policy options economic advantages quota discrimination anti-constitutional France policy instruments capital access regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs growth promising business creation credit access red tape gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings voluntary quotas EU gender equality Economic distortions quotas flexibility national economies sustainable development gender role maximization OECD report European Parliament report gender equality entrepreneurship policy options economic advantages quotas discrimination constitutionality capital access regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD productivity business creation credit access red tape voluntary quotas gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings economic distortions constitutional complications policy options economic advantages distortive effects quotas anti-constitutional France policy instruments easy implementation top-down approach access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden OECD productivity growth entrepreneurship female start-up ratios credit access red tape gender equality labels awards charter signing ratings voluntary quotas EU growth gender equality economic distortions constitutional complications search efficiency expand query policy options economic advantage discriminatory quotas anti-constitutional policy instruments implementation top-down approach access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship gender equality credit access red tape non-legislative instruments labels awards charter signing rankings voluntary quotas EU economic distortions constitutional complications search performance recommendation algorithms policy options economic advantages quota systems discrimination constitutionality business climate women entrepreneurship capital access regulatory obstacles gender equality non-legislative measures economic growth job creation OECD EU quotas flexibility voluntary measures constitutional complications search accuracy policy options economic advantages discriminatory policies anti-constitutional implementation challenges access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps OECD countries entrepreneurship growth productivity credit access red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings voluntary quotas EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options economic advantages distortive effects quotas discrimination anti-constitutional female entrepreneurs government policies capital access regulatory obstacles OECD country comparisons Ireland Iceland Sweden gender gaps productivity entrepreneurship growth EU gender equality credit access red tape non-legislative instruments labels awards charter signing ranks voluntary quotas flexible quotas binding quotas national economies sustainable development environmental role search optimization policy options economic advantage quota discrimination constitutional issues entrepreneurship female entrepreneurship government policy regulatory obstacles capital access gender equality economic growth OECD EU job creation credit access red tape reductions gender quotas sustainable development company labels awards charters ratifications flexible quotas voluntary quotas gender gaps country comparisons Ireland Iceland Sweden United States Canada [1]OECD report [2]European Parliament search outcomes recommendation beneficial expansion terms policy options less distortive economic advantages quotas discrimination anti-constitutional France policy instruments implementation top-down approach access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurship OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship economic growth self-employed firm-owners gender equality non-legislative instruments labels awards charter signing rankings external imposed changes voluntary quotas EU economic distortions constitutional complications national economies gender equality in companies business creation job creation gender roles sustainable development European
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro06a	entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: natural selection cognitive psychology evolutionary biology religion psychology supernatural belief brain architecture cognitive processes species development God existence natural theories evolution religion psychology supernatural belief cognitive processes religious formation human brain architecture survival capabilities causal narratives mental attribution childhood of humanity evidence against gods religious development theory natural selection cognitive psychology evolutionary theory supernatural belief religious psychology human cognition evolutionary biology mental models causal reasoning social cohesion psychological origins religion development naturalistic explanation cognitive science atheism belief formation religious psychology brain architecture natural theories cognitive psychology evolutionary processes supernatural belief religion development brain architecture survival capabilities causal narratives independent agents cognitive mechanisms religious explanations god existence species growth scientific understanding atheism faith vs science psychological explanations natural phenomena belief origins religious cradle cognitive evolution natural processes psychology evolution cognitive processes supernatural religion explanation God belief human development brain architecture survival cognitive mechanisms childhood adolescence growth natural explanations evolutionary psychology cognitive processes supernatural purpose religious belief human psychology god existence religion development mental abilities species growth natural theories belief in God religious development cognitive psychology evolutionary biology supernatural purpose survival mechanisms cognitive processes brain architecture religious belief species growth natural explanations cognitive psychology evolutionary theory religion development supernatural beliefs brain architecture survival mechanisms causal narratives independent agents cognitive processes god existence religion origins natural phenomena cognitive mechanisms species growth atheism reasoning natural processes evolution cognitive psychology religious belief God's existence supernatural purpose mind development psychological explanations religion origin species growth natural selection cognitive processes evolutionary psychology brain architecture supernatural purpose religion development human cognition existential reasons psychological explanations
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro04a	Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia state nation strong leadership historical context centralised authority imperialism tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfdom Soviet Union Lenin Stalin cultural factors democracy representative government diversity population density Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong rulers regional leaders religious fundamentalism strong leadership Russia history strong rulers Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin representative democracy Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation religious fundamentalism strong leadership Russia history strong rulers Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin stalin cultural factors representative democracy regional fragmentation religious fundamentalism economic stagnation Caucasus centralized authority strong leadership russia history tsar peter the great alexander ii lenin stalin cultural suitability strong ruler representative democracy regional fragmentation religious fundamentalism economic stagnation Russia strong leadership historical context tsars Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin representative democracy cultural factors regional fragmentation religious fundamentalism economic stagnation strong leadership historical context tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfdom centralised governance cultural factors representative democracy Lenin Stalin Russian culture regional fragmentation religious fundamentalism economic stagnation strong leadership historical context centralised government Russia's size cultural factors representative democracy Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin regional instability religious fundamentalism economic stagnation strong leadership Russia taras tsars Peter the Great Alexander II Leningrad Cultural unity representative democracy serf emancipation Lenin Stalin Caucasus economic stagnation regional strongmen religious fundamentalism Russia strong leadership historical context tsars Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin representative democracy cultural suitability regional fragmentation religious fundamentalism economic stagnation strong leadership Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin Central Asian challenges cultural suitability representative democracy regional strongmen religious fundamentalism economic stagnation
test-law-phwmfri-con01a	A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. flat rate justice proportionate fines offender equality wealth disparity criminal harm social impact fine anomalies legal fairness income based fines flat rate justice proportionate fines income equality criminal justice social inequality fairness in law legal system reform harm principle fine disparity equality before law wealth and crime punishment equity social harm assessment justice for all rich versus poor fine justice criminal sentencing reform wealth-based punishment criminology legal ethics fine justice system flat rate proportionate punishment income disparity criminal justice equality fines severity of crime social harm wealth influence justice fairness legal anomalies flat rate justice proportionate fines crimes severity offender income equality in justice harm caused rich and poor fine disparities social impact of fines justice system fairness fine system reform littering fines serious offences fine anomalies flat rate proportionate fines justice system equality harmfulness of crimes income disparity fine anomalies rich versus poor fairness in justice punishment equity social harm cost of crime justice system flat rate fines proportional fines income inequality crime severity offender equality social harm legal fairness public perception criminal justice economic disparity flat rate justice system income crime severity proportionate punishment equality fines social impact legal fairness economic inequality criminal justice public perception legal reform judicial system fine disparities sociolegal studies criminal sentencing flat rate proportionate fines severity of crime offender's income equality in justice justice system rich versus poor cost of harm crime severity fine disparity public perception legal fairness social impact criminal justice economic justice legal equality punishment fairness crimes and punishments financial penalties flat rate justice proportionate fines income inequality crime severity offender equality justice system fairness criminal harm assessment fine discrepancies public trust in justice flat rate justice proportional fines crime severity income disparity legal equality fine equity social harm harm assessment fairness in justice justice anomalies rich and poor fine disparity criminal sentencing legal fairness justice system criticism
test-economy-thsptr-pro02a	Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: taxation wealth inequality rule of law state benefits property rights market formation public utilities taxation fairness Buffett tax wealthy obligations wealthier people state benefits rule of law property rights taxation fairness market formation state utilities public roads property protection market maintenance tax contribution wealthy obligations wealthier people state benefits rule of law property rights taxation market formation state utilities public roads property protection social contract economic inequality taxation fairness state maintenance wealth contribution wealthier people state benefits taxation fairness rule of law property rights market formation public infrastructure economic justice progressive taxation Buffett tax state utilities market maintenance wealth inequality government obligations state provision rule of law importance public goods economic dependency tax contribution enhance search efficiency expand query valuable terms wealth state obligations rule of law property rights taxation market formation public utilities wealthy individuals market maintenance Bangladeshi comparison Warren Buffett progressive taxes state services search performance relevant expansion phrases query recommendation wealth state obligations rule of law property rights taxation market formation public utilities wealth inequality government services economic benefits social contract tax justice Buffett tax public infrastructure wealthier people state benefits rule of law property rights market formation taxation fairness Buffett argument state utilities public roads property rights protection market maintenance tax contribution义务 wealthier people state benefits rule of law taxation market formation property rights public utilities state obligations income inequality economic protection state maintenance tax justice law enforcement infrastructure usage market stability Buffett tax state services search optimization taxation wealth distribution state benefits rule of law mob rule property rights market formation public utilities tax funding wealthier individuals poorer individuals legal systems social contract public services market maintenance wealth accumulation corporate taxation government institutions political economy inequality public goods economic justice progressive taxation wealthier people state benefits rule of law property rights market formation taxation obligations public infrastructure state utilities market maintenance legal protections economic contributions
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con02a	Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. licensing fees pay television public broadcaster british population media regulation stakeholders duty of care editorial independence corporate responsibility paid programming opinion polling public service broadcasting media ownership licensing objections media funding models public broadcaster criticism compulsory fees corporate governance broadcasting standards public institution media accountability public media challenges licensing fee protests media ethics media impact pay TV versus public broadcasting media funding disputes broadcasting autonomy media trust public broadcaster funding media transparency broadcasting controversy public media challenges licensing fee debates BBC funding public institution criticism stakeholder importance media branding compulsory license fee institutional sensitivity public service broadcaster national media public trust institutional response compulsory taxation equivalent public opinion impact media accountability broadcasting regulation public broadcaster funding model public service broadcasting principles licensing fees controversy licensing fees public broadcasting viewer protests british population social responsibility media criticism corporate response public institution duty of care compulsory fees licence fee payers key stakeholder protest objections BBC funding public institution media brand compulsory licence fee national broadcaster public duty of care senior managers response editor resignation institutional arrogance compulsory funding media responsibility public service broadcasting audience sensitivity media ethics licence fee controversy public broadcaster accountability protest impact institutional reaction media funding models license fee payers BBC stakeholders public institution duty protest objections media branding institutional response compulsory fees national broadcaster role public service sensitivity licence fee payers BBC stakeholders public institution media brand protest objections institutional sensitivity national broadcaster compulsory fee corporate response public duty of care BBC licence fee payers public institution national broadcaster funding stakeholder strategy senior managers editor resignation compulsory licence fee duty of care public service broadcasting media brand institutional response protest objection media ethics cultural impact accountability licensing fees public broadcaster social objection corporate responsiveness population funding duty of care national institution media brand stakeholder respect arrogant management compulsory fee license fee payers BBC stakeholders public institution responsibility funding mechanisms media brand positioning public service broadcasting compulsory licensing corporate response public trust media accountability institutional sensitivity audience rights media ethics public broadcaster challenges media funding models licence fee payers BBC stakeholders public institution duty private corporation comparison national broadcaster funding institutional arrogance compulsory licence fee public service broadcasting corporate response to criticism media brand positioning public trust and responsibility institutional sensitivity media accountability broadcaster ethics public institution challenges
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro04a	Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. social media signaling theory violent behavior Twitter riots mob mentality acceptable behavior social unrest catalyst government intervention mayhem information dissemination online communication public behavior digital activism crowd psychology information echo chamber online rioting digital riot social network analysis social signal behavior amplification digital mobbing online violence social influence digital unrest digital communication crowd sourcing violence information diffusion social media impact cyber riot digital protest online signaling social behavior dynamics virtual mob digital escalation social media governance online social networks digital communication channels social signal ampl social media impact mob mentality information spread crowd behavior digital communication escalation mechanisms government intervention public order technological influence conflict dynamics social media signaling theory mob psychology behavior escalation Twitter riots looting vandalism government intervention information diffusion online mobilization public behavior community norms digital communication conflict amplification network effects crowd behavior information technology social signaling digital activism public safety civil unrest online propaganda social dynamics digital influence behavior propagation social media impact cyber violence riot management digital ethics online radicalization social contagion online behavior digital surveillance social media security digital policing social networks violent behavior signal theory riots mob mentality boundary crossing looting catalyst government intervention flashpoints mayhem escalation risk management social unrest lens theory acceptable behavior digital communication online activism Twitter power dynamics public behavior group psychology urban violence information diffusion public order security measures emergency response community impact peacekeeping conflict analysis behavioral science communication technology information warfare social media public safety political instability urban planning sociology psychology criminology internet usage media social networks violent behavior signal theory Twitter riots mob mentality acceptable behavior vandalism looting catalyst government intervention flashpoints social networks violent behavior social signaling Twitter riots mob mentality acceptable behavior vandalism looting government intervention escalation mayhem flashpoints social networks violent behavior signal riots mob psychology boundaries looting Twitter catalyst governments escalation unrest flashpoints social networks violent behavior signal theory mob psychology looting Twitter riots escalation public behavior catalyst government intervention social unrest flashpoints vandalism behavioral ripple effect social networks violent behavior signal theory Twitter riots mob mentality acceptable behavior boundary crossing looting government intervention flashpoints mayhem catalyst social media signaling theory crowd behavior mob mentality boundary crossing information dissemination government intervention violence amplification digital communication riot dynamics public safety cyber policing social engineering information ecology digital activism online radicalization network effects
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con04a	The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. enforcement student-teacher relationships internet monitoring privacy laws data access digital surveillance legal ethics cyber behavior online communication privacy rights educational policy enforcement methods privacy laws teacher-student relationships surveillance ethics digital footprint data access regulations internet monitoring legal privacy violations educational policies online communication surveillance enforcement privacy internet monitoring student-teacher relationships data access legal implications surveillance technology in education privacy laws digital footprint electronic communication cyber surveillance enforceable laws student-teacher relationships internet communication privacy violations surveillance methods legal enforcement data access permissions digital privacy educational regulations technology in education monitoring software legal privacy rights internet tracking teacher misconduct student protection electronic communication monitoring digital footprint online behavior monitoring cyber ethics digital surveillance enforcement privacy internet monitoring student-teacher relationships data access surveillance confidentiality legal violations digital footprint cyber ethics privacy laws enforceable laws student-teacher relationships privacy violations internet surveillance data access rights legal enforcement methods technology monitoring educational ethics cyber privacy government intervention digital footprint online communication tracking legal privacy bounds enforcement student-teacher relationship internet communication privacy laws data access surveillance legal violations digital privacy internet monitoring privacy invasion enforcement privacy violation internet communication legal surveillance data access digital privacy educational ethics technological monitoring cyber relationships law enforcement privacy laws online behavior data protection teacher-student relationships digital footprint electronic monitoring cyber security parental rights school policies law enforcement student-teacher relationship privacy violation internet surveillance data access rights electronic communication monitoring legal privacy educational ethics digital footprint online behavior monitoring law enforcement student-teacher relationship privacy laws digital surveillance internet monitoring data protection cyber privacy electronic communications legal violations educational ethics
test-society-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, migration policy economic development professional choice urban rural social mobility human capital migration models [1]Taylor economic impacts free movement labour surplus migration policy economic mobility urban rural profession choice human capital migration models labour surplus talent utilization restrictions migration economic impact professional choice ruralurban migration models human capital policy effects [1] Taylor Edward Migration Rural Population Change Educational Potential Urban Professions Social Mobility Labor Market Demographic Shifts Agricultural Economics restrictions on migration potential career choices urban development rural vs urban human capital migration labor surplus population change models policy impacts restrictions migration young people profession urban rural potential talents capital models economic efficiency development human capital labour surplus migration policies professions specialization urban development free movement restrictions on movement migration benefits urban development rural surplus labor migration policies profession choice potential talent utilization capital humanmigration migration labor mobility rural development urbanization human capital economic models policy impacts professional choices talent allocation economic disparities restrictions migration benefits costs urban rural population talents professions models economic effects development human capital search optimization keyword expansion restrictions impact labor mobility rural versus urban talent misallocation policy analysis human capital migration economic models rural surplus urban workforce需求 migration benefits of unrestricted movement potential loss city professions rural vs urban population models human capital economic efficiency free movement policies migration policies skill mismatch [1] Taylor Edward J. Martin Philip L. Handbook of Agricultural Economics
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro03a	"Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. rioting spread prevention social media copycat police response media exposure localisation control escalation rioting spread media influence control police strategy copycat violence social media exposure localization policing tactics population governance emergency management policing techniques community safety public order risks mitigation risks prevention policing policies security countermeasures riots spreading mitigate contain prevention control risks police strategy policing tactics risks population governance emergency management policing rioting spread copycat media influence social media control prevention local police response prevention containment communication escalation law enforcement public order urban unrest community police strategy crowd behavior psychological factors law enforcement tactics riot prevention media impact social dynamics public safety policing strategies community policing emergency management conflict resolution crime prevention civil unrest psychological triggers social media influence information dissemination crowd psychology law enforcement training riot control police tactics public reaction social engineering psychological operations community engagement law enforcement cooperation riot planning rioting prevention social media impact media influence on riots copycat behavior police strategy controlling riot spread localizing riots preventing social unrest public information management managing media during riots psychological factors in rioting riots spreading copycat media exposure social media Greater Manchester Police policing strategies control prevention relevant expansion phrases social media impact media exposure effect local control strategies prevent copycat riots police response effectiveness riot containment public awareness management community engagement media influence on riots spread prevention techniques psychological triggers for riots social dynamics analysis riot control tactics public communication strategies rioting spread copycat media influence social media control prevention police strategy local escalation stop riots spread prevention police strategy copycat behavior media influence social media control local containment public awareness riot management community response law enforcement tactics rioting prevention police strategy media influence social media impact copycat behavior local control riot management public knowledge community response law enforcement tactics rioting prevention media influence on riots copycat behavior social media impact police strategy control measures local containment spread prevention public awareness law enforcement response community engagement psychological triggers"
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro01a	Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Internet regulation government surveillance citizen privacy data mining deep packet inspection intelligence agencies democratic control civil liberties digital rights cybersecurity privacy violations electronic monitoring online tracking surveillance technologies transparency intelligence gathering digital espionage internet freedom human rights surveillance laws electronic communications interception privacy rights government transparency digital security cyber surveillance privacy invasion data protection surveillance ethics Internet regulation government surveillance privacy violations data mining deep packet inspection civil liberties intelligence agencies democratic control internet freedom privacy rights electronic surveillance cybersecurity digital privacy human rights surveillance state whistleblowers NSA Edward Snowden government surveillance internet regulation privacy violations data mining fundamental rights electronic monitoring democratic control security vs privacy intelligence agencies electronic frontier foundation reporters without borders government surveillance internet regulation online privacy automated data-mining deep packet inspection fundamental rights citizen tracking democratic control intelligence agencies electronic monitoring privacy violations surveillance techniques electronic communication spying ethics privacy advocacy Internet freedom security vs privacy Internet regulation government surveillance citizen privacy automated data-mining deep packet inspection electronic privacy intelligence agency democratic control privacy violations transparency spying techniques electronic messages Facebook Twitter correspondence secrecy warrant requirement false positives digital surveillance regulating internet government surveillance citizen privacy internet tracking data mining deep packet inspection fundamental rights democratic control intelligence agencies privacy violations reporters without borders electronic frontier foundation government surveillance internet regulation privacy rights data mining deep packet inspection fundamental principles democratic control intelligence agencies electronic monitoring spy techniques correspondence secrecy reporters without borders electronic frontier foundation nsa spying Internet regulation government surveillance citizen privacy data mining deep packet inspection warrants false positives democratic control intelligence agencies transparency Reporters Without Borders privacy rights Electronic Frontier Foundation NSA spying Internet regulation government surveillance citizen privacy data mining deep packet inspection fundamental rights intelligence agencies democratic control reporting organizations legal principles vigilance and oversight privacy violations electronic communications surveillance techniques transparency issues secret intelligence operations government surveillance internet regulation privacy violations data mining fundamental rights intelligence agencies democratic control electronic communication secret interception transparency reporters without borders electronic frontier foundation
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con03a	Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 agriculture tunisia industrial sectors unreliable sectors economic recession alternatives to tourism low value products investment in agriculture performance appraisal empirical analysis agriculture vulnerabilities industrial sector reliability tourism alternatives economic recessions impact agricultural performance industrial sector profits Tunisia economy sector investments alternative industries economic appraisal empirical analysis Tunisia agriculture sector industrial sector reliability economic recession tourism investment employment economic appraisal empirical analysis lucrative profits reliable industries agriculture sector issues industrial sector vulnerability tourism alternatives economic performance analysis investment impact on agriculture agricultural productivity industrial sector during recession low-value products economic appraisal empirical analysis Tunisia's economy food importation tourism industry sector reliability economic recession effects Tunisia agriculture sector industrial sector reliability economic recession tourism alternatives investment economic appraisal empirical analysis lucrative profits importation food demand economic appraisal empirical analysis reliable sectors agriculture challenges industrial vulnerability tourism alternatives economic appraisal innovation analysis Tunisia economy 2008 recession impact low value products investment in agriculture poor sector performance reliability agriculture sector industrial sector economic recession Tunisia tourism alternative investment economic appraisal empirical analysis profitability food importation vulnerability low value products reliable industries agriculture unreliability industrial sector vulnerability tourism alternatives economic performance investment impact recession effects profitable goods Tunisia's economy Tunisia agriculture sector tourism alternatives economic reliability industrial sector vulnerability 1985-2000 performance 2008 recession impact low value goods alternative industries investment history economic appraisal empirical analysis Tunisia agriculture investment agricultural performance industrial sector vulnerability economic recession impact low value products tourism alternatives economic appraisal empirical analysis food importation economic returns
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro02a	This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, unelected power politician endorsements celebrity influence democratic process political outcomes public misinformation voter influence political journalism media impact democratic justice political endorsements celebrity politics democratic principles voting rights political misinformation media ethics political transparency public opinion campaign strategies voter behavior political power media influence celebrity endorsements political accountability election fairness media responsibility political manipulation voter information public engagement political activism media bias political representation voter turnout political corruption public trust democratic legitimacy media effects political campaigning voter manipulation political communication media credibility political ethics public unelected power political endorsements celebrity influence democratic process uninformed voters political journalism media bias political outcomes public misinformation celebrity politics democratic principles one person one vote political endorsements impact political journalism influence media ethics political transparency celebrity political endorsements unchecked power public opinion manipulation democratic accountability political campaigning media and politics political power dynamics celebrity activism political information sources public trust in media political communication media influence on politics celebrity_endorsements political_power unelected_officials democratic_process public_influence media_influence political_outcomes voter_influence electoral_impact media_bias celebrity_politics electoral_votes public_opinion informed_voting media_effects political_information public_informing election_influence media_influence_analysis celebrity_political_endorsements unaccountable_power media_influence_on_voting intellectual_credential vote_manipulation media_effects_on_elections media_influence_politics media celebrity_politics political_endorsements uninformed_votes democratic_principles unaccountable_power influencer_politics media_influence public_misinformation political_transparency election_influence celebrity_influence political_reporting democratic_process unchecked_power voter_influence political_endorsement_effects public_opinion_sway unelected power politician endorsements voter influence celebrity politics democratic system uninformed voters public misinformation political outcomes media influence celebrity endorsements search performance query expansion relevant phrases political endorsements celebrity influence democratic system unelected power voter influence public misinformation media impact celebrity politics election outcomes public opinion political knowledge electoral influence information asymmetry celebrity endorsements Voting behavior media ethics power dynamics public relations unaccountable influence political journalism media bias electoral integrity public trust media responsibility election transparency political manipulation media influence electoral fairness media power public engagement media impact on elections political communication media and politics celebrity_endorsements political_influence democratic_system unelected_power unaccountable_influence public_informing voter_influence 2008_us_presidential_primary journal_of_law_and_economics media_influence power_checking public_misleading one_person_one_vote celebrity_politics unelected power politician endorsements voter influence celebrity politics democratic process public misinformation political outcomes influencer activism one person one vote media bias political journalism unaccountable power democratic principles political endorsements celebrity endorsements democratic system justice political endorsements votes campaign influence celebrity politics unelected power democratic system endorsement impact political knowledge informed voting media influence celebrity endorsements election outcomes political journalism power accountability political information social influence public opinion media bias political participation voter manipulation political influence public relations media ethics political transparency electoral fairness political democracy political campaigning political influence measurement political power dynamics political information dissemination media effects political activism political advertising public discourse media and politics endorsement_effects political_influence celebrity_politics democratic_process informed_voting unelected_power public_influence media_influence electoral_impact public_opinion_manipulation
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro01a	Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, suicide euthanasia morality human rights religion sacredness life value integrity obligation ethics buddhism suicide morality human rights religion euthanasia life value sacredness criminalization buddhism ethics suicide morality religious views on suicide sanctity of life human rights and obligations euthanasia ethics Buddhist perspective on suicide moral worth of life religious perspectives on human rights suicide ethics human life value religious views on suicide moral worth of life human rights obligations euthanasia debate sanctity of life moral implications of suicide Buddhism and suicide religious perspectives on euthanasia suicide moral worth human rights sanctity of life religions euthanasia human obligations moral actions interference life preservation suicide morality religious views on suicide human rights and life sanctity of life euthanasia ethics moral worth of life Buddhism and suicide obligations to life human dignity and rights suicide immorality human rights sanctity of life religious perspectives euthanasia Buddhism morality human obligations suicide morality sanctity of life human rights obligations religious perspectives on suicide euthanasia ethics moral worth of human life suicide laws moral implications of suicide human dignity ethical considerations in suicide suicide morality human rights religion euthanasia sacred life moral obligations buddhism ethics criminalization of suicide suicide ethics morality human rights religion euthanasia sacredness of life buddhism international law cultural perspectives preserving life mental health resources religious views on suicide
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook social media information sharing opportunities community connection event promotion cost-effective Kony 2012 online advertising community engagement event planning social networking real-time updates free marketing digital communication public awareness campaign effectiveness Facebook expansion take advantage opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions Facebook platform efficient communication millions users companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festival football tournament community connection Kony 2012 campaign social media efficiency TV commercials conventional means youtube views Apple iPad Billboards cost effective information source info point social networks efficiency free promotion Facebook information point opportunities connectivity social events job opportunities sporting competitions user interaction platform efficiency customer engagement company tools event planning real-time updates community building social media effectiveness advertising drawbacks cost efficiency viral marketing digital communication Kony 2012 social media impact campaign success alternative advertising community awareness free promotion public engagement Facebook expansion phrases improve life opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform user connections companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts upcoming music festivals football tournaments Kony 2012 campaign social media efficiency free information social networks advantages conventional media drawbacks TV commercials cost online info point social media equivalents info point alternatives community connection Kony 2012 case study Facebook search efficiency information point opportunity connection world job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform user interaction companies event planners customers news marketing Kony 2012 social media Youtube free promotion TV commercials radio commercials billboards community online advertising cost-effective info point Facebook search performance relevant expansion phrases information point take advantage opportunities stay connected world around you job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform millions of users get in touch companies event planners direct customers Google's new hiring policy Toyota's new discount upcoming music festival football tournament amateur players informing individuals community social networks efficient conventional means TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign atrocities Uganda Youtube video more than 98 million views Apple's new iPad TV releases promotional events info point Facebook search accuracy information point opportunities connection world job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users communication companies event planners customers news events Google Toyota music festival football tournament community social media Kony 2012 campaign atrocities Uganda YouTube views posts TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion population info point social networks efficiency cost free Kyle Willis Facebook information point opportunity stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform user connection companies event planners direct customers Google's new hiring policy Toyota's new discount music festival football tournament community Kony 2012 campaign atrocities Uganda Youtube video Apple's new iPad TV ads radio commercials billboards info point social media cheap efficient social networks free promoting events population social media case study search optimization keyword expansion social media impact information dissemination community engagement event promotion cost-effectiveness digital marketing real-time updates network efficiency public awareness alternative advertising social networking benefits Kony 2012 campaign Facebook platform advantages online info point event planning tools customer interaction information accessibility global reach community connection marketing strategies digital communication social media trends advertising limitations community news sharing user engagement content distribution viral marketing information sharing platforms search outcomes beneficial expansion terms supplement query Facebook information point opportunity improve life ability take advantage world connection job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform user connections companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players informative tool social media efficiency conventional means TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign atrocities Uganda Youtube video views posts Apple iPad TV releases price promotion event information info point social network community connection Kyle Willis
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con03a	CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural policy food quality affordable prices subsidies European Commission agricultural subsidies food safety additives hygiene developing countries food production standards European citizens agriculture support CAP European Union agricultural policy food quality subsidies EU regulations farming subsidies agricultural subsidies food safety EU food standards agricultural subsidies policy CAP objectives European agricultural policy EU food production CAP impact EU agricultural support food quality standards EU agricultural subsidies CAP benefits EU food safety CAP goals CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU European Union agricultural policy food quality subsidies European Commission agriculture subsidies for farmers food production standards European citizens food affordability agricultural subsidies EU imports quality standards European farming agricultural subsidies program CAP objectives food safety regulations EU food production agricultural support EU agricultural policy food production costs EU food quality agricultural subsidies impact EU farming food additives EU food standards CAP benefits EU agricultural subsidies CAP expansion phrases European Union food quality agricultural policies affordability of food EU quality standards agricultural subsidies food safety regulations EU food production agricultural support programs European Commission agriculture EU import controls EU food diversity CAP goals CAP benefits EU agricultural standards EU food hygiene EU food additives CAP role in food quality EU food pricing CAP EU agricultural policy food quality subsidies European Commission agricultural subsidies food production hygiene standards additives developing countries food affordability CAP expansion phrases quality food EU affordable prices agriculture EU food production standards hygiene additives European Commission policy Common Agricultural Policy benefits food quality control developing countries imports EU agricultural subsidies CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU agriculture affordable prices food production standards subsidies European Commission agricultural subsidies food safety European citizens food additives hygiene standards developing countries food imports CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU food quality affordable prices agricultural policies Europe food diversity quality standards hygiene additives subsidies payments European Commission CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU agriculture affordable food European Commission agricultural subsidies food standards hygiene additives food imports developing countries European citizens food production policy enforcement agricultural diversity CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU food quality affordable prices agricultural policies food safety hygiene standards additives subsidies European Commission
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urban migration developing nations misinformation urbanization hukou social exclusion forced labor begging prostitution unscrupulous organizations media influence education life chances urban-rural relations food production trafficking market dynamics migration challenges rural-urban migration developing nations poor people uneducated migrants urban myths misinformation unscrupulous organizations trafficking forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou system market forces life chances food production urban-rural relations UNIAP human trafficking rural-urbanmigration poverty education literacy media mythpropagation uninformeddecisions developingnations forcedlabor begging prostitution hukou socialexclusion marketmechanisms unscrupulousorganizations trapping developingcountries urbanization informalsector urbanpoverty ruralpoverty trafficking humanrights developmentissues urbaninformalsettlements informalhousing slums urbanplanning cityservices educationaccess healthcareaccess economicopportunities urbanexploitation urban rural-urban migration developing nations poor uneducated people misinformation media impact education gap successful migrants unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou system life chances market forces urban-rural relations food production processing issues UN Inter Agency Project human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations poverty education misinformation urban myths hukou system social exclusion market forces forced labor trafficking unscrupulous organizations urban-rural relations food production human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations misinformation urban myths lack of education unscrupulous organizations trafficking forced labor social exclusion hukou system life chances market economy food production urban relations human trafficking prostitution beggars developing country issues rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated migrants urban myths media influence education gap hukou system social exclusion market forces trafficking forced labor begging prostitution unscrupulous organizations life chances human trafficking urban-rural relations food production urbanization developing countries economic opportunities misconceptions voluntary migration poverty development challenges urbanization issues migration policies socioeconomic disparities rural-urban migration poor people uneducated developing nations informative decisions myths propagation unscrupulous organizations hukou system social exclusion forced labor begging prostitution media education migrant workers life chances hukou market food production urban-rural relations UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations poverty education misinformation media urban exploitation hukou system social exclusion market dynamics forced labor begging prostitution trafficking urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP Vietnam United Nations rural-urban migration developing nations misinformation media influence education urban poverty human trafficking forced labor social exclusion hukou system urbanization challenges unscrupulous organizations rural development urban economic opportunities migration myths trafficked workers urban exploitation rural-urban dynamics food production urban processing
test-international-amehbuaisji-con03a	The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. US role international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interventions responsibility to protect US influence global stability US foreign policy humanitarian interventions US role in international security ICC jurisdiction crime of aggression US military interventions US overseas missions ICC constraints on US US intervention necessity responsibility to protect US foreign policy international law US national interests global security US leadership US military actions ICC prosecution fears US role in international security ICC jurisdiction crime of aggression US military interventions US foreign policy international law US national security human rights international justice US presidency US military history responsibility to protect global security US geopolitical strategy US role in international security ICC jurisdiction crime of aggression US military interventions ICC prosecution US foreign policy US involvement in wars responsibility to protect US presidents and aggression US national security interests US global influence ICC membership implications US role international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US overseas missions constraints on action responsibility to protect international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US presidency Gulf War invasion of Afghanistan responsibility to protect US actions life-saving interventions US role in international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US foreign policy international law US interventions responsibility to protect US influence global stability US role in security international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression ICC prosecution US overseas missions 1991 Gulf War invasion of Afghanistan United States presidency US action constraints responsibility to protect search optimization international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention US foreign policy criticism of ICC crime of aggression US interventions live politics international law geopolitics UN Security Council US role in security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US presidency US interventions responsibility to protect ICC ratification consequences international security US military actions ICC constraints
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro03a	"Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. evolution creationism complexity design irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum intelligent design selective pressure Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box creationism evolution bacterial flagellum intelligent design irreducible complexity Michael Behe complexity in nature design argument natural selection selective pressure Beh's Black Box species interdependence biological complexity evolution creationism complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria creative agency interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box selective pressure blind chance evolutionary complexity creationism explanation intelligent design irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance evolutionary biologists complex design Behe's argument Creationism evolution natural selection complexity design argument bacterial flagellum irreducible complexity michael behe darwin's black box selective pressure biological mysteries Creationism evolution natural design complexity mysterious biology intelligent design bacterial flagellum irreducible complexity Michael Behe black box theory selective pressure origin of species biological mysteries Creationism evolution complexity design bacterial flagellum irreducible complexity Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box selective pressure evolutionary biology blind chance evolution creationism complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria creative agency interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box selective pressure blind chance evolution creationism complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria creative agency interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box selective pressure blind chance evolution creationism complexity design irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box selective pressure blind chance"
test-international-epglghbni-con03a	Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland economic drain political entities Republican parties Unionists Protestant communities Catholicism unemployment violence Belfast protestants Catholic Ireland unrest conflict escalation unification ireland northern ireland republic economic impact unification political dynamics ireland sectarian tensions job prospects protestants violence belfast unionist resentment republican parties power catholic-majority ireland historical conflict ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain political entities Republican parties Unionists marginalized reoccurrence of violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic unrest conflict Northern Ireland southern Ireland partition nationalism sectarianism peace process Stormont IRA SDLP UUP nationalism unionism Catholic-Protestant relations economic disparities demographic shifts historical tensions Brexit impact devolution sovereignty referendums peace accords paramilitary groups political stability social cohesion unification risks civil disorder Irish communities Northern Irish resistance economic impact political power dynamics religious tensions job prospects Protestant concerns Catholic majority historical violence Belfast unrest community breakdown youth unemployment political entities Republican parties Unionist grievances sectarian conflict post-unification challenges socio-economic inequalities political stability cultural differences governance issues conflict resolution peace process nationalist sentiments unionist fears economic integration democratic transition social cohesion territorial disputes minority rights constitutional changes unification Ireland civil disorder violent factionalism Northern Irish economic drain power concession protestant communities job prospects Catholic majority unrest Belfast unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain political entities Republican parties Unionists marginalized violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic unrest reoccurrence unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland economic drain political entities Republican parties Unionists violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic unrest conflict escalation unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain political entities Republican parties Unionists marginalization violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic unrest unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland economic drain political entities Republican parties Unionists violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects Catholic unrest political entities economic consequences sectarian tensions united ireland civil disorder republican parties unionists economic drain political entities violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic unrest prediction
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. transparency citizen choice healthy leader electorate rights hidden health full term servicability democracy/accountability up-to-date information voter knowledge voter trust leader fitness accountable leadership public health disclosure leader suitability electoral transparency voter informed decision transparency citizens healthy leader electorate proper functioning health conditions voter choice democracy accountability clear information accurate information up-to-date information judgment fitness full term electoral rights voter knowledge leadership accountability transparency healthcare politicaltransparency electorate leaderfitness democracy voterinformation accountability publichealth leadershipselection medicalconditions governance citizenrights healthpolicy transparency health information leader fitness voter choice democratic accountability election integrity public health electoral rights clear communication accurate information up-to-date data political transparency citizen empowerment health disclosure leadership suitability democratic principles informed decision-making political transparency measures health and leadership electorate rights transparency benefits hidden health issues leadership capacity democratic governance political health health transparency leader fitness assessment transparency citizens healthy leader electorate proper functioning health conditions voting full term democracy accountability up-to-date information vital information judge fitness transparency healthy leader voter choice election fitness democratic accountability hidden health public trust leadership suitability clear information accurate data up-to-date news electorate rights democratic function health conditions disclosure informed decision-making leader reliability political transparency citizen engagement health and politics transparent governance electoral integrity health screening public health political transparency issues transparency citizen healthy leader electorate fitness accountability democracy health conditions selection process voting rights information disclosure up-to-date transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning electorate rights hidden health accountability democracy voter knowledge fitness assessment up-to-date information Vital information leader suitability transparency citizen rights health fitness leader accountability democratic elections voter information public health electoral transparency political transparency civic engagement health disclosures leadership fitness democratic principles electoral integrity health conditions disclosure informed voters political transparency terms health and politics leader qualifications public trust democratic governance political health electorate knowledge transparency benefits health transparency political accountability democratic transparency health and democracy political fitness civic transparency health and leadership transparency in government political health conditions health and elections transparent government leadership health health and democracy issues political transparency terms health disclosures in transparency citizen rights leader health democratic process electoral information public knowledge accountability political transparency electorate needs fitness for leadership democratic governance health disclosure voter trust government accountability informed decision-making civic engagement transparency benefits health and politics democratic values transparency in politics public health leadership qualifications political transparency benefits voter awareness health in leadership democratic principles public health disclosure political transparency importance health and democracy transparency in government voter confidence political transparency issues leadership health health transparency political transparency challenges democratic transparency transparency in elections public health impact transparency
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con02a	"Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification jury nullification evidence defendant punishment capital punishment juror beliefs discrimination elections legislative processes morality activism legal theory juror discretion unjust laws legal reform supreme court jury acquittals public opinion civil rights criminal justice legal accountability voting rights democracy law enforcement proportionality activist influence judicial review constitutional interpretation jury nullification accountability democratic principles legal activism disproportionate punishment civil rights judicial process legislative change mandatory capital punishment jury fairness public input social justice election outcomes jury power legal reform non-violent drug crimes jury nullification democratic accountability legal injustice proportionate punishment public opinion judicial review legislative change historical examples judicial activism criminal justice civil rights legal ethics constitutional interpretation judicial discretion legal reform social justice legal history legal theory judicial power criminal sentencing legal philosophy legal activism legal democracy legal reform movements jury nullification legal accountability democratic process disproportionate punishment public opinion judicial activism civil rights legal history judicial discretion judicial review legal reform social justice jury selection criminal justice legal theory constitutional law legal philosophy jury instructions legal ethics judicial independence legal precedent legal activism legal education jury deliberation legal interpretation legal culture jury nullification evidence defendant judge public opinion law enforcement proportional punishment activism discrimination capital punishment supreme court legislative change elections segregation unjust laws community input jury nullification evidence defendant punishment crime activists elections discrimination jury law accountability capital punishment US Supreme Court jurors non-violent drug crimes legislative change segregation community input mandatory capital punishment scholars death penalty Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification evidence juror discretion legal accountability democracy political activism unjust laws legislative change moral judgment death penalty capital punishment supreme court elections policies of segregation discrimination public opinion community input law enforcement activism jury nullification evidence defendant juror injustices public input government checks elections discrimination capital punishment legal accountability activism legislative change proportional punishment segregation Supreme Court mandatory sentencing death penalty scholarship jury nullification evidence defendant punishment proportional discrimination elections legislative process segregation activists death penalty US Supreme Court mandatory capital punishment scholars judicial review capital punishment jury's role injustice public input legal accountability community impact legal reform legal history jury discretion jury nullification accountability democratic process election limitations judicial activism public opinion legal interpretation proportional punishment social justice legislative change capital punishment judicial review civil rights"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural relativism armed conflict ICC jurisdiction child soldiers cultural construction Africa central Asia conflict zones cultural assumptions legal norms military participation survival strategy neo-colonialism international community UN troops peacekeepers rules of engagement specialist legal body cultural relativism armed conflict ICC child soldiers jurisdiction conflict zones cultural construction legal norms international community neo-colonialism peacekeeping survival strategy specialist legal body cultural relativism armed conflict ICC child soldiers jurisdiction jurisprudence cultural assumptions war crimes international justice conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts military recruitment cultural construction legal norms child participation survival strategies neo-colonialism humanitarian law UN peacekeeping state sovereignty local governance international oversight leniency in sentencing child rights conflict dynamics legal relativity military ethics human rights legal defenses conflict resolution war crimes prosecution international law military strategy child soldiers as a defense duress in conflict state responsibility legal cultural relativism armed conflict ICC child soldiers cultural construction international justice legal norms jurisdiction war crimes neo-colonialism civilian protection military participation survival strategy humanitarian law conflict zones UN peacekeeping legal defenses leniency in sentencing vulnerable communities cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers international criminal court conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural assumptions conflict nature developing nations United Nations peacekeeping neo-colonialism survival strategy humanitarian assistance cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers conflict zones international community UN troops neo-colonialism survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers international criminal court conflict zones developing nations UN troops neo-colonialism survival strategies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers international law conflict zones cultural assumptions jurisprudence military participation survival strategy neo-colonialism peacekeeping UN troops civilian protection lenient sentencing specialized legal body cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers international criminal court African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural assumptions military organization civilian protection conflict zones cultural relativism defense systematic use of child soldiers leniency in sentencing developing nations local law-making bodies United Nations troops peacekeeping rules of engagement neo-colonialism international community expert testimony child military participation survival strategies cultural relativism armed conflict ICC child soldiers jurisdiction cultural assumptions conflict zones Africa central Asia legal norms cultural construction leniency international community UN troops neo-colonialism survival strategies
test-environment-assgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal testing ethical concerns alternatives ban research welfare regulations humane methods scientific validity public opinion ethics committees animal rights legislation vivisection animal experimentation cruelty conservation welfare issues public health experimental animals ethical considerations animal protection policy changes animal suffering laboratory animals animal advocacy bioethics animal testing ethics alternatives to animal testing banning animal research consequences of animal research animal rights activism medical research without animals compassionate alternatives welfare concerns in animal research reducing animal suffering humane experimentation methods animal welfare ethical concerns scientific alternatives replacement methods 3R principles public opinion legislation humane treatment conservation impact alternative testing ethical standards animal rights vivisection lab animal care animal experimentation animal ethics animal protection regulatory requirements animal welfare scientific testing ethics alternatives to animal testing banning animal research animal rights harm reduction in research ethical considerations medical advancement costs compassionate research methods wildlife conservation issues pet suitability for research animals animal research harm ethics alternatives welfare banning experiments wildlife pet suitability suffering statistics solutions animal welfare ethical concerns alternative methods banning research conservation issues scientific benefits public opinion animal rights experimental procedures policy changes humane alternatives animal testing ethical concerns alternatives to animal testing animal welfare scientific research banning animal research experimental animals animal rights compassionate alternatives humane research methods reduce animal suffering replacement strategies refinement techniques reduction principles animal research ethics alternatives to animal testing animal rights advocacy banning animal research consequences of animal testing welfare concerns medical research impact animal experimentation methods animal welfare legislation ethical considerations in research animal welfare ethical concerns scientific research alternative methods humane practices legislation animal rights vivisection experimentation ethics policy compassion animal welfare ethics alternatives laboratory vivisection regulation policy cruelty scientific methods testing banning conservation humane experimentation statistics alternatives replacement reduction refinement
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro02a	Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 internet regulation censorship Governments freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Great Firewall of China Nazism Google censorship internet regulation censorship freedom of speech Google censorship Universal Declaration of Human Rights Great Firewall of China information society Human Rights Declaration world summit on the information society online censorship Government control network neutrality Zittrain Edelman net neutrality internet regulation censorship Governments freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Google China Nazism censorship enforcement citizen rights information access French internet regulation German internet regulation internet regulation censorship Governments suppress Nazism Great Firewall of China freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Human Rights information society internet regulation censorship freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights Great Firewall of China Governments controlling online content Google censorship France and Germany internet laws World Summit on the Information Society Human rights in digital age Internet regulation censorship Governments freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Great Firewall of China Google Nazism citizens' rights censorship types euphemisms internet regulation censorship freedom of speech Google censorship Great Firewall of China Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society information control citizen rights online freedom national security surveillance Internet regulation censorship governments freedom of speech Google Great Firewall of China censorship laws human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society national security free speech information control power dynamics online online surveillance media freedom internet governance privacy rights internet regulation censorship Governments freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights Great Firewall of China Google search result exclusions citizen rights information access World Summit on the Information Society censorship laws censorship practices Internet自由 网络审查 言论自由 信息控制 政府监控 internet regulation censorship freedom of speech Google censored search results Great Firewall of China Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society online censorship government control information access rights enshrined
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro03a	Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors treaties citizens referenda national sovereignty constitutional issues Lisbon Treaty Brussels political power devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland directly elected mayors Blair Labour Government reform treaties citizens' direct vote national sovereignty Lisbon Treaty constitutional issues Blair Labour Government devolution referenda European Union constitutional changes directly elected mayors treaties citizens votes politicians sovereignty constitutional issues Lisbon Treaty Brussels devolution referenda British politics reform treaties national sovereignty direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issues citizen ratification Blair Labour Government referenda devolution directly elected mayors treaties national sovereignty direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issues citizen ratification referenda devolution European Union member states Brussels constitutional changes elected politicians limited time power citizens' decisions Blair Labour Government treaties national sovereignty direct vote citizen participation constitutional changes Lisbon Treaty referenda Blair Labour Government devolution directly elected mayors political representation treaties national sovereignty direct vote constitutional issues Lisbon Treaty citizen ratification referenda Blair Labour Government devolution directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue citizen ratification referenda Blair Labour Government devolution directly elected mayors reform treaties politicians sovereignty citizens direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue ratification Blair Labour Government devolution referendum Brussels reform treaties national sovereignty direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issues citizen ratification referenda devolution elected politicians constitutional changes mayors elections
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro03a	Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, DRC DR Congo Grand Inga electricity economic boost war-ravaged stability M23 Ethiopia Djibouti hydroelectric power export earnings electricity prices South Africa Grand Inga dam renewable energy DRC economy post-conflict reconstruction hydroelectric power international energy trade stability M23 rebellion energy exports electricity prices South Africa energy market Grand Inga dam renewable energy projects economic development in DR Congo post-war reconstruction regional power exports hydropower potential stability initiatives M23 rebellion international investment infrastructure development sustainable electricity comparative economics energy diplomacy Grand Inga project DRC economic development renewable energy projects conflict resolution in DR Congo post-conflict reconstruction hydroelectric power potential regional electricity market infrastructure investment in Africa sustainable development in war-torn regions stability in DR Congo M23 rebellion impact Grand Inga DRC DR Congo war-ravaged economic boost cheap electricity export earnings stability M23 hydropower Ethiopia Djibouti electricity prices South Africa rebuilding DRC DR Congo economic boost cheap electricity export earnings Grand Inga hydroelectric project rebel group M23 stability investment infrastructure development Ethiopia power export South Africa power price DRC Grand Inga electricity economy stability M23 Ethiopia Djibouti hydroelectric exports investment infrastructure conflict resolution Grand Inga Dam renewable energy economic development DR Congo reconstruction hydropower project export earnings stability M23 rebellion search query expansion terms optimization DRC DR Congo economy electricity export stable elections infrastructure rebels M23 hydroelectric project investment peace development energy sustainability power nationalism unity electricity_prices exports hydroelectric_power hydroelectric_projects ethiopia exports price_comparisons electricity_markets cost_analysis regional_development electricity_supply Grand Inga Dam renewable energy economic development post-war reconstruction stability infrastructure investment hydroelectric power export earnings Ethiopia power export Djibouti South Africa power prices M23 rebellion
test-religion-yercfrggms-con02a	"The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. atheism complexity universe design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum evolutionary gradualism selective pressure teleological arguments biological origins Of Pandas and People Foundation for Thought and Ethics atheism complexity universe life natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance nonsense teleological arguments existence Ratzsch Davis Kenyon Pandas and People complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency intelligent design evolution irreducible complexity selective pressure bacterial flagellum blind chance nonsense teleological arguments biological origins higher power complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties clear design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex organisms gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum functionality blind chance teleological arguments god existence nonsense Ratzsch Davis Of Pandas and People Foundation for Thought and Ethics complexity nature design atheism chance higher power intelligent design evolution irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum selective pressure teleological arguments species interdependence Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Foundation for Thought and Ethics complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance teleological arguments nonsense Ratzsch Davis Kenyon complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance nonsense Ratzsch Davis Kenyon Pandas and People complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum functionality blind chance nonsense Ratzsch Davis kenyon Pandas and People complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution bacterial flagellum selective pressure Del Ratzsch Percival Davis Dean Kenyon Of Pandas and People biological origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics teleological arguments god's existence nonsense atheism complexity universe life design evolution bacterial flagellum irreducible complexity selective pressure higher power teleological arguments random chance philosophical debate biological origins"
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro01a	Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. child circumcision foreskin removal infant circumcision genital mutilation medical ethics HIV prevention cultural practices consent child abuse WHO report circumcision safety child circumcision foreskin removal cultural practices medical ethics infant surgery HIV prevention consent child abuse World Health Organization circumcision safety sexual health education child circumcision foreskin removal genital mutilation infant circumcision human rights medical ethics sexually transmitted infections HIV prevention cultural practices consent child abuse WHO report circumcision prevalence child circumcision foreskin removal infant genital modification cultural practices human rights medical ethics infant surgery genital mutilation HIV prevention consent child abuse WHO report cultural traditions sexual health parental decision-making child circumcision foreskin removal infant surgery medical ethics body modification child abuse HIV prevention cultural practices parental consent sexual health WHO report child abuse foreskin circumcision consent hygiene sexual health HIV sub-Saharan Africa male circumcision World Health Organization child circumcision foreskin removal procedural ethics infant surgery body modification genital mutilation consent child abuse HIV prevention cultural practices medical procedures WHO report circumcision rates sexual health education cutting genitals child circumcision medical ethics body modification child abuse foreskin removal cultural practices HIV prevention consent infant surgery cultural norms genital mutilation pediatric surgery parental rights sexual health education child circumcision foreskin removal medical ethics infant circumcision human rights body modification child abuse HIV prevention cultural practices medical consent pediatric surgery WHO report sexual health education genital mutilation neonatal circumcision cultural norms child circumcision foreskin removal medical ethics infant circumcision parental consent genital modification harm principle public health cultural practices HIV prevention neonatal surgery pediatric surgery body autonomy child abuse informed consent cultural relativism neonatal procedures ethical considerations pediatric ethics medical paternalism
test-international-bldimehbn-con03a	Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, journalism ethics marginalized communities pulitzer prize vulnerable populations ethical reporting social justice news impact public interest media obligations societal impact journalism awards uncomfortable stories journalism ethics vulnerable individuals powerful elites moral obligation newsworthiness marginalized communities Pulitzer Prize social justice reporting public interest news impact journalism ethics vulnerable individuals moral obligation newsworthiness pulitzer prizes social justice reporting elite media coverage oppressed communities marginalized populations power dynamics in journalism news impact on society professional awards in journalism public interest in social issues media responsibility veteran journalism studies ethical journalism practices reporting on underrepresented groups media influence on public opinion public interest journalism news value criteria journalism ethics vulnerable communities marginalized reporting powerful elites pulitzer prizes newsworthiness moral obligation popular interest safe journalism exclusive stories journalism ethics vulnerable oppressed moral obligation powerful pulitzer local reporting sex scandal human interest stories professional awards marginalized journalism ethics vulnerable individuals moral obligation oppressed elite pulitzer prizes newspaper sales marginalized communities professional awards local reporting sex scandal Penn State journalism ethics vulnerable oppressed moral obligation newspapers pulitzer local reporting sex scandal human interest marginalized feature writing brutal attack powerful recognition professional awards mundane safe stories vulnerable oppressed elite powerful journalism ethics moral obligation marginalized Pulitzer Prize feature writing local reporting sexual assault public interest disadvantaged news impact journalistic awards public recognition safe topics mundane stories journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized Pulitzer Prize local reporting feature writing sex scandal Penn State brutal attack survivor professional awards safe mundane journalism ethics morality vulnerable oppressed powerful public interest newspaper sales Pulitzer Prize safe journalism integrity marginalized communities moral obligation reporting standards
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro02a	Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. scientific opinion evolution scientific community paradigm shift creationism prevailing theory evidence dogma career dependence scientific progress teaching science theory acceptance scientific understanding scientific opinion change flat Earth blood types scientific infallibility prevailing theory paradigm shift scientific establishment creationism scientific progress teaching science multiple theories scientific progress paradigm shift infallibility prevailing theory career impact research funding scientific establishment dogma evidence-based education creationism scientific community flat Earth blood types theory change scientific understanding scientific opinion evolving theories scientific community paradigm shift flat Earth blood types scientific progress creationism established norms scientific establishment prevailing theories contrary evidence scientific understanding scientific progress teaching science creation vs evolution scientific paradigms scientific fallibility scientific opinion scientific community evolution paradigm shift creationism prevailing theory scientific progress career dependence evidence interpretation theory acceptance scientific understanding scientific opinion evolution scientific community fact change theory change scientific progress paradigm shift creationism scientific establishment scientific understanding scientific explanation conservative impulses teaching science prevailing theories flat earth blood types scientific community acceptance scientific community rejection scientific community history scientific community evolution scientific community creationism scientific opinion changing theories flat Earth blood types scientific community paradigm shift evolution creationism scientific progress prevailing theories scholarly opinions scientific opinion paradigm shift scientific community theory acceptance evidence creationism evolution scientific progress prevailing theories scholarly opinion career dependence scientific establishment scientific understanding scientific explanation theory change flat Earth blood types scientific infallibility scientific opinion scientific community theory change scientific infallibility flat Earth blood types scientific progress paradigm shift creationism science education prevailing theories scientific opinion evolution paradigm shift creationism scientific progress evidence theory flat Earth blood types scientific community prevailing theory career implications paradigm shift conservative impulses science education alternative explanations
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con01a	There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini &amp; Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini &amp; Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini &amp; Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini &amp; Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini &amp; Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 gender quota economic growth attitudes towards women Western advanced economies efficiency international labour organisation(ILO) glass ceiling affirmative action domestic policies sovereign debt crisis gender equality male leadership review policy mix supply-side barriers desired result spillover effects World Development Report on Gender 2011 HIGH INCOME COUNTRIES gender quotas economic growth attitudes towards women Western advanced economies efficiency international labour organisation ILO sceptic views bad economic factors domestic policies sovereign debt crisis glass ceiling affirmative action desired result gender equality economic advantages high-income countries policy mix gender quotas economic growth attitudes towards women Western advanced economies efficiency international labour organisation ILO World Development Report Glass ceiling affirmative action domestic policies sovereign debt crisis scepticism expected spillover effects government policies economic performance gender equality European economies high-income countries policy mix Supply-side barriers gender quota economic growth changing attitudes women's rights Western advanced economies efficiency international labour organisation ILO World Development Report glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality economic advantages domestic policies sovereign debt crisis policy mix gender quota economic growth attitudes towards women Western advanced economies efficiency international labour organisation ILO World Development Report Glass Ceiling supply-side barriers gender equality European economies sovereign debt crisis bad economic factors background paper policy mix gender quotas economic growth attitudes towards women Western advanced economies efficiency country policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation(ILO) glass ceiling affirmative action gender equality supply-side barriers World Development Report gender quotas economic growth attitudes towards women Western advanced economies efficiency international labour organisation(ILO) World Development Report Gender 2011 political leadership domestic policies sovereign debt crisis glass ceiling affirmative action gender equality supply-side barriers policy mix high-income countries gender quota economic growth country attitude Western advanced economy economic performance gender equality EU competitiveness sovereign debt crisis glass ceiling affirmative action international institutions ILO bad economic factors supply-side barriers gender equality policy mix gender quotas economic growth country attitudes Western economies efficiency gender equality European economies sovereign debt crisis international institutions International Labour Organisation gender inequality affirmative action supply-side barriers gender leadership world development report glass ceiling policy mix gender quotas economic growth country attitudes women's rights Western economies efficiency international labour organisation gender equality affirmative action supply-side barriers eu economies sovereign debt crisis world development report background paper policy mix glass ceiling female leadership
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, leader health media interest political manipulation health concealment presidential health Kissinger illness Nixon visit rumors John Atta Mills press avoidance US hospital Ghana presidency political lies leader health public health interest media interest political health health rumors presidential health health deception political communication Kissinger illness Atta Mills health Ghana president health political manipulation media manipulation health leader state media internet social media rumors administration Kissinger Nixon John Atta Mills US hospital press communication lies died jogging airport rumor control presidential staff campaign tactics political strategy health concerns leader health media interest political manipulation health deception public rumors presidential health Kissinger illness Nixon visit Atta Mills health media control political cover-up health leader media interest administration Kissinger Nixon rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication US hospital Ghana health leader media interest president health information control rumors presidential staff health deception leader illness public health health reports presidential communication health misinformation Ghana presidency health leadership media interest administration secrecy rumors Kissinger Nixon John Atta Mills US hospital misinformation airport public deception health leadership media interest political manipulation Kissinger illness Nixon visit press control rumors John Atta Mills presidential health Ghana censorship communication strategy leader health media interest political manipulation health concealment public rumor Kissinger illness Nixon visit press control presidential health Atta Mills Ghana health scandal political rumors leader health media interest political health misinformation Kissinger illness Nixon visit administration strategy John Atta Mills presidential health media rumors hospital stay public deception political rumors health reports presidential staff
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con03a	"Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” trial by jury fundamental right abridged governmental oppression non-state actors dangerous allow make laws enforce laws corrupt judges prosecutors human weaker prejudice corruption unjust decision unanimous decisions convict biased negligent people essential community input justice system innocent individuals fairly treated rights denied Chairman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC principles of justice beyond price petty offence exception Right to a Jury Trial Clive Coleman Debating fundamental right jury trial prevent governmental oppression check against corruption community input judicial bias unanimous decision right to trial jury selection jury composition legal principles criminal justice non-jury trials trial fairness juror impartiality legal arguments legal ethics jury importance jury system legal rights jury decision-making legal defense jury vs judge legal justice law enforcement jury necessity jury benefits legal reform jury role legal argument legal principle legal system jury rights jury protection jury value jury advantages legal protection legal rights protection jury fundamental right jury trial abridgment governmental oppression corrupt judges community input punishment fairness juror impartiality right to trial rights protection legal principles criminal justice system civil liberties human rights legal argument legal exceptions jury selection unanimous decision-making legal enforcement power distribution judicial bias criminal defense legal reform jury system benefits legal philosophy juror composition legal rights legal checks and balances trial process legal procedure legal ethics legal justice legal principles legal arguments legal rights protection jury decision making legal authority trial by jury importance government oppression prevention judicial corruption check jury unanimity requirement community involvement justice right to fair trial non-jury trial disadvantages jury trial fundamental right trial by jury right fundamental abridged essential check abuse in court system governmental oppression non-state actors corrupt judges prosecutors unanimous decisions beyond price Criminal Bar Association peers innocent individuals fairly treated petty offence exception debating non-jury criminal trial jury trial fundamental right prevent governmental oppression check against corruption community input essential to justice right to a jury trial by peers non-jury trial petty offence exception human weaknesses bias criminal bar association trial by jury fundamental right abridgment non-state actors governmental oppression human weakness corrupt judges prejudice community input justice system innocent individuals Criminal Bar Association rights protection jury selection unanimous decision petty offence exception Paul Mendelle QC Clive Coleman debatable arguments trial by jury fundamental right prevent governmental oppression check against corruption juror impartiality unanimous decision essential justice system right to fair trial community input Criminal Bar Association legal principle fundamental right jury trial legal system governmental oppression corrupt judges community input right to a jury trial unanimous decisions power dynamics in courts justice principles non-state actors legal exceptions trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges community input right to fair trial jury decision making power dynamics in court legal philosophy juror bias jury unanimity criminal justice system jury selection process defense rights legal representation democratic principle checks and balances jury vs judge jury system criticism non-state actors in law legal reform jury decision validity trial fairness legal accountability jury importance justice principles legal ethics jury composition legal precedent legal history jury rights legal argument analysis"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation war crimes child soldiers ICC stigma post-conflict reconstruction humanitarian law conflict situations reintegration chronic war chronic engagement rehabilitation centers psychological care international community DDR prosecution global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Sierra Leone Colombia Liberian child soldiers armed conflicts diplomatic criticism judicial criticism humanitarian law violations child recruitment social exclusion conflict transition war-time choices peace-time consequences institutional care family-based care fostering child soldiers as war criminals child soldiers as officers conflict-related sexual violence demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction chronic war chronic engagement habituation normal life child soldiers war crimes ICC life imprisonment rehabilitation stigma reintegration Colombian child combatants Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers stigmatization institutional care DDR program conflict situations universal concepts prosecution crimes against children Union of Congolese Patriots child-solidiers focus humanitarian law international community non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes Liberian child soldiers international criticism child soldiers war crimes disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR stigma ICC prosecution rehabilitation conflict humanitarian law international community post-conflict reconstruction psychological care chronic war chronic engagement normal life reparation education institutional care family-based care fostering social exclusion reprisal attacks child-soldier focus humanitarian law democratic states non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes child rights global report global soldier initiative Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots Liberia Sierra Leone demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war chronic engagement post-conflict reconstruction Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DDR habituation normal life child soldiers war crimes sentencing guidelines International Criminal Court ICC stigma reintegration treatment centres Sierra Leone Colombia Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers stigmatization family-based care institutional care fear targeting prosecutions human rights child soldiers focus Union of Congolese Patriots crimes against children universal concepts compassion justice Liberian child soldiers global report humanitarian law demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation war crimes ICC child soldiers stigma reintegration conflict post-conflict reconstruction humanitarian law chronic war DDR Sierra Leone Colombia stigma prosecution universal justice victimisation international criticism demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction chronic war child soldiers war crimes international criminal court stigma reintegration humanitarian law ICC conflict situations DDR combatants child protection prosecution humanitarian aid conflict transformation reparation victimization transitional justice youth protection social inclusion child rights peacebuilding rehabilitation centers war trauma legal frameworks international law conflict resolution child soldiers recruitment forced participation reoffending reintegration challenges victim-blaming justice mechanisms child soldiers stigma conflict dynamics child protection laws reintegration programs demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction chronic war child soldiers war crimes ICC stigma reintegration humanitarian law international community conflict situations diplomatic criticism DDR process youth protection judicial discretion diplomatic relations international justice child soldiers prosecution war-time choices peace-time consequences social exclusion criminal branding treatment centers reeducation family-based care conflict transition universal justice child soldier focus humanitarian concerns demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction chronic war child soldiers war crimes International Criminal Court stigma reintegration DDR humanitarian law conflict situations international community combat experience treatment centres judicial systems diplomatic criticism humanitarian aid child protection peace-time participation judicial sentencing victim stigmatisation social exclusion conflict resolution war-time choices transitional justice institutional care family-based care conflict dynamics child recruitment conflict prevention human rights judicial ethics peacekeeping operations global reports child development psychological trauma reintegration programs international law search results keyword expansion enhancing queries demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war post-conflict reconstruction DDR habituation normal life child soldiers war crimes ICC stigma reintegration conflict participation judicial system international community humanitarian law stigmatization youth homes youth protection fostering family-based care institutional care prosecutions child-soldier focus universal justice conflict abuses Liberia Sierra Leone Colombia global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers United Nations war to peace transition Coletta Kostner W demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation chronic war child soldiers war crimes International Criminal Court stigma reintegration post-conflict reconstruction humanitarian law DDR Sierra Leone Colombia prosecution victimisation institutional care family-based care child protection international community conflict situations
test-environment-assgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animals harm morality sentience evolution ethics speciesism testimony compassion resemblance bodily similarities discrimination feelings behavior physiology racism sexism pets empathy animals rights animal welfare empathy speciesism pain perception fear response pleasure racism sexism ethical considerations animal cognition moral philosophy ethics in research animal testing sentience similarity evolutionary psychology animals rights sentience empathy ethical treatment speciesism pain perception fear response pleasure cognitive abilities animal welfare moral consideration evolutionary biology interspecies comparison ethical implications compassion biodiversity animal testing humane alternatives philosophical ethics animals rights animal welfare ethical treatment speciesism sentience pain perception fear response pleasure animal testing empathy similarity morality ethics scientific research compassion equality discrimination suffering cognitive abilities evolutionary biology moral philosophy animals harm empathy racism sexism observation speciesism feelings pain fear pleasure behavior anatomy physiology species difference moral equality animals rights animal testing empathy in animals animal suffering ethical treatment speciesism pain in animals emotional lives of animals animal sentience animal ethics animals harm empathy physiology behavior ethics sentience speciesism rights suffering comparison morality animals harm ethics speciesism empathy racism sexism observation dog testing bodily resemblance feeling degree type suffering conduct species differences animals suffering humanity speciesism empathy bias ethics compassion resemblance testimonials pets emotions physiology anatomy racism sexism morality consciousness animals moral consideration speciesism empathy ethics pain suffering pet dog testimony racism sexism degree of difference behavioral characteristics anatomical features physiological similarities feelings consequences species equality
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro03a	Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 internet regulation SOPA regulatory capture big interest groups internet governance telecommunications industry consumer protection government policies lobbying copyright infringement telecommunications utilities ALEC internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA big interest groups government policies telecommunications industry lobbying consumer protection internet governance copyright infringement corporate influence policy shaping internet freedom digital rights tech industry lobbying telecommunications regulation internet regulation SOPA regulatory capture big interest groups government policies Stop Online Piracy Act U.S. companies copyright infringement consumer protection telecommunications industry ALEC technology lobbying internet governance internet regulation SOPA regulatory capture lobby efforts Stop Online Piracy Act government policies big interest groups copyright infringements consumer protection large companies telecommunications industry corporate influence policy shaping industry lobbying U.S. government internet governance [1] [2] [3] Internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA big interest groups large companies internet governance consumer protection government policies lobbying telecommunications industry copyright infringement internet structure ALEC telecom utilities internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA big interest groups internet governance consumer protection telecommunications industry lobbying government policies internet freedom copyright infringement corporate influence internet structure policy shaping internet regulation history internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA lobbying government policies big interest groups telecommunications industry consumer protection internet governance copyright infringement tech industry lobbying ALEC internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA big interest groups internet governance government policies big companies internet structure copyright infringement consumer protection telecommunications industry lobbying internet freedom policy shaping internet regulation history internet regulation impact internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA lobbying big companies government policies consumer protection telecommunicationsindustry copyright infringement internet governance internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA government policies big interest groups big companies internet governance consumer protection telecommunications industry lobbying copyright infringement internet history
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro04a	A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. dam construction Congo River navigability international trade canalization locks economic integration investment infrastructure development dams Congo navigability international trade canalization locks economic integration investment central Africa globals economy dams Congo River navigation rapids canalization locks international trade economic integration global economy investment infrastructure development Congo River navigation dam construction benefits central Africa trade economic integration projects inland waterways improvement rapids management locks and canals international trade routes investment opportunities in Africa hydroelectric power benefits dam construction Congo River navigation improvement rapids canalization locks economic integration global economy investment attractiveness dam construction Congo river navigation improvement rapids management canalization locks economic integration global trade investment attractiveness hydroelectric power Congo River dams navigation rapids canalization locks international trade economic integration investment globally accessible Congo River navigation dam construction canalization locks economic integration global trade investment attraction hydroelectric dams river modification transportation infrastructure central Africa development dam construction Congo river navigability improvement hydroelectric power canalization locks economic integration global trade investment attractiveness dam construction Congo River navigation improvement rapids canalization locks economic integration global trade investment opportunities
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro02a	Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes Lisbon Treaty European Union popular vote citizen trust international policies criminal law national justice centralized Europe political transparency voter inclusion ambiguous reforms criticisms Lisbon Treaty european union power centralization legal personality international agreements majority voting popular vote citizen rights European superstate ambiguity in treaties criminal law national justice systems political transparency voter inclusion EU reforms Major changes Lisbon Treaty European Union popular vote citizen rights international policies criminal law national justice European Commission European Court political transparency voter inclusion ambiguity complicated reforms centralized government superstate Major changes European Union Lisbon Treaty popular vote citizen rights legal personality international agreements majority voting European Court Criminal law national justice centralized power political transparency voter inclusion ambiguous reforms Major changes Lisbon Treaty European Union popular vote citizen trust legal personality international agreements majority voting centralized Europe supercstate ambiguous reforms voter inclusion debate key issues Major changes European Union Lisbon Treaty popular vote citizen rights power centralization international policies criminal law national justice Centralized European superstate political transparency voter inclusion ambiguous reforms European Court of Justice Majority voting search accuracy expansion terms enrich query Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality majority voting international agreements criminal law national justice systems Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate politician responsibility voter inclusion debate highlights search efficacy expansion keywords Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality majority voting popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate politician responsibility voter inclusion debate highlighting reform clarification search optimization keyword expansion Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality majority voting international agreements Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized government voter inclusion ambiguous reforms complex legislation public debate EU member states criminal law national justice systems political transparency search outcomes beneficial expansion terms supplement query Major changes Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting popular vote citizens' rights centralized European superstate political transparency voter inclusion ambiguous reforms public explanation key issues European Court criminal law national justice systems political debate
test-religion-yercfrggms-con03a	Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. causal chain infinite regression uncaused cause kalam cosmological argument william lane craig atheism creator logical impossibility contingency universe origin Kalam cosmological argument uncaused cause contingency infinite regress cosmic beginning philosophical arguments for God cosmology metaphysics atheism vs theism first cause William Lane Craig cosmological argument kalam cosmological argument uncaused cause contingency infinite regress atheism theism creation existence universe origin william lane craig cosmological argument kalam cosmological argument uncaused cause universe beginning infinite regress necessity of a creator atheism critique logical necessity causal chain contingent beings universe formation theological explanations philosophical arguments existence of God universe begins exist cause human being objeクト finite contingent causal chain infinite logic absurdity creator atheism alternative explanation MacMillan Craig William Lane Kalam Cosmological Argument relevance expansion phrases search performance query universe existence cause infinity logic absurdity creator kalam cosmological argument atheism alternative explanation cosmological argument kalam cosmological argument uncaused cause contingency infinite regress creator atheism logical necessity causality universe existence finite contingent cause infinity kalam cosmological argument creator atheism logical impossibility cosmological argument kalam infinite regress uncaused cause contingency atheism creator logical impossibility universe existence causality infinity contingency kalam cosmological argument logic atheism creation william lane craig
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro01a	Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit generic drugs Africa economic inequality drug affordability patented drugs preventable diseases GDP growth Afrobarometer healthcare access cancer treatment middle income trap Economic disparity Africa GDP growth Afrobarometer drug affordability generic medications patented drugs drug prices cancer treatment preventable diseases wealth distribution generic drugs africa economic inequality drug affordability cancer treatment GDP population health preventable diseases Afrobarometer affordable drugs Africa economic inequality Generic drugs population access poor economic condition drug affordability GDP growth disease prevention cancer treatment drug prices wealth distribution Africans Glivec India GDP Patented drugs preventable diseases Afrobarometer Economic inequality Africa GDP growth Generic drugs Patented drugs Cancer treatment Drug affordability Healthcare access Preventable diseases Afrobarometer search optimization relevant expansion phrases Africa's drug affordability generic medication drug pricing disease treatment economic inequality population health preventable diseases generic drug production Glivec cost comparison Afrobarometer affordable drugs Africa generic drugs economic inequality drug prices GDP growth Africans cancer treatment preventable diseases wealth distribution pharmaceutical patents drug affordability healthcare access poor economic condition drug cost comparison South Africa India healthcare affordability disease prevention economic management Easily affordable drugs Generic drugs Africa's struggling population GDP growth Economic inequality Afrobarometer Generic medication Patented drugs Cancer treatment Drug pricing Death rates Preventable diseases affordable drugs africa generic drugs economic inequality drug affordability cancer treatment GDP growth Afrobarometer wealth distribution preventable diseases Economic inequality Africa GDP growth patented drugs Generic drugs cancer treatment preventable diseases Afrobarometer
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro01a	Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. religious irrationality miracle proofing healing skepticism psychological differences divine reality wish fulfillment atheism secularism agnosticism skepticism deity faith spirituality supernatural cognitive biases psychological needs philosophical arguments religious psychology miracle disputes subjective experiences divine existence wishful thinking moral arguments religious irrationality lack of divine evidence reported miracles unproven individual religious experiences psychological differences belief as wish-fulfilment absence of objective divine reality irrationality of religion absence of divine evidence reported miracles debunked psychological explanations for religiosity subjective religious experiences belief as wish fulfillment lack of objective divine reality critiques of faith religion vs science atheist perspectives on god religious rationality divine existence proof miracle verification psychological perspectives on faith wishful thinking in religion subjective religious experiences critique of belief in God atheism arguments religious irrationality lack of divine evidence miraculous claims debate psychological influences on religion subjective spiritual experiences god as wish fulfillment absence of objective divine reality critique of religious beliefs skeptical view on faith debunking religious claims cognitive biases in religion secular perspective on spirituality religious skepticism lack of divine evidence psychological explanations for religion critique of religious experiences disbelief in miracles subjective religious truths wishful thinking in faith absence of deity proof rationality evidence miracles healings psychological differences divine reality wish-fulfilment subjective religious irrationality miracles unproven healings skepticism personal religious experiences different psychological impacts divine reality debate wish fulfillment psychology absence of evidence for god objective divine existence doubt skepticism atheism evidence faith supernatural psychology subjective confirmationbias religionversusscience miracledebunking cognitivebehavioraltheory
test-culture-mthbah-pro01a	There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. advertising saturation urban advertising advertisement overexposure ad fatigue commercial clutter ad frequency media pollution ad density consumer complaints advertising impact advertising psychology marketing strategies ad blocking technology digital ads outdoor advertising TV commercials public transportation ads street advertising advertisement regulations advertising ethics advertising overload urban advertising ad saturation commercial clutter digital ads outdoor advertising ad blocking ad fatigue media consumption consumer privacy 广告泛滥 广告轰炸 广告无处不在 advertising saturation urban advertising digital advertising billboards social media ads adblockers advertising regulations ad fatigue consumer rights advertising impact advertising psychology ad blocking technology ad revenue marketing strategies public space commercialization advertising saturation city life ads excessive advertising ad fatigue urban advertising digital ad overload advertisement pollution ad blocking technology ad regulation media consumption habits advertisements everyday life societal impact media saturation public opinion urban environment information overload commercialism public spaces advertisement frequency advertising saturation city life ads excessive marketing urban ad exposure ad fatigue advertising overkill digital ad overload commercial clutter ad proliferation ad blocking technology ad resistance ad-free lifestyle ad management strategies advertising saturation urban advertising excessive advertising ad clutter advertisement overexposure commercial proliferation ad fatigue digital advertising billboards TV commercials public transportation ads street advertising ad regulation consumer rights advertising ethics advertising impact psychological impact of ads advertisements everyday life saturation profiteering city dwellers urban advertising 广告饱和 城市生活中的广告 广告过度 广告干扰 advertising saturation city advertising advertising impact reducing ads digital ads street advertising TV advertising bus advertising advertising overkill advertising control advertising ethics advertising saturation urban advertising digital advertising billboard advertising advertisement overload ad-blocking technology ad-free lifestyle commercial pollution marketing strategies psychological impact of advertising ad regulation consumer rights advertising ethics
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro01a	There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. controversy origin of life evolution scientific community consensus alternative theories teaching evolution Michael Behe creationism televised debates court cases scientific dissent controversy evolution creationism intelligent design scientific community court cases books debates Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution consensus teaching methods school curriculum controversy evolution creationism intelligent design scientific community court cases books debates consensus Michael Behe origins development life alternatives to evolution education policy evolution controversy intelligent design creationism scientific consensus court cases debates school curriculum alternative theories evidence for evolution flaws in evolution Michael Behe teaching science controversy in education origins of life scientific community disagreement controversy evolution origin of life scientific community consensus Michael Behe creationism televised debates court cases children's education alternative theories evolution intelligent design creationism scientific controversy court cases books debates Michael Behe consensus school curriculum controversy origin life evolution scientific community creationism intelligent design court cases books debates Michael Behe flaws consensus education science teaching evolution controversy intelligent design creationism scientific debate court cases books televised debates Dr. Michael Behe evolution flaws scientific consensus education policy teaching methods controversy evolution creationism intelligent design scientific community court cases books debates Michael Behe origin of life development of life consensus school curriculum alternative theories scientific debate evolution creationism intelligent design controversy scientific community consensus court cases debates textbooks education alternative theories evidence debate origin of life development of life
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro02a	Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 collective bargaining pay crises pUBLIC SECTOR overpaid western liberal democracies salary premium waste of resources public opinion private sector innovations unions Scott Walker public sector workers collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid private sector salary premium waste of resources public opinion union negotiations public sector workers private enterprise innovations Scott Walker Andrew G. Biggs collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid Western liberal democracies salary premium waste of resources public opinion union negotiations private sector public sector workers skill parity innovations government transparency Scott Walker public sector reforms collective bargaining pay crises pubic sector overpaid public sector workers salary premium resource waste collective bargaining power government negotiations union demands private sector salary workforce drain innovation public opinion privatization Scott Walker collective bargaining pay crises pUBLIC SECTOR overpayment education experience private sector salary premium waste of resources public opinion decision making process union negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness private enterprise risk-taking innovation Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid Western liberal democracies salary premium waste of resources resource allocation public opinion private sector government unions decision making political credibility cost effectiveness public sector workers skill level equal education innovations research and development public sector inefficiency private enterprise risk taking Andrew G. Biggs Scott Walker Wisconsin collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpayment worker compensation private sector salary premium resource waste public opinion government credibility union negotiation private enterprise public sector innovation public sector workforce attraction Scott Walker Andrew G. Biggs collective bargaining pay crises pUBLIC SECTOR OVERPAYMENT EDUCATION AND EXPERIENCE SALARY PREMIUM Government vulnerability NEGOTIATIONS WITH UNIONS PRIVATE SECTOR COMPETITIVENESS PUBLIC OPINION INNOVATION PRIVATE ENTERPRISE VULNERABILITY TO PUBLIC OPINION WISCONSIN GOVERNOR SCOTT WALKER collective bargaining pay crises pUBLIC sector overpayment education experience salary premium waste of resources public opinion private sector innovation unions public sector workers Scott Walker US News Andrew G. Biggs collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpayment Western liberal democracies salary premium waste of resources public opinion union negotiations private sector public sector innovation Andrew G. Biggs
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro02a	The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. suffering innocent people problem evil odin omnipotence problem leibniz's optimism cosmic injustice atheism suffering just world hypothesis suffering innocence God omnipotence evil paradox atheism morality suffering innocent people God existence moral evil theological problem Pascal's wager atheism theodicy free will divine hiddenness suffering and evil odinism problem of evil atonement soul searching existential crisis atheism vs theism pain and suffering justification of evil moral argument cosmic suffering innocent suffering suffering innocence divine omniscience moral evil theodicy faith vs reason existence of god apologetics philosophical theology ethical dilemmas suffering innocent people theodicy divine omniscience divine omnipotence moral evil natural evil existence of evil religious beliefs moral arguments against religion atheist perspectives religious suffering free will defense problem of evil divine hiddenness theological explanations suffering innocent people God existence moral puzzle evil existence theological problem omnipotence paradox divine attribute faith doubt existential suffering suffering innocent people problem of evil God existence all-powerful deity human pain religion morality social justice ethics suffering divine omniscience moral evil problem of evil theodicy free will atheism agnosticism compassion omnipotence suffering philosophy theodicy divine omniscience evil existence moral arguments free will pain ethics religious skepticism apologetics philosophical theology
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con04a	"Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" trial by jury fallible humans absolute rules unjustified limitations government authority precedent setting rule consequentialism evidence from illegal measures corrupt governments individual circumstances perfect world judicial fairness limiting trial by jury fallibility of humans absolute rules evidence from illegal measures government misuse of power precedent setting corruption trial by jury removal rule consequentialism trial by jury fallibility rule consequentialism legal measures government authority judicialprecedent evidence admissibility constitutional rights justice system human error moral philosophy ethical governance trial by jury rule consequentialism human fallibility government misuse legal precedents illegitimate decisions evidence from illegal measures absolute rules judicial impartiality democratic principles moral philosophy limiting trial by jury fallible humans absolute rules illegal measures court evidence government misuse precedent corrupt governments unjustified decisions rule consequentialism search performance expansion phrases query refinement legal systems jury trials rule consequentialism government power evidence admissibility fallibility justice precedent corruption judicial authority individual circumstances absolute rules evidence obtained illegally courtroom procedures human error power abuse judicial review constitutional rights ethical governance trial by jury rule consequentialism fallible humans absolute rules judicial precedent illegal evidence government authority corrupt governments unjustified decisions judicial independence trial by jury fallible humans absolute rules unjustified limitations government abuse precedent setting rule consequentialism illegal evidence corrupt governments specific circumstances judicial integrity democratic principles legal ethics search optimization meaningful expansion terms enhancing queries trial by jury judicial systems rule consequentialism fallibility absolute rules government authority evidence admissibility legal precedents corruption legitimacy individual circumstances judicial powers human error justice systems rule utilitarianism trial by jury rule consequentialism fallibility precedents justice government abuse evidence rules legal measures individual circumstances corruption"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro04a	Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking mafia money laundering criminal cash hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption illegal betting international crime dark web underground economy illegal gambling sites corrupt sports cybercrime financial crimes illegal finance black market illegal activities online casino internet gambling illegal gambling illegal funds criminal networks financial laundering illegal finance methods illegal gaming sports betting corruption illegal betting operations online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking mafia money laundering criminal cash hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption in sport illegal betting financial crimes online gambling regulations sports betting corruption internet gambling crime cybercrime related to gambling illegal gambling operations online gambling security criminal activities linked to gambling gambling and organized crime online casino crime financial crimes in gambling online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking mafia finances money laundering cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption international gambling legal evasion financial tracking criminal activities online betting illegal gambling criminal networks financial crimes internet gambling black market underground economy illegal finances sports betting corrupt sports online casino crime money laundering techniques illegal online gambling crime financing digital crime illegal gaming criminal finance online gambling regulation illegal activities criminal operations internet security cybercriminals sports betting corruption online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug money laundering mafia online gambling digital crime online gambling hacks phishing in gambling extortion in online gambling identity fraud online corruption in sports betting on sports outcomes illegal gambling operations cybercrime related to gambling online gambling black market financial crimes linked to gambling criminal activities in online betting online gambling and organized crime illegal online gaming sports betting corruption online gambling money laundering criminal finance through gambling Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering criminal cash tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports betting sportsmen international laws online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug trade mafia money laundering online gambling criminal activity hacker attacks phishing scams identity theft sports corruption illegal betting markets online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs mafia money laundering hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption in sport illegal betting internet gambling financial crimes organized crime dark web gambling addiction illegal bookmakers sports betting grey markets illegal financial transactions online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug trade mafia money laundering international laws hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption illegal betting clean money dirty money financial tracking criminal cash online gaming legal loopholes corrupt sports illegal gambling black market finance internet crimes online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution mafia money laundering criminal cash hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption illegal betting black market financial tracking internet crimes sports betting corrupt sports illegal online gambling cybercrime criminal finance gambling addiction legal regulations global gambling underground economy online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution mafia money laundering tracking criminal funds hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption international crime illegal gambling criminal finance online casino scams corrupt sports betting
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro01a	The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, electricity access Africa dam power Grand Inga hydroelectricity sustainability economy human rights energy gap renewable energy population investment hospitals refrigeration businesses schools consequences production development infrastructure sub saharan africa electricity_access Africa_economy human_rights electricity_deprivation Grand_Inga hydro_projects renewable_energy power_generation socioeconomic_impact economic_growth energy_sufficiency school_operations health_services food_security business_operations environmental_consequences cost_effectiveness South_Africa Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo Social_Development World_Bank electricity access renewable energy Grand Inga sub saharan africa energy poverty human rights economic development infrastructure hydropower energy policy sustainable development electricity generation energy shortfall electrification energy security environmental impact energy storage transmission grid socioeconomic impact energy economics energy efficiency energy storage energy distribution dam expansion renewable energy projects electricity access sub saharan africa economic impact social consequences human rights energy production investment constraints hospital services refrigeration business operations education electricity gap grand inga hydropower world bank report energy distribution enhance search efficiency valuable terms expand query dam power africa electricity access economy investment society world bank human rights hospitals refrigeration businesses children grand inga renewable energy cost electrification sub saharan population constraints development infrastructure sustainable technology impact global initiative partnership environmental sustainability renewable energy Africa electricity access grand inga human rights economic impact sustainable development electricity gap hydroelectric power investment constraints sub saharan africa school education health services refrigeration business operations environmental impact electricity access Africa dam power human rights renewable energy Grand Inga World Bank Saharan electricity gap hydro projects economic impact social impact electricity access renewable energy Grand Inga economic development social impact energy poverty hydro projects infrastructure sub saharan africa human rights sustainable development electricity access Africa economic growth social impact human rights renewable energy Grand Inga dam project energy poverty South Africa DRC hydroelectric power economic development investment constraints hospital services refrigeration education environmental sustainability electricity access Africa dam Grand Inga World Bank human rights renewable energy economy society hospitals refrigeration businesses children hydro projects
test-international-miasimyhw-con02a	Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation industrialisation migrants livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth unemployment youth informal employment precarious work sexual politics minimum wages employment security urban economics African cities urbanisation without industrialisation migrant labour urban development job scarcity Urbanisation industrialisation migrants livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth youth unemployment informal employment precarious jobs sexual politics minimum wages employment security African cities urban economics migrant challenges urbanisation industrialisation migrants livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth unemployment informal employment precarious work sexual politics minimum wages youth unemployment Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation industrialisation migrant livelihoods African cities economic growth youth unemployment informal jobs precarious work sexual politics minimum wages employment security urban economics migration challenges Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation industrialisation migrant livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth youth unemployment informal employment precarious work sexual politics minimum wages employment security urban economics Potts Zuehlke urbanisation industrialisation migrant livelihoods informal economy African cities youth unemployment precarious work sexual politics urban economics minimum wages job scarcity Urbanisation industrialisation migrant livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth youth unemployment informal employment precarious jobs sexual politics minimum wages employment security urban economics Potts Zuehlke urbanisation industrialisation migrant livelihoods African cities economic growth youth unemployment informal employment precarious work sexual politics minimum wages urban economics urbanisation challenges migrant opportunities job scarcity precarious methods Urbanisation industrialisation livelihoods migrants Africa economic growth urban phenomena youth unemployment informal employment precarious work minimum wages employment security sexual politics urban economics Potts Zuehlke Urbanisation industrialisation migrants livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth youth unemployment informal employment sexual politics precarious work minimum wages employment security urban economics Potts Zuehlke
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro03a	The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. Israel profiling security airports terrorism El Al privacy security measures threats 安检 监视 风险评估 乘客筛选 防范策略 Israel security measures airport profiling effectiveness counterterrorism strategies privacy vs security debates El Al airline security targeted screening methods national security policies homeland security comparisons terrorist threat analysis profiling success stories Israel profiling airport security terrorist threats privacy invasion El Al SecuritySolutions.com hostile intent targeted identification terrorism prevention national security airport screening travel security counter-terrorism risk assessment homeland security intelligence gathering civil liberties surveillance threat detection airline safety security measures intelligence analysis Israel profiling airport security counterterrorism strategies El Al security privacy threat identification travel safety security measures terrorist prevention profiling effectiveness security tactics aviation security intelligence gathering risk assessment homeland security counterintelligence travel restrictions security protocols threat analysis security technology passenger screening risk management security operations security challenges security solutions security strategies security practices security systems security trends security methods Israel profiling airport security terrorist threats invasion of privacy passenger screening hijackings bombings El Al security measures SecuritySolutions.com Israel profiling effectiveness airport security measures counter-terrorism strategies invasive passenger screening threat assessment techniques security profiling benefits reducing airline threats privacy concerns in security profiling success stories enhancing travel safety Israel profiling airport security terrorism prevention privacy El Al threat identification SecuritySolutions.com Israel profiling security airports threats privacy El Al hijackings bombings terrorism US UK SecuritySolutions.com profiling airport security Israel terrorist threats passenger privacy El Al counterterrorism security measures profiling effectiveness homeland security threat identification profiling airport security Israel terrorism prevention privacy invasion El Al security measures threat identification 安检措施 恐怖预防 隐私侵犯 以色列经验
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro03a	Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 collective_bargaining democratic_process power_balance public_sector private_enterprise taxpayers voters politicians negotiations elected_officials union_influence government_policy democracy_politics public_unions public_sector_unions workforce_voting_rights economic_impact union_power taxpayer_interests political_implications public_service_unions worker_representation election_impact political_mandate union_voter_base collective_bargaining democratic_process political_impact public_sector_unions private_enterprise government_supervision electorate_mandate politicized_unions voter_influence taxpayer_rights public_benefit union_power negotiation_consents democratic_devolution public_service_unions collective_bargaining_laws political_influence union_voter_block public_finance_control political_unions public_sector_governance collective_bargaining democracy politics power_balance public_sectors private_enterprise taxpayers politicians unions negotiations electorate public_unions private_business voter_influence government_office_holders mandate public_money union_power public_sector_benefits collective bargaining democratic process power dynamics public sector unions private enterprise union negotiations political influence taxpayer rights voter blocs elected officials public unions public spending worker representation democratic principles negotiation rights public sector bargaining public union rights public service unions collective_bargaining democratic_process power_unions political_influence government_unions taxpayer_rights politician_mandate voter_threat private_enterprise public_sector union_negotiations elected_officials public_good voter_block public_unions collective_bargaining_rights elected_representation public_service_workers democracy union_power economic_impact political_consistency voter_interests political_consequences political_power public_opinion unions_and_government political_system public_sector_unions public_spending collective bargaining democratic process public sector taxpayer involvement political influence union negotiation public unions democratic mandate government accountability voter block private business worker representation democratic values public spending control union power political impact taxpayer rights government consistency democratic erosion collective_bargaining democratic_process power_balance private_enterprise political_impact public_sector unions taxpayers voter_influence elected_officials public_unions public_sector_stakeholders government_supervision electorate_mandate bargaining_rights taxpayer_money_spending collective_bargaining democratic_process political_impact public_unions private_enterprise taxpayer_influence politician_mandate voter_block negotiation_consents public_sector benefits_distribution elected_officials union_power democracy_devolution politicized_negotiations public_good voter_threats government_supervision economic_rights public_interest worker_rights mandate_violation bargain_consent public_spending_control union_democracy_impact collective_bargaining democratic_process political_impact public_sector_unions power dynamics elected_officials voter_influence government_supervision taxpayer_interests private_unions public_service_unions union_negotiations electorate_mandate political_consistency public_policy_making union_power public_opinion workplace_democracy bargaining_rights public_sector_governance collective bargaining democratic process political influence public sector unions taxpayer rights elected officials politicized negotiations voter bloc public spending control government transparency union negotiation powers public interest versus union interests
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro03a	The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 God hypothesis supernatural being natural mechanisms Galileo Darwin natural laws brain science soul life after death religious belief God of the gaps God hypothesis supernatural being scientific explanation natural mechanisms brain science soul life after death natural laws God of the gaps scientific revelation comprehensive view universe creation evolution theory scientific progress cognitive neuroscience religious beliefs gaps in science closed natural order scientific understanding brain activity mental states science god_hypothesis supernatural_being universe_creation evolution natural_laws brain_science soul life_after_death religious_belief gaps_in_theology bonhoeffer theological_society God hypothesis scientific explanation supernatural being Galileo Darwin natural mechanisms scientific discovery closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief God of the gaps God hypothesis supernatural being scientific discovery natural mechanisms universe creation evolution natural laws brain science soul existence life after death religious beliefs scientific evidence gaps in science closed natural order Richard H Bube Man Come of Age God hypothesis supernatural being scientific explanation natural mechanisms brain activity soul existence life after death natural order scientific advancement universe creation evolutionary science gaps in science religion and science conflict God hypothesis scientific explanation supernatural being natural mechanisms Galileo Darwin scientific discovery natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief God of the gaps Bonhoeffer science universe natural mechanisms brain science soul natural laws life after death God hypothesis gaps argument scientific revelation supernatural beings closed natural order evolutionary theory Galileo Darwin Richard H Bube man come of age Bonhoeffer God hypothesis supernatural being scientific evidence natural mechanisms universe creation evolution natural laws brain science soul existence life after death religious beliefs God-of-the-gaps scientific progress comprehensive view supernatural natural mechanisms brain science soul natural laws life after death scientific evidence God hypothesis gaps in science religious beliefs closed natural order evolution Galileo Darwin
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency medical treatment emergency procedures presidential health ambulance dispatch public health decision making hospital protocols medical awareness leadership accountability transparency medical treatment political leadership emergency response patient awareness hospital protocols presidential health communication failure public disclosure medical ethics political crisis healthcare transparency emergency preparedness medical missteps political transparency public health safety medical documentation leadership accountability political scandal medical malpractice presidential health management emergency medicine political communication medical protocol healthcare transparency policies medical error prevention political transparency measures medical decision-making political influence on healthcare transparency leadership medical treatment emergency response presidential health communication decision making emergency services public health political crisis accident survival underlying conditions emergency protocol medical ethics political transparency ambulance service hospital protocols public safety medical emergency management political scandal patient care emergency medicine healthcare policy medical misinformation political influence medical errors emergency communication political impact on healthcare transparency in government medical consent emergency triage presidential security medical confidentiality political transparency benefits emergency preparedness medical malpractice public health awareness emergency medical services medical ethics in politics transparency emergency treatment medical conditions hospital procedures leadership accountability patient care medical communication public health political crisis decision making medical ethics ambulance service emergency response government transparency medical protocols public information healthcare access political impact medical misinformation crisis management medical consent patient rights medical documentation public trust medical emergencies leadership failure medical transparency public health policy emergency protocols political transparency medical confidentiality public safety medical ethics in politics emergency department patient transfer medical communication breakdown political influence on healthcare emergency preparedness medical emergency response political transparency in transparency emergency treatment prior warning doctors awareness ambulance dispatch emergency ward presidential health medical procedures 信息公开 急救处理 预警信息 医疗人员知情 救护车调度 急诊室 总统健康 医疗程序 transparency emergency procedures prompt treatment underlying conditions ambulance delays presidential health medical awareness advance notice emergency wards decision making medical protocols transparency medical treatment underlying conditions presidential health emergency procedures communication failures ambulance dispatch hospital protocol public health political leadership medical ethics emergency response accident survival healthcare systems patient information sharing transparency medical treatment underlying conditions emergency response hospital procedures prompt medical care leadership crisis public health survival chances ambulance services emergency wards indecision medical protocols advance notices medical emergencies President's health transparency medical treatment emergency response underlying conditions prompt care presidential health hospital procedures communication failures ambulance delays emergency ward access political leadership health medical ethics patient confidentiality healthcare protocols medical misinformation public health safety transparency emergency procedures medical awareness presidential health hospital protocols decision making public information medical emergencies underling conditions ambulance services emergency wards presidential deaths medical warnings
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro03a	Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. gambling addiction risk-taking behavior dopamine release internet gambling social gambling self-control financial ruin problem gambling online casinos gambling disorders gambling addiction risk-taking behavior internet gambling social interaction drug addiction analogy financial ruin online casinos compulsive gambling psychological dependence self-control problem gambling gambling support groups internet addiction mental health gambling laws responsible gambling gambling treatment gambling prevention gambling statistics gambling therapy addiction risk taking chances drug_addiction luck roulette casino binge_gambling internet gambling social_activity websites risky_bets savings drunk problem_gambling addiction risk-taking gambling behavior internet gambling social activity drug addiction gambling sites financial ruin impulse control gambling disorder online casinos gambling triggers psychological dependence problem gambling gambling statistics gambling prevention treatment options gambling legislation gambling addiction risk-taking behavior drug addiction internet gambling social activity website access financial ruin compulsive betting psychological dependence online casinos isolation excessive drinking gambling addiction risk-taking behavior drug addiction analogy internet gambling social activity impact continuous availability of online gambling isolation in gambling financial ruin from gambling problem gambling symptoms psychological dependence on gambling effects of internet gambling addiction risk taking chances luck drug addiction binge gambling internet gambling social activity casino race track websites savings drunken gambling problem gambling mental health online casinos gambling disorder compulsive betting financial ruin addictive_behavior risk_taking_human_nature gambling_dependency internet_gambling_risks social_activity_absence continuous_access financial_ruin substance_addiction_comparisons psychological_impacts problem_gambling online_gaming_statistics gambling addiction risk-taking behavior drug addiction comparison internet gambling social interaction impact online gambling continuous availability isolation financial ruin problem gambling psychological dependence casino gambling race track gambling peer influence self-control impulsivity entertainment industry mental health public policy gambling disorders treatment options addiction risk timing drug addiction Internet gambling social activity casino race track website savings drunk
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con01a	The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity nuclear destruction Cold War nuclear war nuclear proliferation defence strategies survival risks non-proliferation cuban missile crisis nato soviet union world peace nuclear disarmament nuclear arms race nuclear conflict global security nuclear deterrent atomic bomb catastrophic consequences nuclear accident nuclear incident nuclear escalation nuclear winter nuclear winter theory nuclear fallout nuclear technology nuclear strategy nuclear diplomacy nuclear ethics nuclear disarmament treaties nuclear policy nuclear terrorism nuclear non-proliferation treaty n self-defence international law nuclear weapons tragedy humanity Cold War nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer 1983 Soviet Union NATO Oleg Gordievsky defection KGB Nuclear proliferation non-proliferation Russia United States arms reduction security Armageddon nuclear disarmament conflict prevention global safety nuclear weapons self-defence international law cold war able archer cuban missile crisis oleg gordievsky kgb nuclear proliferation non-proliferation us russia nuclear disarmament nuclear conflict nuclear destruction nuclear abyss nuclear stockpiles arms control strategic reduction nuclear incident nuclear arms race nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence nuclear tragedy nuclear power nuclear apocalypse nuclear safety nuclear strategy nuclear disarmament treaties self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity cold war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer Oleg Gordievsky KGB world war non-proliferation NATO United States Russia nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation nuclear war ideological struggle safety nuclear arms race nuclear doctrine global security nuclear strategy arms control treaties nuclear fallout warheads nuclear winter nuke atom bomb nuclear winter thermonuclear missile defense arms reduction global warming atomic bomb nuclear deterrent nuclear accident nuclear fallout apar self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity ideological struggle Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer KGB non-proliferation United States Russia nuclear disarmament nuclear conflict safety self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity tragedy Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer 1983 NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation non-proliferation Russia United States nuclear disarmament nuclear conflict arms control security self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity tragedy Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer KGB Oleg Gordievsky NATO West Soviet Union defection alert nuclear first-strike ideological struggle nuclear proliferation non-proliferation North Atlantic Treaty Organization United States Russia Arms Control Armageddon nuclear stockpile reduction conflict security policy warfare world peace nuclear disarmament scourge nuclear abyss catastrophe global security nuclear arms race nuclear deterrence self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity tragedies Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer 1983 NATO soviet union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation reduction non-proliferation nuclear conflict safety arms reduction treaties nuclear war cold war cuban missile crisis able archer exercise kgb soviet union nato risk management nuclear proliferation non-proliferation arms reduction nuclear disarmament international law nuclear weapons nuclear conflict global security ideological struggle nuclear deterrence arms control nuclear strategy self-defence international law nuclear weapons humanity nuclear destruction Cold War nuclear war nuclear proliferation KGB Soviet Union NATO Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer Oleg Gordievsky non-proliferation United States Russia nuclear disarmament security studies
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro02a	An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, Grand Inga dam economy DRC investment employment hydroelectricity electricity costs industry suppliers Kinshasa construction cost housing infrastructure development Grand Inga dam DRC economy hydroelectric power project investment in DRC employment in DRC local supplier support cheap electricity industrial competitiveness household electrification Inga III Kinshasa electricity supply Grand Inga dam economy DRC investment employment hydropower project Inga III electricity kinshasa local suppliers Grand Inga dam DRC economy investment in DRC employment in DRC Inga III hydropower project cheap electricity industrial competitiveness household electricity Kinshasa power supply Grand Inga dam economy DRC investment employment hydroelectric power electricity kinshasa suppliers industrial competitiveness DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment in DRC employment in DRC hydropower project cheap electricity industrial competitiveness household electricity Inga III DRC economy Grand Inga dam infrastructure investment job creation hydropower project economic growth electricity provision Kinshasa households renewable energy international funding DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment in DRC employment in DRC hydropower project cheap electricity industrial competitiveness household electrification Inga III economic boost infrastructure development Grand Inga dam economy DRC investment employment hydroelectric power industrial competitiveness local suppliers Kinshasa electricity DRC economy Grand Inga dam hydropower project investment employment local suppliers electricity cost industrial competitiveness household electricity Kinshasa development
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro03a	Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 internet access fundamental freedom human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil right to freedom of information UNESCO Agnes Callamard third generation activism internet access government duties freedom of information fundamental rights universal declaration of human rights article 19 expression rights third generation activism UNESCO internet access fundamental freedom human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil right to freedom of information freedom of speech UNESCO Agnes Callamard third generation activism empowerment of people universal declaration of human rights freedom of information internet access government duties fundamental rights universal declaration of human rights article 19 third generation activism Agnes Callamard expression rights mediums of expression information empowerment internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfill activism communication mediums political rights information society UNESCO internet access freedom of information freedom of expression government duties universal declaration of human rights third generation activism activism for freedom of information mediums of expression political rights and freedoms internet blocking internet interference internet provision communication rights human rights protections internet access fundamental freedom human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfill universal declaration of human rights freedom of expression freedom of information activism third generation activism UNESCO Agnes Callamard internet access fundamental freedom human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfill universal declaration of human rights freedom of expression freedom of information third generation activism UNESCO internet access fundamental freedom human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil right to freedom of information UNESCO Agnes Callamard third generation activism expression and speech mediums of expression Universal Declaration of Human Rights Internet access necessary part freedom of information fundamental freedom universal declaration of human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil government interference expression rights third generation activism political empowerment
test-law-phwmfri-pro03a	Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, perception rich consequences fines proportionate income justice system fairness Canada surveys preferential treatment poor open justice relations government consent check balance law-makers abuse power defend change police enforcement impartial crimes reflection designations acts interests group principles inequality perceptions trust transparency equality social justice principle open government consent perceptions relations fairness proportionality income fines justice system inequality perception rich consequences fairness justice proportionate fines income-based penalties justice perception public opinion on justice fairness in law enforcement open justice principle criminal justice system inequality in legal penalties wealthy vs poor law enforcement trust social justice legal reforms economic disparities punishment effectiveness legal fairness perceived judicial bias socioeconomic justice legal system transparency community trust in law income and criminal sentencing justice system impartiality public opinion analysis law enforcement image wealth and legal consequences equitable fines implementation justice system credibility legal equity socioeconomic factors in sentencing perception rich pay fines proportionate income justice system Canada surveys inequality trust law enforcement consent transparency impartiality crimes power explanation relations public opinion principle of open justice perception of justice proportionate fines rich immune to consequences justice system fairness open justice principle public opinion on law enforcement impartial justice system equality before law favoritism in law enforcement cost of fines perceptions influencing trust justice system transparency law enforcement trust poor struggling with fines wealth disparity in justice system public opinion as check on power law enforcement consistency crime definition fairness perception justice system proportionate fines income immunity consent Principle of Open Justice law enforcement fairness perceptions trust impartiality proportionate fines perception justice wealthy perceptions open justice principle law enforcement trust fairness in law justice system impartiality rich and consequences public opinion on justice government consent law enforcement fairness criminal justice perceptions justice system checks perception rich pay fines proportionate income justice system canada respondents surveys unfair perception law enforcement relations principle open judgment consent abuse power defense change trust impartial favor crimes ought reflection interests government check balance police act crime designations perception rich consequences fines income proportionate justice system Canada surveys unfair preferential treatment proportionate to income perceptions relations open justice government by consent check and balance police force trust impartiality crimes designations crimes and behavior integrity perception justice system proportionate fines income inequality public trust principle of open justice government consent law enforcement impartiality social perception fairness rich versus poor legal consequences perceived privilege public opinion criminal justice equality before law perception fairness proportionate fines justice system power abuse public opinion law enforcement impartiality cost of fines economic impact public trust criminal justice open justice rich vs poor discrimination inequality fairness perception legal system reform public consent crimes definition
test-international-miasimyhw-con01a	Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? migration neoclassical economics pull_factors economic_laws complex_factors labour_market_management forced_migration trafficking COMESA free_labor emerging_economies victims_identification clandestine_migration Africa justice migration reasons complex migration factors neoclassical economics pull factors labor market freedom economic laws migration choices free labor market forced migration trafficking COMESA labor trafficking identifying trafficked migrants clandestine migration cheap labor flexible labor emerging economies labor justice labor movement types migration reasons neoclassical economics pull factors economic imbalance forced migration labour trafficking COMESA trafficking management African labour markets victim identification clandestine migration free labour movement emerging economies justice in labour migration migration reasons neoclassical economics pull factors job balance economic laws complex migration factors lack of choice free labour market labour market management forced migration trafficking COMESA region victims of trafficking identified cases iceberg effect distinctions in migration trafficked migrants clandestine migration Africa cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement migration neoclassical economics pull factors labor market complex factors forced migration trafficking COMESA free movement economic laws victim identification clandestine migration emerging economies labor justice migration reasons neoclassical economics pull factors labour market management forced migration trafficking COMESA region free labour movement emerging economies victims identification clandestine migration economic laws labor movement justice migration neoclassical economics pull factors economic imbalance labour market freedom of movement complex factors forced migration trafficking COMESA free labour market Africa victims of trafficking clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies justice migration management labour rights migration ethics trafficking identification labour movement migration reasons neoclassical economics pull factors job imbalance economic laws migration complexity free labour market labour market management forced migration trafficking COMESA 40 000 cases 2012 Musinguzi 2013 undetected trafficking victims identification clandestine migration Africa cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies justice in labour movement migration reasons neoclassical economics pull factors labour market management forced migration trafficking COMESA region economic laws free labour movement Africa cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour identification of trafficked migrants clandestine migration migration reasons neoclassical economics pull factors job imbalance economic laws complex migration factors lack of choice free labour market labour market management forced migration trafficking COMESA region victims identification clandestine migration African labour market economies development just labour movement
test-culture-mthbah-pro03a	Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. brainwashing advertising techniques hidden ads digital advertising unconscious marketing advertising frequency advertising freedom public advertising advertising psychology advertising ethics brainwashing advertisements marketing techniques digital advertising subconscious marketing public advertising advertisement placement targeted advertising advertising ethics psychological manipulation marketing psychology advertising influence consumer behavior advertising creativity advertising ethics debate advertising omnipresence hidden advertising digital signage advertising technology ad targeting ad evasion advertising psychology advertising tactics advertising freedom advertising impact brainwashing customer psychology advertising techniques unconscious mind digital marketing strategic advertising public awareness advertising ethics consumer behavior hidden advertising advertising methods advertising impact marketing strategies advertising influence pop-up ads advertising ubiquity psychological manipulation subliminal messaging advertising creativity advertising tactics consumer rights commercial messages advertising psychology advertising effects advertising ethics advertising regulations brainwashing techniques advertising methods subconscious marketing hidden ads digital advertising tactics ubiquitous advertising manipulative advertising advertising freedom marketing strategies psychological advertising advertisement frequency ad targeting technology ad resistance advertising ethics consumer manipulation brainwash customer choice advertising methods subconscious marketing digital advertising public art advertising freedom attention grabbing pop-up ads underhand advertising psychological manipulation advertising everywhere ad blocker resistance advertising psychology subconscious marketing digital advertising tactics hidden advertising psychological manipulation brainwashing techniques consumer behavior targeted advertising public art advertising adaptive advertising ubiquitous ads digital signage subconscious messaging ad targeting technology marketing ethics consumer awareness ad resistance strategies brainwashing customer manipulation advertising techniques unconscious mind digital advertising hidden ads public art market manipulation free will advertising ethics attention grabbing provocative images digital screens targeted advertising public information advertising freedom brainwashing customer manipulation underhand advertising attention-grabbing provocative images hidden advertising digital screens adaptive ads public art advertising freedom of choice ubiquitous ads marketing psychology subconscious influence targeted advertising digital marketing ad saturation advertising ethics consumer behavior marketing tactics advertising psychology subliminal advertising digital advertising hidden advertising unconscious mind marketing advertising ethics brainwashing techniques advertising everywhere psychological manipulation advertising methods public advertising advertising impact social media advertising digital marketing strategies advertising technology advertising creativity advertising influence consumer behavior analysis advertising tactics advertising strategies advertising effects advertising psychology research advertising and society advertising regulations brainwashing advertising techniques subconscious marketing digital advertising stealth ads public art advertising targeted advertising freedom of choice 广告 营销策略 潜意识营销 数字广告 隐蔽广告 公共艺术广告 定向广告 自由选择权
test-economy-beghwbh-con01a	It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev transportation systems rail infrastructure Elon Musk competition traffic chaos popularity existing infrastructure land acquisition speed comparison Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev existing rail infrastructure traffic chaos land acquisition existing highway interstate-5 Elon Musk Shanghai Maglev Train Hyperloop political support Caliornia high speed rail maglev infrastructure Elon Musk transportation systems existing highway traffic chaos maglev train Shanghai Airport existing rail infrastructure Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev existing infrastructure traffic chaos land acquisition competition existing highway interstate-5 high speed trains connecting infrastructure preferred method Shanghai Maglev existing rail network Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev existing rail infrastructure traffic chaos land acquisition Elon Musk Shanghai Maglev Train government funding infrastructure challenges Hyperloop political support Cost benefit analysis California high speed rail maglev technology infrastructure challenges transportation systems existing highway traffic chaos popularity comparison Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev infrastructure existing rail systems traffic chaos popular transport technologies Elon Musk competition Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev existing infrastructure traffic chaos land acquisition Elon Musk transportation competition Gizmodo Business Insider Hyperloop political support Cost analysis California high speed rail maglev technology infrastructure integration public transportation competition land acquisition existing highway utilization traffic impact Elon Musk high speed train systems Shanghai Maglev Train Gizmo Business Insider Hyperloop political support California high speed rail maglev existing rail infrastructure traffic chaos popular transportation land acquisition Elon Musk Shanghai Maglev
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro02a	Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. online gambling family impact parental gambling financial ruin family breakdown government intervention child protection internet gambling hidden addiction problem gambling social impact gambling prevention family therapy gambling support groups online monitoring gambling laws gambling awareness gambling treatment online gambling impact parental gambling effects family financial ruin government intervention gambling child protection gambling internet gambling addiction hidden gambling problem gambling consequences gambling addiction prevention family breakdown gambling gambling support services economic impact gambling online gambling legislation gambling therapy gambling statistics problem gambler support family counseling gambling gambling recovery programs internet safety gambling responsible gambling education online gambling consequences family impact gambling addiction Internet gambling hidden gambling problem gambling social costs government intervention children protection gambling statistics addiction risks family break-up homelessness hidden debt online betting risk factors gambling support public health mental health spousal gambling child neglect financial impact internet addiction gambling prevention community impact online gambling effects family impact of gambling parental gambling consequences gambling addiction government intervention in gambling internet gambling risks hidden gambling problem gambling statistics gambling and homelessness protecting children from gambling internet gambling anonymity online gambling family impact financial ruin addiction government intervention child protection internet gambling secret betting family breakdown homelessness problem gambling societal impact hidden addiction online gambling effects family impact gambling addiction government intervention child protection internet gambling hidden gambling problem gambling financial impact family breakdown homelessness gambling support services addiction prevention internet safety public awareness mental health impact online gambling effects family impact financial ruin home loss government intervention child protection internet gambling hidden addiction problem gambling societal impact family breakdown gambling statistics internet betting secret gambling addiction consequences online gambling family impact problem gambling government intervention internet gambling hidden addiction family break-up financial ruin child protection gambling addiction family welfare public policy internet risks gambling statistics social costs family disruption gambling prevention family support addiction treatment internet safety family counseling gambling legislation online gambling consequences family impact government intervention gambling addiction hidden gambling internet gambling problem gambling social impact of gambling gambling support services gambling legislation online gambling consequences family impact gambling addiction government intervention hidden gambling internet gambling risks problem gambling statistics gambling and homelessness child protection in gambling internet gambling secrecy
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro02a	Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History &amp; Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History &amp; Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History &amp; Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History &amp; Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History &amp; Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) integration acceptance western values arranged marriages cultural differences progression individual rights egalitarianism hypocrisy diaspora communities social standards history policy gender equality human rights sexual mores Europe UK Europe Union EU integration acceptance western values arranged marriages cultural differences gender equality individual rights social progress historical context double standards human rights Europe EU diaspora communities sexual mores family forms cultural practices integration Western values European cultures multi-culturalism marriage choices gender equality human rights Eastern traditions diaspora communities family structures cultural adaptation social progressivism 1950s social norms individual rights equality liberalism conservatism sexual orientation gender roles choosing partners independent dating courtship practices marriage customs chattel concept egalitarianism Discrimination Western standards integration Western values marriage choices progressive ideas orientation individual rights equality gender roles chattel social conservatism double-standards diaspora communities EU norms human rights sexual mores cultural acceptance courtship practices integration Western values marriage choices European history cultural practices individual rights equality feminism human rights conservatism 1950s norms diaspora communities sexual mores equal rights Eastern traditions chattel status egalitarianism Western hypocrisy integration Western values European countries multi-culturalism marriage choices gender equality individual rights egalitarianism diaspora communities family forms sexual mores human rights chattel socially conservative era cultural acceptance Eastern vs Western culture cultural assimilation gender roles independent choices courtship parents' involvement sexual orientation European Union norms double standards acceptance of diversity cultural clash cultural evolution modern Britain integration Western values arranged marriages cultural differences progressive ideas marriage choice social conservatism 1950s egalitarianism individual rights double-standard diaspora communities human rights women's rights EU norms integration Western values marriage choices progressive ideas sexual orientation individual rights equality diaspora communities human rights chattel socially conservative era cultural practices EU standards integration Western_values arranged_marriages cultural_change progressive_ideas marriage_choice gender_equality individual_rights social_conservatism 1950s_culture women_chattel egalitarianism human_rights double_standard diaspora_communities EU_norms integration Western values marriage choices progressive ideas diaspora communities equality hypocrisy European countries individual rights chattel gender roles socially conservative era cultural practices sexual mores Human Rights UKEssays
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro04a	Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. moral philosophy historical analysis religion criticism ethical relativism social impact theological ethics cultural critique religious wars moral development historical morality religious influence conservative ideology social justice history slavery morality psychological benefits ethical progress religion morality religious repression sexism in religion religion and conflict historical impact of religion religion and slavery positive morals without religion psychological benefits of religion moral claims of religion evolution of moral beliefs moral philosophy historical religion impact religious influence on society ethical relativism cultural imperialism moral development religious violence historical slavery moral absolutism psychological comfort versus societal harm secular morality religious fundamentalism historical conflicts religious conservatism moral progress ethical monotheism historical repressions secular ethics historical moral rules religious versus secular morality historical religious wars moral relativism ethical pluralism historical religious doctrines moral knowledge religious repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred received wisdom conservative force regressive force independent moral rules slavery psychological comfort social evils political impacts religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict wars racial hatred received wisdom conservative regressive force moral rules ten commandments slavery psychological comfort social evils political worlds search optimization relevant phrases elevate performance query expansion moral knowledge religious repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred conservative force regressive influence independent morality slavery psychological comfort social evils political impact religious morality moral knowledge religious repression sexism in religion elitism in religion homophobia in religion conflict in religion war in religion racial hatred received wisdom conservative religion regressive religion independent moral rules slavery history psychological comfort social evils political impacts Religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict wars racial hatred received wisdom conservative regressive force independent moral rules ten commandments Slavery political worlds social evils pyschological comfort religious morality moral claims religious influence historical repression sexist religions religious conflict moral progress slavery history psychological benefits ethical development moral relativism historical analysis of religion critique of religious influence moral development social impact of religion secular ethics evolution of moral standards psychological benefits vs. societal harm comparative religion religion and violence ethical progress without religion
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro05a	Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill &amp; Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill &amp; Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill &amp; Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill &amp; Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill &amp; Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, search effectiveness expansion terms Nip problem bud Smoking rates Africa low tobacco epidemic early stage challenge reduce ban public places social acceptability Global North solutions Gates Foundation strategy overview public health policies africa tobacco control strategies health impacts smoking bans socioeconomic factors global north tobacco epidemic healthcare costs population studies tobacco legislation population health healthcare access public awareness health disparities health policy community health health education health promotion healthcare systems health outcomes health inequalities health interventions health statistics health services healthcare quality healthcare delivery healthcare utilization healthcare financing healthcare workforce healthcare technology healthcare facilities healthcare infrastructure healthcare management healthcare planning health tobacco epidemic Africa smoking bans public health socioeconomic development Global North tobacco control health policies Gates Foundation nonsmokers' rights health education health statistics tobacco industry public awareness health promotion tobacco taxation health inequalities health outcomes healthcare costs global health population health health systems healthcare access healthcare utilization health behaviors health disparities health literacy health systems strengthening health policy health services research health economics health technology health information health communication health promotion programs health protection health prevention health tobacco control strategies Africa smoking trends promote public health tobacco epidemic prevention smoking bans social acceptability of smoking global north smoking patterns Tobacco Use Reduction African Union health policies Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control early stages public health interventions health policy development smoking rates Africa tobacco epidemic population health social acceptability bans public places economic development health impact socioeconomic factors tobacco control global north Nip problem bud Smoking rates Africa Tobacco epidemic early stage Ban public smoking Social acceptability smoking Prevent tobacco spread Tobacco control strategies Global North smoking trends Early intervention tobacco Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control Smoking rates Africa tobacco epidemic public health population health social acceptability global north tobacco control economic development health impact policy solutions Nip the problem in the bud tobacco epidemic Africa smoking rates ban on smoking population health socio-economic development tobacco control strategy Tobacco Use Mustapha Kaloko Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control Africa public health smoking bans socioeconomic impact tobacco epidemic global north policy solutions healthcare costs economic development tobacco use prevention public awareness campaigns health policy tobacco taxation campaigns against smoking adolescent smoking trends second-hand smoke community health health education healthcare access tobacco industry regulations healthcare systems health statistics health outcomes health disparities tobacco control strategies healthcare financing healthcare utilization healthcare quality healthcare delivery healthcare workers healthcare facilities healthcare technology health tobacco control public health policy smoking bans global north comparison socio-economic factors tobacco epidemic prevention health development Africa public awareness campaigns health economics non-communicable diseases health policy analysis
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con01a	"There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views male circumcision routine procedure vaccination medical decisions parental rights child development health risks cultural practices FGM Montessori nursery minor procedure aesthetic surgery Dr.BrianMorris male circumcision vaccination parents' rights medical decisions child welfare cultural practices risk assessment benefits and risks FGM Montessori nurseries rugby injuries child development adolescent choices aesthetic procedures routine medical decisions parental rights circumcision safety circumcision benefits vaccination comparison child welfare cultural practices minor surgical procedures child development educational choices health risks pediatric surgery parental autonomy childhood injuries medical ethics circumcision controversy male circumcision routine procedure vaccination analogy parental rights child welfare cultural practices medical decision-making harm prevention educational choices aesthetic procedures developmental impacts parental responsibilities pediatric surgery circumcision benefits child consent medical ethics parental autonomy circumcising infants childhood health cultural significances circumcision vaccination parental权利 儿童未来 文化与精神利益 教育选择 体育活动风险 幼儿园选择 个人纪律 医疗决策 风险评估 身体修改 未成年人权益 search performance relevant expansion phrases medical decisions circumcision vaccination routine procedures parental rights child welfare cultural practices educational choices aesthetic procedures risk assessment Dr. Brian Morris search accuracy expansion terms medical decisions circumcision vaccination routine procedures parental rights child welfare cultural practices health implications educational choices rugby Montessori discipline risk assessment minor procedures aesthetics Dr. Brian Morris circumcision routine procedure medical decisions parental rights vaccination child welfare beneficial outcomes infection risk FGM Montessori nursery aesthetic procedure Dr.BrianMorris search optimization keyword expansion medical decisions circumcision benefits parental rights routine procedures vaccination comparison child development cultural practices risk assessment healthcare choices pediatric surgery parental consent child welfare educational implications health risks minor procedures aesthetic modifications pediatric care cultural traditions parental authority medical ethics childhood development circumcision controversy medical procedures parent-child relationship healthcare priorities cultural significance medical decision-making child protection medical risks parental responsibilities childhood experiences search outcomes beneficial expansion terms medical decisions circumcision vaccination routine procedure risk benefits parental rights children future education welfare choices aesthetic procedure Dr. Brian Morris Montessori nursery Life-changing injuries Personal discipline American Academy of Pediatrics"
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro01a	Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., &amp; Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., &amp; Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., &amp; Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., &amp; Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., &amp; Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, resource abundance governance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources exploitation political class accountability citizenry mineral wealth infrastructure education long term growth Africa Progress Panel Democratic Republic of Congo corruption in mining resource exploitation economic growth economic governance resource curse extractive industries corruption prevention public finance management transparency anti-corruption measures resource allocation resource curse African corruption mineral wealth government accountability extractive industries corruption governance resource exploitation political class control citizenry accountability infrastructure investment education funding corruption survey Democratic Republic of Congo mining deals corporate profiteering resource revenue management corruption in natural resources natural resource governance transparency in mining extractive sector corruption resource curse governance corruption Africa natural resources extractive industries political class accountability infrastructure investment education politicians bureaucrats mining deals DRC civil society corruption surveys economic growth resource exploitation transparency land ownership resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources exploitation political class accountability citizenry resource wealth reinvestment infrastructure education politicians bureaucrats long term growth Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo extractive industries corruption detraction curse of natural resources resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources political class accountability citizenry mineral wealth infrastructure education resource wealth reinvestment politicians bureaucrats long term growth Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) mining deals profit survey corruption extraction economic growth extractive industries corruption causes curse of natural resources resource abundance poor governance corruption in Africa natural resources exploitation by politicians accountability to citizens infrastructure investment education funding mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo corruption and natural resources economic growth Africa Progress Panel resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources exploitation political class accountability citizenry income reinvestment infrastructure education mineral wealth politicians bureaucrats long term growth DRC extractive industries corruption resource exploitation profit corruption report Africa Progress Panel resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources exploitation political class accountability citizenry profit reinvestment infrastructure education long term growth politicians bureaucrats money laundering mineral wealth extractive industries corruption democratic republic of congo profit redistribution government officials resource curse Africa Progress Panel resource abundance governance poor corruption Africa natural resources exploitation political class accountability citizenry profit reinvestment infrastructure education mineral wealth extraction profit pocketing power dynamics DRC extractive industries curse of natural resources transparency Africa Progress Panel resource curse governance corruption Africa mineral wealth accountability political class long term growth infrastructure education resource exploitation extractive industries Africa Progress Panel Democratic Republic of Congo
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro03a	"Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, needle exchanges addiction treatment social services drug addicts rehabilitation clinics disease prevention anonymous help public funding health awareness harm reduction community centers public health addiction counseling healthcare facilities peer support drug education public policy community outreach health promotion needle sterilization HIV prevention overdose prevention health services medical assistance harm reduction programs public health initiatives needle exchange programs drug addiction treatment social service integration rehabilitation clinics public health initiatives disease prevention harm reduction strategies anonymous healthcare community outreach drug awareness education public funding debates needle exchanges drug addiction social services rehabilitation clinics public health harm reduction anonymous support disease prevention community centers drug awareness public funding mental health HIV prevention community engagement public health policy outreach programs needle exchange programs social services for addicts rehabilitation clinics disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding anonymous help positive association closer persons judgment public health initiatives addiction treatment centers harm reduction strategies community health services needle safety HIV prevention syringe distribution outreach programs public health policies health education addiction counseling community support public health campaigns needle exchange benefits addiction treatment facilities harm reduction tactics public health interventions needle exchanges social services addiction treatment negative associations state institutions rehabilitation clinics anonymous help drug awareness public funding disease diagnosis community centers drug addict assistance harm reduction health education prevention strategies needle exchanges social services addict treatment positive association state institutions rehabilitation clinics anonymous help disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding needle exchanges social services addict location treatment recommendation negative associations positive reinforcement rehabilitation clinics anonymous help addiction social support public health initiatives disease prevention drug awareness public funding harm reduction needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment negative associations positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics anonymous help clinic staff disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding publicly funded programs needle exchanges social services drug addiction treatment centers rehabilitation clinics public health anonymous support community outreach drug awareness disease prevention public funding policy analysis needle exchanges social services drug addiction treatment programs rehabilitation clinics disease prevention public health community centers harm reduction anonymous support drug awareness public funding institutional stigma"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro01a	Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people minority rights state purpose inequalities injustices Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid force resistance manifesto legitimacy democratic methods peaceful methods justification for terror state oppression minority rights violence for liberation Apartheid Umkhonto we Sizwe Nelson Mandela international relief state failure inequalities injustices resistance movements rights of minorities right to dissent legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence individual rights minority rights state representation inequalities injustices Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid force reprisals legitimacy extreme measures peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority rights state representation inequality injustice Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela apartheid manifesto force armed force reprisals legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence individual rights minority rights state representation inequalities injustices Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela apartheid legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering implacably oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause right to express discontent state representation support minorities inequalities injustices commit acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela apartheid refuse force armed force interpretation reprisals break with past legitimacy democratic methods peaceful methods terrorism oppression minority rights state failure inequalities apartheid Umkhonto we Sizwe Nelson Mandela liberation movements legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering implacably oppressive state international relief violence defend one's people pursue one's cause right to express discontent state facilitation minority rights state purpose inequalities injustices commit acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela apartheid submit or fight government interpretation armed force force as response break with past legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people minority rights state purpose inequalities injustices Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela apartheid force armed force reprisals liberation legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resorting to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defending rights state representation minority rights inequalities injustices Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid force manifesto
test-law-phwmfri-pro02a	The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 deterrence fines income inequality legal costs affluent social impact crime parking fines littering externalities affordability economic disparity deterrence theory fine effectiveness income disparity punitive measures economic impact wealth inequality legal fines behavioral economics crime deterrents socioeconomic status payment ability fine rates elite behavior indirect harm wealthy individuals law enforcement political economy regulatory compliance public policy economic incentives criminal behavior legal deterrents inequality in justice poverty and crime fine structures wealth taxation affordability of fines disciplinary measures justice system reform deterrence economic inequality fine rates income disparity crimespunbyfines richest payability indirectharm parking littering damagecosts deterrence theory fine effectiveness income disparity punitive measures wealth impact cost-benefit analysis legal fines socioeconomic differences rich individuals payment capacity deterrent value indirect harm assessment legal compliance rich crime behavior financial penalties economic crime law enforcement fine setting wealth inequality legal deterrents wealth and lawbreaking ineffective fines crimes against public order public good violations deterrence fines income economic disparity political economy cost-benefit analysis social inequality rich poor law enforcement economic impact indirect harm punishment effectiveness of fines littering illicit parking Gneezy Rustichini query expansion deterrence fines wealth inequality crime legal studies rich individuals indirect harm law enforcement socioeconomic impact deterrence fines income inequality wealth payable fines indirect harm lawbreaking rich poor economic disparity criminal fines legal studies economic behavior penalties damage compensation deterrence fine income inequality legal studies punishment economic impact rich poor cost benefit analysis illicit parking littering search optimization meaningful expansion terms enhance query economic deterrence fine application income disparity legal fines social impact crime deterrent rich individuals law enforcement economic inequality fine effectiveness legal studies deterrent analysis punitive measures illicit activities public behavior socioeconomic impact justice system economic policy crime prevention income levels legal fines effectiveness economic deterrence analysis deterrent fines income inequality wealthy offenders indirect harm legal costs economic deterrence rich individuals punitive measures societal impact fine effectiveness crime affordability
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con02a	Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 affirmative action social tensions racial bias council funding riots discrimination multiculturalism diversity minority groups majority groups socioeconomic status upper-class lower-class Oldham affirmative action social tensions disenfranchisement minority groups majority groups council funding ethnicity multicultural city racial bias white working class upper-class minorities Oldham riots 2001 riots northern england Multiculturalism and social conflict affirmative action debates social tensions causes minority group benefits majority group disenfranchisement race relations issues urban multiculturalism ethnic discrimination council funding controversy class dynamics in race policies riots and race affirmative action criticisms social equity challenges affirmative action social tensions disenfranchisement minority groups multiculturalism benefits council funding discrimination 2001 riots oldham racial bias deepening upper-class blacks marginalized whites ethnicity diversity environment planning affirmative action social tensions disenfranchisement minority groups majority groups racial bias riots Oldham council funding class disparity multicultural city diversity environmental planning affirmative action debates social tension examples racial bias critique multicultural city challenges diversity policy impacts ethnic discrimination claims urban riots causes council funding disputes class dynamics in affirmative action minority privilege concerns affirmative action social tensions racial bias disenfranchisement minority groups majority groups council funding riots class differences multicultural city diversity urban planning discrimination affirmative action social tensions disenfranchisement minority groups majority groups racial bias discrimination council funding multiculturalism riots ethnicity diversity affirmative action social tensions racial bias disenfranchisement multiculturalism urban planning ethnic discrimination class dynamics diversity management affirmative action debates social tensions examples racial bias multicultural city challenges council funding discrimination white minority issues upper-class preferences
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro02a	The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 digital universe study World Wide Web Size.com Katryn McGaughey Nick Clayton internet human rights freedom of expression freedom of authorship freedom of readership universal declaration of human rights right to information digital universe web pages human welfare online access internet accessibility global internet usage internet size internet growth information dissemination human rights internet access freedom of expression information age digital universe world wide web global connectivity Article 19 right to information Michael L Best Africa online access population growth EMC2 World Wide Web Size.com TechEurope right to internet access freedom of speech freedom of expression human rights gap internet accessibility internet size information access internet as human right digital universe internet usage internet users internet growth internet access freedom of speech freedom of expression human rights government control information availability global connectivity digital universe web pages gigabytes universal access Africa population Right to Information Article 19 Human Rights Declaration internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 information symmetry free expression dissenting views Africa web pages digital universe global internet usage internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression digital age information gap Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights web pages gigabytes global accessibility Africa Internet as a human right World Wide Web Size.com EMC2 TechEurope internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights digital universe web pages gigabytes global accessibility Africa online information population usage worldwide internet users internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 right to information web pages digital universe study government censorship population access global internet usage Africa internet usage internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression digital universe right to information government censorship global accessibility Africa web pages information dissemination Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con02a	"Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, smokers rights universal declaration of human rights freedom of choice dignity and rights reasonable limitations working hours rest and leisure public places smoking areas health rights human dignity social equality government regulations non-smokers rights public health smoking bans human rights violations Forest group human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights smokers rights public places smoking Forest group article 1 article 24 dignity and rights government policy public health smoking areas leisure rights human rights smokers rights universal declaration of human rights freedom dignity equality government policies public health smoking bans rights protection advocacy groups Universal Declaration of Human Rights smokers rights non-smokers public places smoking areas Forest group enjoyment dignity human rights working hours rest and leisure smokers rights universal declaration of human rights article 1 article 24 freedom equality dignity rights government policies public places smoking areas enjoyment rights advocacy Forest group human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights smokers rights smoking areas public health government regulations enjoyment dignity freedom equality rights violations Forest group human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights smokers rights public places smoking Forest group dignity and rights enjoyment reasonable limitation of working hours periodic holidays with pay smoking areas government policies rights of smokers rest and leisure human rights smokers rights universal declaration of human rights dignity equality freedom rest and leisure public places smoking areas government policies Forest group human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights smokers rights freedom of choice public health policies smoking bans dignity and rights reasonable limitations working hours periodic holidays government regulations social groups Forest group human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights smokers rights Forest group public places smoking enjoyment rights"
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con02a	The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, right to life suicide euthanasia self-ownership duty to live voluntary euthanasia philosophy of suicide Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to die self-ownership suic Peace suicide laws voluntary euthanasia autonomy rights end-of-life care physician-assisted suicide living wills do-not-resuscitate orders right to life self-ownership autonomy euthanasia suicide legal rights personal choice end-of-life decisions bioethics philosophical rights right to life self-ownership autonomy euthanasia liberty suicide rights end-of-life choices personal freedom philosophical perspectives human rights moral obligations right to life suicide euthanasia self-ownership morality philosophy law duty to live individual rights right to life self-ownership voluntary euthanasia legal rights autonomy suicide rights moral obligations individual freedom right to life suicide self-ownership autonomy end-of-life euthanasia philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to life self-ownership euthanasia suicide rights individual choice legal interference autonomy philosophical rights end-of-life decisions right to life suicide morality right to die self-ownership philosophy duty choice Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to self-ownership suicide rights voluntary euthanasia duty to live individual choice in suicide Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro01a	Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey EU membership GDP per capita migration integration economic reform Schengen area IMF programs market access population prosperity poverty EU expansion poverty stricken country EU integration living standards forecast migration GDP per capita banking reform IMF market economic benefits schengen zone adjustment Turkey Bulgaria Romania Ireland Spain Greece population economic threat immigration prosperity forecast failure adjustment entry forecast disaster EU expansion economic reforms GDP per capita Schengen area migration forecasts EU member prosperity Balkan economies banking system restructuring Turkey EU accession single market benefits adjustment periods comparative wealth analysis poverty stricken country EU membership living standards integration GDP per capita migration issues Turkey economy banking system reform IMF programmes economic benefits Schengen area adjustment period Bulgaria Romania EU expansion poverty reduction living standards Turkey EU membership GDP per capita migration market access economic reforms IMF banking system single market Schengen area integration poverty-stricken country EU living standards integration migration GDP per capita market IMF programs economic benefits adjustment Schengen zone banking system reform poverty stricken country EU integration living standards migration forecast economic reform banking IMF growth Turkey GDP market immigration issues schengen zone adjustment benefits population forecasted realities comparison wealth development accession conditions integration challenges prospects economic benefits market trade forecasted risks analysis policy implementation effectiveness impact harmonization infrastructure development capital comparison statistics forecasting evaluation EU expansion economic reforms Turkey poverty GDP per capita international comparisons migration forecasts IMF programs Schengen area EU integration market access search optimization turkey EU membership poverty alleviation migration forecast economic reforms GDP per capita schengen area integration challenges IMF programs banking system restructuring economic benefits market access immigration impact past EU expansions prosperity comparison search outcomes beneficial expansion terms Turkey poverty EU living standards integration prosperity migration GDP per capita banking system IMF market trade economic benefits Schengen area adjustment
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro02a	Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 vegetarianism environmental farming pollution deforestation greenhouse gases cruelty biodiversity energy consumption water usage global warming Amazon rainforest tropical rainforests grain efficiency food security climate change ecology agricultural impact sustainability cattle farming population growth resource depletion vegetarianism environmental impact farming pollution deforestation greenhouse gases climate change water usage cruelty to animals biodiversity Amazon rainforest grain efficiency energy consumption population growth food security vegetarianism environmental pollution deforestation farming greenhouse emissions biodiversity sustainability water resource consumption animal agriculture climate change ethics diet conservation hunger ecology global impact health farming methods efficiency livestock production sustainability ecosystems nutrition farming systems energy usage biodiversity preservation meat industry impacts water scarcity environmentalism sustainable practices consumption effects farming techniques conservation agriculture environmentalism resources impacts meat production water usage environmental damage sustainability environmental benefits of vegetarianism environmental impact of meat deforestation and meat production water usage in meat farming greenhouse gas emissions from livestock sustainability of vegetarian diet resource efficiency in food production biodiversity loss due to meat consumption meat production pollution vegetarianism and climate change agriculture and deforestation water scarcity and meat meat industry environmental impact vegetarian lifestyle for sustainability vegetarianism environmental pollution deforestation biodiversity greenhouse gas emissions farming resources water sustainability agriculture ecosystem climate change livestock diet biodiversity conservation consumption ethics sustainable food security global warming statistics analysis impact statistics meat production efficiency energy scarcity population growth extinction hunger resources usage water crisis agriculture industry sustainable practices environmental protection education awareness vegetarianism environmental impact deforestation greenhouse gases water usage animal agriculture biodiversity sustainable eating meat production pollution food security resource allocation climate change agricultural practices ecosystem disruption vegetarianism environmental pollution deforestation cattle farming greenhouse emissions water conservation biodiversity sustainability agriculture climate meat diet resources extinction ecosystems food security livestock efficiency consumption ecosystems energy biodiversity sustainability global warming statistics resources ethics impact sustainable farming statistics deforestation biodiversity efficiency sustainability ethical environmental impacts water conservation resources efficiency sustainability global warming statistics deforestation biodiversity efficiency sustainability ethical environmental impacts water conservation resources vegetarianism environmental pollution deforestation farming greenhouse emissions water scarcity biodiversity agriculture cattle fish energy consumption sustainable ecology conservation food security ethics sustainability statistics meat industry climate impact resource management global warming vegetarianism environmental impact deforestation pollution greenhouse gases meat production farmer incentives water usage land use biodiversity cattle farming Amazon rainforest food security climate change resource allocation agricultural statistics grain consumption vegetarianism environmental friendliness pollution deforestation meat production biodiversity greenhouse gases water scarcity sustainability agriculture animal cruelty
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con02a	"Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 school strategies youth behavioral change obesity prevention junk food availability lasting behavior changes time use survey food choices ATUS sleep patterns targeting schools youth behavioral change food availability fruit and vegetables junk food obesity epidemic lasting impact time use survey school effectiveness behavioral change youth obesity fast food junk food school nutrition obesity epidemic health interventions environmental factors food availability teen habits sleep patterns food choice public health education policy research findings preventative measures school environments behavioral change junk food availability dietary habits obesity prevention time outside school eating patterns youth nutrition effective strategies lifestyle influences behavioral change youth schools junk food fresh fruits and veggies obesity epidemic meal choices time use survey school strategies behavioral change youth nutrition junk food availability obesity prevention dietary habits after-school behaviors time use survey sleep patterns targeting schools youth behavioral change research fresh fruits and veggies junk food fast food obesity epidemic time use survey lasting impact accessibility meal choices approach effectiveness ban snacks diet behaviors limited choices ATUS Bureau of Labor Statistics Nordqvist C Medical News Today Penny Gordon-Larsen Wechsler H National Association of State Boards of Education Northqist C Medical News Today Nutrition research Youth health School environments Obesity prevention school effectiveness behavioral change strategies junk food availability obesity prevention time spent outside school impact of school policies dietary behavior modification nutritional choices outside school limited school influence on eating habits school strategies behavioral change youth obesity junk food availability dietary habits effective interventions time use analysis sleep patterns fast food consumption school strategies behavioral change obesity prevention junk food availability dietary habits youth environments time use analysis food choices outside school"
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro01a	"Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: natural theories physics cosmology chemistry biology evolution God irrelevant supernatural evidence atheism scientific understanding missing links God of the Gaps burden of proof Boyer Pascal Religion Explained Russell Bertrand atheism naturalistic_explanation god_of_the_gaps burden_of_proof supernatural empirical_evidence evolution_of_universe religion_explained philosophy_of_science rationality evidence_based_thinking natural theories,physics,cosmology,chemistry,biology,evolution,god irrelevant,supernatural,evidence,atheism,God of the Gaps,religion explained,Boyঠ user Continue with the next section of the query: ""The lack of empirical evidence for the existence of God does not imply the nonexistence of God. It simply means that no one has provided sufficient evidence to prove the existence of God. The burden of proof lies with those who assert the existence of something. If someone claims to have direct or indirect evidence for the existence of God, that evidence should be presented and subjected to scrutiny natural theories physics cosmology chemistry biology evolution God supernatural evidence atheism rationality belief gaps Boyer Russell natural theories physics cosmology chemistry biology evolution God unnecessary supernatural evidence atheism rational position burden of proof scientific understanding gaps theory God of the gaps Boyer Pascal Russell Bertrand natural theories,physics,cosmology,chemistry,biology,evolution,supernatural,evidence,god irrelevant,rational position,atheism,God of the Gaps,Boyঠ user continue assistant,evolution,empirical identification,existence,religion explained,positive claim,scientific understanding,evidence required,superfluous entity,natural world,ethereal nature,belief justification,philosophical freedom,debate on god's existence,religion origins,atheism definition,positive evidence,superior explanation,cosmic development natural theories,existence development,universe explanation,cosmology,chemistry,biology,evolution,god relevance,supernatural,missing links,evidence burden,atheism,rationality,natural world,supernatural fantasy,Boyঠ user Thank you. Can you provide more specific keywords related to the evidence and burden of proof for the existence of God? Assistant evidence burden,existence proof,God existence,scientific evidence,philosophical evidence,belief justification,rational argument,naturalism,supernatural claims,empirical identification,atheist perspective,religious thought,logical positivism natural theories physics cosmology chemistry biology evolution God irrelevant God of the Gaps supernatural evidence atheism positive claim rational position natural theories,cosmology,chemistry,evolution,God irrelevant,evidence needed,supernatural,atheism,Boyঠ user Expand search terms for the topic ""Impact of Climate Change on Agriculture"": Climate change, agriculture, crop yields, drought, flooding, soil degradation, biodiversity, pests, adaptation strategies, sustainable farming, policy changes, global food security, temperature increases, precipitation patterns, greenhouse gases, water management, genetically modified crops, traditional farming methods, carbon footprint, economic impact, health effects, food prices, climate resilience, weather extremes, heat stress, irrigation systems, renewable energy sources, agrofore natural theories physics cosmology chemistry biology evolution God gaps argument burden of proof atheism supernatural empirical identification rationality"
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con01a	Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 democracy São Tomé and Príncipe multiparty system elections Ibrahim Index African governance Taiwan colony colonialism Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands seizure diplomacy international relations democracy support Taiwan colony colonialism aggression seizure São Tomé and Príncipe Mo Ibrahim Foundation U.S. Department of State African governance democracy support São Tomé and Príncipe Taiwan relations colonial history governance index human rights Tibet autonomy China foreign policy island disputes Portuguese colonialism democracy expansion phrases São Tomé politics multiparty system free elections Ibrahim Index African governance colonial history Taiwan support Tibet colonization Inner Mongolia Taiwan aggression small island disputes diplomatic relations human rights colonial legacy democracy SãoTomé multiparty free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colonialism Tibet Inner Mongolia independence U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy expansion phrases São Tomé and Príncipe multiparty system free elections Ibrahim Index African governance Taiwan support colonial history Tibet Inner Mongolia sovereignty issues island seizures aggressive actions democracy São Tomé and Príncipe multiparty system fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance colony Taiwan Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions seizure of islands colonial history democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colonial history Portugal Tibet Inner Mongolia sovereignty aggression island disputes democracy SãoToméandPríncipe multiparty democracy elections IbrahimIndex AfricanGovernance Taiwan colony Portugal 1975 independence Tibet InnerMongolia colonisation aggressiveactions islands seas DemocracyBureau U.S.DepartmentofState democracy São Tomé multiparty system free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colonial history Tibet Inner Mongolia human rights aggression island disputes
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro03a	Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, South African Social Attitudes Survey public support quotas black population support sport quotas status quo non-white rugby players South African Social Attitudes Survey Sport quotas black support rugby diversity population will status quo sports discrimination South African Social Attitudes Survey public support quotas black population support sport quotas status quo in sports racial representation in sport South African Social Attitudes Survey sports quotas public support black population status quo rugby players South Africans support quotas South African Social Attitudes Survey 2006 rugby players black people status quo search performance recommendation system expansion phrases South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas public support sport diversity race rugby players demographic support status quo South African Social Attitudes Survey public support quotas sport diversity black support status quo South Africans quotas South African Social Attitudes Survey 2006 black support sport diversity status quo public opinion rugby players affirmative action South African Social Attitudes Survey public support quotas sports quotas racial diversity rugby players black population support South African Social Attitudes Survey public support quotas sports quotas demographic support black population rugby players status quo
test-science-eassgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare ethical considerations scientific research pain management humane treatment laboratory animals animal rights moral objections wild versus captivity meat industry ethics animal research ethics humane treatment in research animal welfare in experiments moral considerations of animal research comparison animal agriculture research pain management in lab animals quality of life in research animals treatment standards for laboratory animals animal welfare ethical treatment scientific research pain management humane practices experimental animals moral considerations animal rights veterinary care wildlife comparison livestock ethics animal research ethics treatment of laboratory animals humane animal research benefits of animal testing animal welfare in research ethical considerations in animal research alternatives to animal testing animal rights vs scientific progress suffering in animal research role of pain management in animal research animal research vs meat production research ethics animal welfare experimental animals pain management humane euthanasia scientific validity wild vs captivity ethical treatment meat industry moral objections research animal welfare animal research ethics animal care in experiments benefits of animal research moral considerations in animal testing pain management in lab animals animal treatment standards experimental animal conditions ethical treatment of animals in science alternatives to animal testing animal rights in research scientific animal welfare animal welfare legislation animal welfare research ethics pain management humane treatment experimental animals moral objections animal rights wildlife comparison meat industry ethics animal research ethics humane treatment in research animal welfare in experiments benefits of animal research ethical considerations in animal testing animal suffering in research treatment of laboratory animals moral objections to animal testing comparison animal farming research scientific outcomes from animal research pain management in research animals optimize search results suggest meaningful expansion terms enhance query animal research ethics treatment of animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare experimental animals scientific outcomes animal rights meat industry ethics moral objections animal welfare research ethics humane treatment scientific experiments animal rights ethical considerations animal suffering veterinary care laboratory animals alternative methods animal testing moral objections animal care experimental animals animal welfare legislation animal husbandry pain management euthanasia techniques
test-culture-mthbah-pro02a	People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. choice overload tyranny of choice decision fatigue advertising impact consumer happiness regret psychology make-up advertisement ethical advertising consumer behavior psychological pricing selective attention cognitive dissonance tyranny of choice choice overload happiness and choice advertising impact consumer decision-making regret in purchasing make-up ad ban consumer psychology decision fatigue advertising ethics choice overload tyranny of choice decision fatigue advertising impact consumer satisfaction regret psychology make-up advertisement ethical advertising consumer behavior economic happiness marketing ethics psychological well-being maximize search utility relevance expansion phrases people too much choice less happy advertising overwhelming endless decisions tyranny of choice choice overload happiness declining better off more choices spending money advert claims crowding raising expectations inevitable disappointment make-up advertisement ban ineffective product poor purchase regret overwhelmed choices inability choose Schwartz Tyranny of Choice Kekeh Too Beautiful British MP化妆品广告限制 choice overload tyranny of choice happiness advertising impact decision fatigue consumer satisfaction regret advertising ethics make-up advertisement consumer behavior psychological impact of advertising regret psychology decision making consumer choices 广告影响 消费者满意度 决策疲劳 幸福感 选择困境 广告伦理 心理影响 购物后悔 choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact decision fatigue consumer happiness regret psychology make-up ad ban advertising ethics consumer expectations management market saturation choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact decision fatigue consumer happiness regret psychology advertisement truthfulness make-up advertisement consumer behavior psychological well-being decision making market saturation choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact decision fatigue consumer happiness regret psychology make-up ad ban advertising exaggeration consumer regret overchoice theory choice overload tyranny of choice decision fatigue advertising ethics consumer happiness regret psychology make-up advertisement consumer behavior advertising regulation psychological satisfaction economic well-being consumer decision-making choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact decision fatigue consumer happiness regret psychology make-up advertisement ethical advertising consumer expectations advertising ethics
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro01a	Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. gambling government policies internet gambling financial losses mental health addiction house edge online betting public health economic impact gambling impacts gambling statistics gambling addiction harmful effects of gambling government stance on gambling internet gambling mental health and gambling financial impact of gambling casino gambling problem gambling social costs of gambling public health implications of gambling online gambling regulations gambling impacts house edge gambling addiction government regulation internet gambling financial losses mental health public health casino profits economic effects gambling impacts gambling addiction house edge government gambling policies internet gambling harmful effects of gambling gambling and mental health gambling statistics prevalence of gambling online gambling risks gambling impacts government gambling policies internet gambling effects of gambling harmful gambling behaviors gambling addiction mental health impacts of gambling financial consequences of gambling gambling statistics house edge in gambling gambling impact house edge internet gambling addiction risks government stance financial ruin mental health impacts gambling impacts gambling addiction house edge internet gambling problem gambling gambling的危害 赌博对社会的影响 赌场经济学 赌博心理学 赌博法律 online gambling risks gambling economics gambling health impacts gambling policy internet gambling addiction gambling statistics government gambling regulations gambling mental health gambling financial risks gambling social consequences gambling crime rates gambling impact government regulation harmful effects psychological issues internet gambling economic consequences bankruptcy risks public health addiction treatment casino profits online betting growth financial losses gambling consequences internet gambling impact gambling mental health government stance on gambling gambling addiction symptoms gambling legalisation debates online gambling risks gambling socioeconomic effects problem gambling statistics gambling treatment options
test-law-lghbacpsba-con03a	Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct Note 9 regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 justice serious circumstances duty communication regulation legal ethics client-attorney privilege money laundering solicitors code of conduct confidentiality rule regulatory bodies suspected money laundering proceeds of crime justice exceptional circumstances Client-Attorney Privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of conduct money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 regulatory bodies client communications justice circumstances legal ethics legal obligations Client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of conduct regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 suspected money laundering handling proceeds of crime justice serious circumstances client confidentiality Note 9 Client-Attorney Privilege Solicitors Code of Conduct Rule 4 Confidentiality Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Duty Proceeds of Crime Flexibility Serious Circumstances Client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of conduct regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 suspected crime justice serious circumstances client confidentiality legal exceptions client communications regulatory requirements professional ethics Client-Attorney Privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 justice serious circumstances Client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of conduct regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 justice serious circumstances client confidentiality Note 9 client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct Note 9 regulatory bodies money laundering duty Money Laundering Regulations 2007 serious circumstances justice client confidentiality client-attorney privilege exceptions client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 justice serious circumstances
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro05a	The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. Null Hypothesis testing statistical significance falsifiability god hypothesis scientific method philosophy of science empirical evidence scientific skepticism Null Hypothesis testing falsifiability God hypothesis statistical significance scientific method Null Hypothesis testing statistical significance p-value falsifiability scientific method religion and science unfalsifiable claims hypothesis formulation evidence-based reasoning Null hypothesis testing falsifiability God's existence research methodology statistical significance hypothesis falsification scientific method Null Hypothesis Falsifiability Proposition Evidence Rationality God Null hypothesis testing falsifiability god hypothesis evidence requirement statistical significance scientific method hypothesis falsification Null Hypothesis statistical significance scientific method falsifiability God hypothesis philosophy of science hypothesis testing evidence-based reasoning Null hypothesis test evidence falsifiability god hypothesis testing research methodology statistical analysis scientific method Null Hypothesis Falsifiability Proposition Testing Rationality Evidence-Based Reasoning Unfalsifiable Concepts Scientific Method Philosophy of Science Null Hypothesis Statistical Significance Falsifiability Scientific Method Evidence-Based Rationality Proposition Testing God Concept Unfalsifiable Claims
test-economy-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, migration economic development urbanization rural areas population mobility human capital professions restrictions policy social inequality skills migration models labour surplus migration policies migration benefits urban development rural labor surplus capital mobility professional choice population models economic mobility city needs rural restrictions migration economic development policy analysis rural urban migration human capital social mobility professions urbanization development economics migration models labor market Rural areas Cities Policy implications Professional choice [1] Taylor Economic models migration benefits economic freedom ruralurban migration human capital theory labor market flexibility policy implications skilled workforce allocation urban development rural exodus professional mobility economic development models search efficiency expand query restrictions loss potential young people profession choice developed nation urban professions rural jobs migration models rural labor city needs human capital population change agricultural economics search performance recommendation system expansion phrases query refinement migration benefits rural vs urban human capital economic mobility policy analysis talent utilization profession choice model migration surplus labor population change migration policy economic development human capital ruralurban mobility profession choice labour surplus talent allocation city development agriculture restrictions migration economic impact professional choice urban development rural migration population mobility human capital development model [1] Taylor Economic Models Mobility Policy search optimization query suggestions meaningful expansion terms enhance restrictions loss potential young people profession functioning nation migration model rural urban talents skills policy free movement deprive cities talented population trade models labour Handbook Agricultural Economics Taylor Edward Martin Philip Lawyers Politicians Doctors Teachers Handbook Agricultural Economics Migration Rural Population Change Human Capital restrictions migration benefits profession urban rural policy human capital economic models talent mobility loss of potential [1] migration models Taylor Edward J Martin Philip L
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro04a	Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 tobacco_industry_child_labor tobacco_smoking_reduction tobacco_labor_practices tobacco_farming_child labor big_tobacco_exploitation tobacco_industry_size_reduction tobacco_industry_child_labor_impact tobacco_industry_labor_practices tobacco_industry_exploitation tobacco_child_labor_statistics tobacco_labor_rights tobacco_industry_child_labor_consequences tobacco_industry_exploitation child_labor_tobacco nicotine_poisoning extortionate_loans_tobacco big_tobacco_labor_practices malawi_tobacco_farming asian_big_tobacco_child_labor tobacco_industry_size_reduction health_impacts_tobacco_industry labor_rights_tobacco child_labor_statistics tobacco_industry_child_labor_problems child labor tobacco farming nicotine poisoning exploitation labour practices child labour tobacco industry sales to big tobacco extortionate loans reducing industry public health smoking prevention tobacco control health impacts global tobacco trade workers rights malawi child labour child labour tobacco farmers rights tobacco industry ethics tobacco farming conditions tobacco industry exploitation child labor in tobacco nicotine poisoning risks big tobacco practices reducing tobacco cultivation impact on labor markets global tobacco trade health benefits of reduced tobacco ethical implications of tobacco industry sustainable alternatives to tobacco farming tobaccoindustry childlabor nicotinetoxicity exploitativelabourpractices bigtobacco smokingprevention laborrights publichealth tobaccocontrol globalhealth malawitobaccogrowth loanexploitation publicpolicy healthpolicy economicimpact childrights reduces growth tobacco industry relevant expansion phrases child labor nicotine poisoning exploitative labor extortionate loans American Big Tobacco Malawi tobacco farming smoking reduction tobacco purchase industry size good thing labour practices smoking gun palitza kristin guardian action on smoking and health tobaccoindustry childlabour nicotinepoisoning laborpractices extortivelending bigtobacco malawi publichealth cigaretteconsumption agriculturalexploitation economicimpact healthconsequences anti-smokingcampaigns expensive tobacco tobacco industry labor practices child labor tobacco nicotine poisoning tobacco big tobacco exploitation reduce tobacco consumption impact of smoking reduction tobacco industry size sustainable tobacco farming alternative crops to tobacco search optimization keywords expansion tobacco industry reduction smoking labor practices child labor exploitation nicotine poisoning Malawi farming American Big Tobacco loans exploitation public health economic impact global trade regulation policy advocacy environmental concerns health risks statistics sources evidence prevention education alternatives agriculture tobacco industry labor practices child labor tobacco nicotine poisoning big tobacco exploitative agriculture malawi tobacco farming American Big Tobacco reducing tobacco industry health impacts smoking tobacco purchasing trends
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro03a	Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families domestic violence vulnerability local language forced marriages Razia Sodagar underreporting Women arranged marriages Europe domestic abuse immigrant families vulnerability local language forced marriages underreporting Razia Sodagar ethnic domestic violence India domestic abuse arranged marriages characteristics forced marriages similarities legal implications Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families domestic violence vulnerability local language forced marriages Razia Sodagar underreporting ethnic domestic violence BBC News Womennewsnetwork arranged marriages Europe immigrant women abuse domestic violence arranged marriages vulnerability in arranged marriages forced marriages characteristics underreporting domestic abuse Razia Sodagar case outlaw arranged marriages ethnic domestic violence arranged marriage abuse Women arranged marriages Europe domestic abuse immigrant families vulnerability local language underreporting forced marriages Razia Sodagar ethnic domestic violence arranged marriages Europe women abuse immigrant families domestic violence forced marriages ethnic domestic violence Razia Sodagar underreporting women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families domestic violence vulnerability language barrier forced marriages Razia Sodagar underreporting Women arranged marriages Europe domestic abuse immigrant families vulnerability local language underreporting forced marriages Razia Sodagar ethnic domestic violence hidden India domestic abuse clear division women arranged_marriages Europe abuse vulnerability immigrant_families domestic_abuses underreporting Razia_Sodagar forced_marriages outlaw_both ethnic_domestic_violence local_language family_networks consent India bbc_news womennewsnetwork Women arranged marriages Europe domestic abuse immigrant families vulnerability underreporting forced marriages Razia Sodagar domestic violence ethnic domestic violence Womennewsnetwork BBC News
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con02a	A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. circumcision ancient practices medical safety historical context modern hospitals abuse definition cultural traditions circumcision harmless prescribed millennia safe medical evidence veteran traditional practice victim abuse circumcision benefits harm evolution medicine history safety ethics cultural practices medical evidence victim definitions ancient practices medical history circumcision safety historical context harm prevention medical evidence cultural traditions healthcare standards modern medicine ethical considerations circumcision historical safety medical evidence ancient practice modern hospital abuse terminology recommending relevant phrases search performance medical science circumcision historical safety modern hospital abuse definition cultural practices circumcision historical practices medical safety ancient traditions lack of harm hospital conditions cultural differences victim perception circumcision historical safety medical evidence modern practices victim abuse cultural tradition surgical procedure ancient medicine medical history circumcision safety harm evidence practice thousands of years modern hospital historical context victim abuse search outcomes keyword recommendations beneficial expansion terms practice thousands of years harm medical science compelling evidence circumcision millennia modern hospital safety abuse victim cultural practices traditional medicine ethical considerations
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro02a	Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 environmental impact resource extraction deforestation mining soil degradation ecological damage illicit activities pollution landscape scarring African environment natural resource depletion global ecological systems chemical contamination water pollution rainforest destruction illegal mining resource procurement environmental loss environmental impact resource extraction deforestation mining pollution illicit activities ecological damage soil degradation African rainforest water contamination landscape destruction biodiversity loss illegal mining environmental policy sustainable practices environmental impact resource extraction deforestation mining pollution soil degradation ecological damage illegal mining resource procurement landscape scarification chemical contamination rainforest loss global ecosystems Africa environmental issues Environmental Damage Africa Licit Resource Extraction Illicit Resource Extraction Resource Procurement Mining Deforestation Soil Degradation Rainforest Ecological Systems Deforestation Causes Woodland Destruction 2000-2010 Global Ecological Systems Mineral Mining Pollution Scarred Landscape Harmful Chemicals Water Contamination Soil Contamination Illlicit Groups Higher Profits Illegal Mining Legal Operations Safety Environmental Damage Africa Natural Resources Mining Deforestation Pollution Soil Degradation Rainforest Illicit Groups Global Ecological Systems environmental damage Africa resource extraction mining deforestation ecological impact soil degradation illegal mining pollution landscapes rainforest global ecological systems chemical contamination water pollution landscaping scarification Environmental damage Africa resource extraction mining deforestation ecological impact pollution soil degradation licit illicit chemical contamination rainforest loss landscapes Mining Weekly Food and Agriculture Organization Environmental Damage Africa Licit Resource Extraction Illicit Resource Extraction Deforestation Mining Soil Degradation Rainforest Ecological Systems Pollution Water Contamination Illicit Groups Safety Global Impact Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction mining deforestation timber cattle soil degradation rainforest pollution landscape scarification harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination global ecological systems FAO Kolver L Mining Weekly Environmental Impact Mining Effects Deforestation Pollution Soil Degradation Rainforest Loss Illicit Activities Resource Extraction Global Ecological Systems Sustainable Practices Legal Compliance
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro01a	"Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. human rights internet access special rapporteur UN online expression criminalization basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee web censorship freedom of opinion and expression disconnection liberty internet rights human rights digital rights internet access universal access UN rights online expression freedom of speech digital divide internet as human right Tim Berners-Lee world wide web schooling as human right human rights obligations digital literacy online censorship internet freedom global internet access human rights internet access special rapporteur UN report online expression criminalization universal access society interaction Tim Berners-Lee basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights web censorship liberty deprivation human right internet access social rights cyber rights UN report online expression frank la rue tim berners-lee internet deprivation global connectivity schooling access universal declaration of human rights censorship information access equality rights contemporary issues world wide web Internet access human right UN special rapporteur legitimate online expression criminalization internet as a tool fundamental part of society contemporary problem basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee world wide web disconnection deprivation of liberty internet access human right UN special rapporteur legitimate online expression criminalization universal access social interaction contemporary problem basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee web censorship human rights internet access special rapporteur UN report legitimate online expression criminalization universal access social interaction contemporary issues basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee web censorship liberty deprivation human right internet access special rapporteur UN online expression criminalization internet sphere tim berners-lee basic schooling universal declaration of human rights liberty web censorship internet access human right UN special rapporteur legitimate online expression criminalization international human rights obligations universal access societal interaction contemporary problems basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee web censorship digital divide human right internet access social interaction UN report online expression censorship Tim Berners-Lee Universal Declaration of Human Rights liberty basic schooling contemporary issues"
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro01a	Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. graduate tax higher education funding student access financial barrier university enrollment low-income students education policy Australia education funding scheme education affordability graduate tax student funding higher education access Australia's higher education tuition fees student loans economic barriers university enrollment income-based education financing educational policy financial aid for students government funding for education socioeconomic diversity in education graduate tax higher education funding student access tuition fees loans schemes economic barrier university enrollment financial commitment income-based taxation education policy Australia higher education student finance socioeconomic diversity graduate tax higher education funding student access financial commitment poor students university places income groups education barriers Australia's graduate tax education policy funding scheme student enrollment economic barriers graduate tax funding higher education student access government financial commitment fees and loans socioeconomic barriers university enrollment economic inclusivity higher education policy Australia education system tuition costs graduate tax funding higher education student access university enrollment financial commitment fee-based schemes loans poorer students high-income groups Australia's education system education policy university places economic barriers education funding student loans tuition fees educational equity higher education affordability graduate tax higher education funding student access financial commitment education policy university enrollment economic barrier student loans income-based tuition educational equity Australia education system university participation graduate tax funding higher education student access government financial commitment 贫学生 贫困家庭学生 university enrollment higher education costs loans-based schemes university places economic barriers university participation university funding education policy tuition fees educational equity university admissions student loans education financing university finance graduate scheme success university enrollment increase graduate tax higher education funding student access government financial commitment education policy Australia education system student loans tuition fees income-based taxation university enrollment socio-economic diversity educational financing higher education reform graduate tax student funding higher education access fees and loans economic barriers university enrollment financial commitment educational policy Australia education system income-based tuition
test-environment-assgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing laws government policies animal abuse legal inconsistencies ethical considerations animal rights cruelty prevention regulatory frameworks animal welfare laws scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing regulations government animal rights criminalization of animal abuse ethics in animal research animal cruelty laws UK animal testing legislation public opinion on animal testing enforcement of animal welfare animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing laws government policies animal cruelty legislation effectiveness ethical considerations regulatory frameworks public opinion enforcement methods animal welfare laws scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing regulations government stance on animal abuse laws against animal cruelty animal rights advocacy ethical treatment of animals enforcement of animal welfare comparison animal testing laws public opinion on animal testing search efficiency expand query animal welfare laws cruelty testing crime government abuse consistency terms proposals proposals expansion legal framework ethics legislation regulations enforcement morality policies public opinion rights protection enforcement oversight accountability animal welfare laws scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing legality government animal policies prevent animal cruelty animal abuse laws consistent legal messages ethical animal research animal rights legislation UK animal testing regulations animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing criminalization government policies animal cruelty laws enforcement ethical considerations animal rights legislation effectiveness animal welfare laws scientific procedures act 1986 animal testing legality government animal abuse policies inconsistency in animal protection legal loopholes for animal cruelty animal welfare scientific procedures act animal testing laws government policies animal cruelty legal exceptions ethical considerations regulatory frameworks public opinion enforcement challenges consistent message animal welfare laws animal cruelty animal testing Crimes against animals government policies Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 animal abuse legal implications ethical considerations regulatory enforcement public opinion animal rights scientific research humane treatment legislative gaps ethical standards cruelty prevention regulatory compliance
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con01a	This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. criminal law societal values individual freedom legislation purpose autonomous action ethical boundaries legal protection moral judgments public safety personal choice freedom from interference criminal justice ethical legislation rights and liberties harm prevention social contract legal philosophy moral legislation public order self-determination legal ethics criminal law purpose societal norms and criminal law autonomy and criminal legislation criminal justice goals role of criminal legislation freedom vs criminal law ethical considerations in criminal law criminal law and individual rights criminal law and social control limits of criminal legislation criminal law purpose societal norms legal framework autonomy vs legislation protection of individual rights criminal legislation scope ethical considerations in lawmaking freedom versus legal restrictions role of law in society legal safeguards for personal choices impact of criminal laws on individual freedom balancing liberty and legal constraints criminal law philosophy role of legislation moral judgments legality individual freedom protection criminal justice objectives societal values enforcement autonomy in action legal boundaries freedom criminal legislation scope ethical considerations penal system criminal law societal values individual freedom autonomy legislation purpose public safety ethical boundaries legal principles human rights self-determination moral judgment legal enforcement social control personal liberty public morals state intervention legal philosophy ethical considerations criminal law purpose societal values autonomous individual action criminal legislation goals personal freedom protection external interference definitions role of criminal justice ethical considerations in lawmaking legal principles overview criminal law legislative intent societal norms individual freedom autonomy protection safety interference crime prevention moral legislation criminal law purpose societal values in legislation individual freedom protection criminal legislation scope autonomy in action role of criminal justice ethical considerations in lawmaking safety from external threats legal boundaries definition personal liberty safeguarding criminal law societal norms individual freedom autonomy legislation purpose ethical boundaries public safety legal philosophy criminal justice human rights criminal law purpose society's role individual freedom external interference theft violence murder autonomy suicide rights
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro02a	Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. needle exchanges public health drug addiction safety measures sanitation workers child protection fluid exchange hepatitis prevention government policies needle exchanges public health drug addict safety child protection sanitation worker safety public health benefits family members at risk fluid exchange public health policy needle disposal safety ticking time bomb public health drug addiction sanitation workers hepatitis syphilis HIV harm reduction community safety fluid exchange ticking time bomb needle disposal sanitation infectious diseases public safety drug users needlestick injuries healthcare workers needle exchange programs public health policy drug prevention blood-borne pathogens needle reuse syringe distribution community health risk reduction health disparities social welfare medical ethics public health drug addiction sanitation workers safety measures fluid exchange hepatitis prevention community protection ticking time bomb political interference public safety needle exchanges safe disposal public health drug addicts child safety sanitation workers accidental injuries family members fluid exchange government policies hepatitis prevention ticking time bomb public health sanitation workers drug addicts child safety fluid exchange ticking time bomb Hepatitis Mag needle exchanges safe injection sites public health sanitation workers drug addiction fluid exchange child safety rubbish bins ticking time bomb Hepatitis Mag public health drug addiction safety measures sanitation workers child protection fluid exchange ticking time bomb hepatitis transmission government policy needle exchanges public health drug addiction safety measures community protection sanitation workers child safety fluid exchange government policies public safety public health sanitation workers drug addiction sanitation safety fluid exchange time bomb direct protection indirect benefits ticking time bomb needle disposal sanitation risks
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con01a	Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. positive discrimination role models hard work talent diversity ethnic minorities social psychology achievement mentoring unconscious bias equality societal norms psychological impact minority representation educational opportunities social mobility positive discrimination role model definition achievements hard work talent diversity ethnic minorities psychological impact societal expectations role model effectiveness Hillary Clinton effect positive discrimination role models earned achievements university admissions social psychology diversity cosmopolitanism hard work talent popularity effect british psychological society ethnic minorities role model selection unfair advantages admirable qualities work ethic skin color education background societal expectations achievements earned discrimination role models diversity hard work talent patronizing psychological effects societal expectations search efficiency query expansion achievements earned positive discrimination role models hard work talent diversity cosmopolitanism psychological effects Hillary Clinton effect society acceptance achievements earned positive discrimination role models hard work talent diversity cosmopolitanism society psychological effects Hillary Clinton effect acceptance minorities skin color education societal norms admiration elevation search performance recommendation phrases query evaluation diversity appreciation meritocracy social impact achievements earning discrimination role models diversity hard work talent society patronizing ethnicity education psychological effects positive discrimination role models achievements hard work talent diversity ethnic minorities societal norms psychological impact mentorship social mobility equality admiration unearned success university admissions social engineering identity representation psychological effects role modeling social psychology diversity acceptance meritocracy achievements earned positive discrimination role models hard work talent diversity cosmopolitanism psychological effects Hillary Clinton societal expectations positive discrimination role models achievements earned success meritocracy diversity social psychology Hillary Clinton effect ethnic minorities hard work talent societal expectations psychological impact education background admiration society values
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con03a	This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs, smoking ban pub closures smoker behavior business impact public health tobacco legislation UK pub industry smoking regulations community reaction economic consequences smoking ban impacts pub closures public opinion smoking ban economic effects smoking ban smoking restrictions health policies impact bar owners concerns smoking laws pub profitability smoker alternatives pub social impact tobacco control measures smoking legislation consequences smoking ban pub closures public health bar owners smokers UK legislation restaurant industry health policy economic impact public opinion alternative venues health risks café closure club closures smoking ban impacts pub closures smokers behavior change public health policies pub owner concerns smoking legislation effects pub profitability public opinion on smoking bans health versus business smoking laws worldwide pub smoking ban debates smoking restrictions consequences pub industry challenges pub closure statistics pub owner rights smoking bans and economic impact smoking ban alternatives pub smoker demographics public health versus pub profits smoking ban pub closures public health smoking restrictions UK smoking laws business impact smoking in pubs smoking legislation pub owners smoking policy economic consequences health policies smokers behavior pub profits public opinion health versus economy smoking ban impact pub closures public opinion smokers behavior economic consequences UK pub industry pub owners rights public health policy social implications restaurant business trends smoking ban pub closures smoker behavior public health policy economic impact UK smoking laws pub owners club closures campaign against smoking ban smoking ban pub closures public health economic impact smokers home smoking loss of business pub owners UK smoking laws Save Our Pubs &amp; Clubs MPs campaign smoking ban pub closures public health economic impact smoking regulations bar owners smoking legislation tobacco control UK pub industry smoker rights smoking restrictions community impact pub profitability club closures social smoking secondhand smoke smoking cessation alcohol sales leisure industry government policy public opinion health policies business economics smoking laws smoking ban pub closures public health smoking regulations economic impact smoking in pubs pub owners smoker behavior government policies UK smoking laws public opinion health policies bar closures social consequences
test-law-phwmfri-pro01a	Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. inequality fining system proportional fines economic impact punishment effectiveness social justice criminal sentencing wealth disparity punitive measures financial penalties income inequality fine proportionality punishment impact economic disparity equality in punishment financial penalties wealth effect payment proportionality equity in law legal consequences socioeconomic impact income proportionality fine severity economic inequality legal punishment social justice criminal sentencing poverty impact wealth disparity equal punishment financial penalties financial penalties income disparity proportional fines economic impact justice system equality in punishment negative consequences wealth distribution social equity criminal fines relative severity socioeconomic status legal implications punishment effectiveness equality impact punishment fining income relative consequences justice proportionality wealth inequality proportional fines income-based penalties economic inequality punishment impact financial consequence relativity income proportionality financial penalties social equity criminal justice economic impact punishment severity income disparity fine adjustment justice system poverty wealth legal enforcement socioeconomic status crime punishment egalitarian justice financial penalty economic disparity proportional fines equality of impact income level severity of punishment punishment proportionality wealth effect fine proportionality legal fairness economic inequality punishment effectiveness income proportional fines economic inequality in punishment legal fairness financial penalties relative income social justice in sentencing proportional sentencing model financial impact of fines economic disparity in legal outcomes income proportionality punitive proportionality economic disparity legal fairness financial penalties social impact criminal justice equity in punishment economic relativism fine adjustment wealth inequality judicial sentencing poverty impact financial hardship proportional fines socioeconomic justice
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro02a	Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: terrorism justification peaceful means government negotiation terrorist groups civil rights militant movements political change conflict resolution negotiation palestinian authority nelson mandela israel northern ireland sri lanka oslo peace process terrorism justification political conflict success failure peaceful means negotiation concessions government terrorist Mandela Palestine Oslo peace process Northern Ireland Sri Lanka terrorism justification negotiation concessions peaceful protest government response Nelson Mandela Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority terrorist groups political change conflict resolution international relations peace process historical examples negotiated settlements social movement impact human rights conflict studies terrorism effects on peaceful negotiation government concessions terrorist recognition Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Nelson Mandela terrorist to leader transition terrorism justification negotiation concessions government response peaceful means Nelson Mandela Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority terrorism effectiveness historical examples political change terrorism justification peaceful protests failure of negotiation government concessions Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Nelson Mandela terrorism terrorist to president Northern Ireland terrorism Israel terrorism Sri Lanka terrorism countries with terrorism success terrorism justification negotiation concessions peaceful protest government recognition Nelson Mandela Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority conflict resolution political negotiation terrorism effectiveness historical examples peace processes Terrorism effectiveness political negotiation concessions peaceful protest failure government recognition Nelson Mandela Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority terrorism justification historical examples-terrorism terrorism justification negotiation concessions peaceful protest government response historical examples peace processes Mandela Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority terrorism justification peaceful protest effectiveness government negotiation terrorist leaders political change through violence national recognition of causes countries with terrorism Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority formation Nelson Mandela transition Sri Lanka conflict Northern Ireland peace
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro01a	It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 immoral killing animals moral duty pain survival farm vegetarian utilitarian Jeremy Bentham racism factory farming cruelty PETA animal suffering health problems slaughter Tom Regan duties protection living beings sentient life indirect duties philosophy children parental respect sentimental interests contract veganism history immoral killing animals moral duty sentient living beings evolutionary cousins pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham racism factory farming barbaric cruel slaughterhouses PETA animal suffering human suffering Tom Regan duties philosophical point view children contracts rights parental duties protection suffering respect life indirect duties veganism immoral killing animals moral duty pain animal suffering utilitarianism racism factory farming slaughter sentient living beings evolutionary cousins pleasure Jeremy Bentham PETA animal rights Tom Regan philosophy indirect duties protection sentimental interests life suffering veganism immoral killing animals moral duty pain animal suffering human survival farm entitlement pleasure utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham racism factory farming cruelty slaughter PETA animals slaughterhouses selective breeding health problems death slaughterhouses indirect duties philosophical children parental protection sentimental integration suffering respect living beings Veganism history Clare Suddath Tom Reg immoral killing animals moral duty pain survival evolved humans utilitarian Jeremy Bentham racism farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient living beings pleasure suffering food barbaric cruel free range factory farming cages prisoners cells pesticides antibiotics health problems slaughterhouse slaughtered Tom Regan duties children parental respect suffering living beings philosophical moral duty sentient beings animal suffering veganism free range factory farming animal rights Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan suffering analogy selective breeding slaughterhouse conditions philosophical duties immoral killing animals moral duty pain animal suffering 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham human sentience evolutionary cousins PETA factory farming slaughter barbaric cruelty 10 billion animals slaughtered free range farms prisoner cells pigs chickens sheep cows selective breeding health problems slaughterhouses Tom Regan indirect duties living beings sent immoral killing animals moral duty pain evolved human beings sentient living beings evolutionary cousins pleasure suffering Jeremy Bentham racism factory farming cruelty PETA slaughterhouses free range factory farmed selective breeding health problems slaughterhouses Tom Regan philosophical perspective animal rights sentimental interests protection life suffering indirect duties animal rights moral duty sentient beings veganism Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan utilitarianism slaughterhouse factory farming animal suffering philosophical ethics indirect duties selective breeding pesticides antibiotics immoral killing animals moral duty pain evolved human beings factory farming slaughter sentient living beings pleasure racism jeremy bentham utilitarianism PETA factory farmed prisoner cages pesticides antibiotics health problems Tom Regan children duties protection suffering respect life philosophical contract animal rights
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con01a	Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. schools education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention nutritional choices physical activity balanced meals moderation social responsibility societal values free expression democracy fairness knowledge transfer choice education healthy choices childhood obesity school education government intervention fair choices democratic values knowledge transfer physical activity balanced meals moderation student responsibility nutritional choices lifestyle choices social responsibility education goals school curriculum public health policy child nutrition dietary education obesity prevention educational philosophy student autonomy societal impact health education nutrition classes physical education healthy living school policies choice empowerment schools education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention ban on choices transference of knowledge importance of choice physical activity balanced meals moderation societal responsibility fair democracy freedom of expression nutritional choices lifestyle choices active members of society values imprinted western countries education purpose healthy lifestyle teaching methods school policies healthy choices childhood obesity education purpose schools role government intervention choice teaching healthy lifestyle physical activity balanced meals moderation nutritional choices societal responsibility choice importance democracy freedom of expression fair society knowledge transfer curriculum development policy analysis public health nutritional education social values decision-making skills schools education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention transference of knowledge social values physical activity balanced meals responsibility choice nutritional education societal impact healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention education philosophy school curriculum healthy lifestyle balanced meals physical activity moderation student autonomy societal responsibility nutritional choices education goals social values choice education fair choices democratic values freedom of expression healthy options school policies student well-being public health child development dietary education lifestyle education personal responsibility educational priorities government education policy school health programs healthy choices education childhood obesity government intervention school curriculum social values nutritional education physical activity balanced meals moderation choice responsibility schools education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention fair democratic freedom of expression transference of knowledge biology nutrition physical activity balanced meals moderation social responsibility choice education school education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention social responsibility nutritional education lifestyle choices democratic values balanced meals physical activity moderation choice importance societal responsibility education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school curriculum societal values healthy lifestyle nutritional choices physical activity responsibility for choices
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro02a	Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey EU application human rights reforms precedents prioritization membership Czech Republic Hungary Poland accession worst records EU expansion human rights Turkey accession EU membership Romania Bulgaria Hungary Poland Czech Republic democratic reforms EU priorities legislative changes Turkey EU application human_rights precedents prioritization accession legislature reforms membership criteria promises EU expansion human rights accession process Turkey EU membership precedent setting EU policies democratic reforms accession criteria EU rewards historical context EU priorities membership timeline conditional membership EU promise keeping legislative changes normative changes EU procrastination EU discouragement EU member states EU promise breaking EU membership application formal application EU enlargement EU conditionality EU democratization EU reform pressure EU accession timeline EU membership criteria EU membership negotiations EU membership rewards EU membership penalties EU membership expectations EU membership history Turkey EU precedents Romania Bulgaria human rights reforms accession prioritization legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic application membership EU accession human rights Turkey Romania Bulgaria democracy membership criteria EU rewards EU procrastination legislative reforms accession timeline EU promises Czech Republic Poland Hungary formal application Turkey EU precedents Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization accession Hungary Poland Czech Republic membership application priority Turkey EU precedents Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization accession prioritization reform legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic application membership Turkey EU enrollment human rights precedents Romania Bulgaria Hungary Poland Czech Republic application prioritization legislature reforms EU expansion human rights accession process Turkey Romania Bulgaria Hungary Poland Czech Republic democracy EU rewards legislative changes accession priority
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro01a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury limitations political implications classified information intelligence leaks criminal law jury tenability terrorism trials limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury threats politicization classified information intelligence leaks criminal law legal implications jury functionality security issues prosecution difficulties trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury limitation political influence classified information intelligence leaks criminal law legal arguments juror threats prosecution difficulty limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security issues political influence on jury classified information intelligence leaks criminal law jury safety jury politicization prosecution challenges terrorism trials legal implications judicial process security concerns legal ethics judicial discretion juror intimidation evidence presentation legal reforms legal precedents courtroom security legal protections jury system public interest legal standards judicial independence legal principles judicial review legal safeguards legal constraints judicial interpretation legal justification legal reasoning legal arguments legal considerations legal recommendations legal analysis legal discussion legal debate legal theories limit trial jury terrorism national security political influence classified information intelligence leaks prosecution难度 limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security issues jury threat politicization of jury classified information intelligence leaks prosecution of terrorists criminal law Laura K. Donohue limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury threats political influence classified information intelligence leaks criminal law Laura K. Donohue trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury limitation political influence classified information intelligence leaks criminal law prosecution difficulties jury untenability limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury safety political influence classified information intelligence leaks criminal law legal proceedings jury impartiality legal implications terrorism trials juror intimidation argument analysis legal arguments national security issues limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security jury threats politicization classified information intelligence leaks criminal law prosecution challenges"
test-science-eassgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal welfare scientific research alternatives 3Rs principle implementation animal testing refinement regulatory laws on animal research reduction in animal testing EU animal testing regulations US animal research policies animal testing alternatives 3Rs principle implementation refined animal testing reduced animal use ethical animal research EU animal testing laws US animal research regulations humane animal testing non-animal research methods scientific validity of animal testing animal welfare in research animal welfare ethical considerations scientific alternatives regulatory frameworks refinements replacement reduction 3Rs principle legislation laboratory animals humane methods bioethics policy-making animal rights public opinion scientific validity ethical guidelines animal experimentation conservation science biotechnology pharmaceuticals ethics committee animal advocacy scientific rigor animal ethics animal protection animal experimentation laws scientific innovation animal research alternatives 3Rs principles animal testing refinement animal testing replacement animal testing reduction EU animal research laws US animal research laws animal welfare in research Animal research 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction EU laws US regulations animal testing ethical considerations scientific research alternative methods welfare improvements animal research alternatives 3Rs principles refine animal testing reduce animal testing replace animal testing EU animal research laws US animal research regulations animal research 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction EU laws US laws alternative methods animal welfare scientific research ethical considerations Animal research 3Rs principles refined alternatives animal testing reduction EU laws US regulations alternative methods ethical considerations scientific advancement animal research alternatives 3Rs principles animal testing refinement animal testing replacement animal testing reduction EU animal research laws US animal research regulations ethical animal testing scientific animal testing humane animal testing animal welfare in research minimizing animal suffering animal welfare scientific alternatives 3Rs principles ethical considerations regulatory frameworks animal rights refinement methods replacement strategies reduction techniques laboratory animals biomedical research humane endpoints risk assessment toxicity testing non-animal models public opinion policy updates ethical guidelines animal ethics compassionate research
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, separation town gown expansion state university interaction one way process senior common rooms political economic stability service providers training workforce university expertise funding student fees faculty opinions institution rights supermarket chain comparison local laws asian nations cannabis western student experience international education policies academic freedom limits globalization higher education international law application cultural clash education university autonomy boundaries separation town gown senior common rooms political stability economic stability university state interaction service provider funding student fees academic political views institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws international education standards cannabis legalization student experience global business ethics separation of powers town gown senior common rooms political stability economic stability university state relationship service providers training workforce funding student fees intellectual property academic freedom university rights supermarket chain comparison cannabis legalization western student experience global education policies legal jurisdiction higher education politics international university standards separation town gown expansion phrases senior common rooms political economic stability university state interaction service providers training workforce academic political views university institution rights supermarket chain comparison local laws international application asian nations cannabis policy western student experience criticism international business ethics educational institutions governance state university relations funding sources education academic autonomy limits Separation of town and gown Senior Common Rooms political and economic stability service providers faculty opinions institutional rights supermarket chain comparison local laws Asian nations cannabis Western student experience separation of powers academic freedom university state relationship political views economic stability educational institutions senior common rooms funding student fees faculty rights supermarket analogy legal compliance international education cannabis legalization student experience global education standards separation of town and gown Senior Common Rooms political stability economic stability university service provider state funding academic political views supermarket analogy international law cannabis legalization student experience Western influence Asian nations intellectual property rights global education standards cultural imperialism academic autonomy state-university relations higher education policy university governance international trade laws academic freedom state intervention in education higher education funding models separation town gown senior common rooms political economy universities state university relationship academic politics university services institutional rights supermarket analogy global education standards cannabis legalization student experiences international university policies separation town gown senior common rooms state university political stability economic stability service providers workforce training academic opinions university rights supermarket analogy local laws cannabis legalization student experience international education academic autonomy institutional rights global education higher education politics separation of powers university autonomy state intervention academic freedom economic stability political influence faculty rights institutional rights supermarket analogy international education legal jurisdiction student experience cannabis policy Western influence
test-international-bldimehbn-con02a	Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens right to know public duty journalism facts news reporting government censorship ethics morality protest civil rights Tunisia Amnesty_International C.P._Snow euphemisms media_filtering public_morals religion citizens_right_to_know government_transparency journalistic_independence public_morals chourabi_arrest citizen_rights fact_checking censorship euphemisms majority_religion press_freedom public_opinion news_reporting snows_sentence Citizens_right_to_know government_transparency journalistic_independence pUBLIC_morals press_freedom censorship right_to_information newsgathering reporting_ethics free_speech c.p.snow arbitrary_arrest media_filtering internment brutality euphemisms political_censorship Tunisia Amnesty_International citizen_rights news_reporting journalist_safety citizen rights government transparency press freedom public morals journalistic ethics political prisoners media filtering public opinion human rights journalism C.P. Snow news reporting journalistic integrity government actions 信息公开 公众知情权 新闻自由 言论自由 道德保护 记者职责 新闻价值 Citizens right know actions governments euphemisms public morals journalists broadcasters facts sacred C.P.Snow Tunisia Amnesty_International protest governing_party Sofiene_Chourabi Citizens' rights public information journalistic ethics government transparency media neutrality freedom of speech news reporting C.P. Snow Sofiene Chourabi public morality journalism principles Citizens rights 信息公开 公共道德 新闻自由 政府行为 言论自由 事实真相 新闻报道 媒体角色 公众知情权 新闻价值 舆论监督 Citizens' rights 信息公开 公众决定权 新闻过滤 政府行为 言论自由 事实神圣 新闻价值 道德保护 宗教利用 公众误解 新闻责任 Citizens rights transparency journalism ethics government accountability public morality freedom of press censorship human rights media filtering public opinion news reporting C.P. Snow quote Tunisian journalist case international perception Citizens_right_to_know government_transparency journalistic_independence political_arrests censorship fact_checking public_morals media_filter Tunisia censorship_cases c.p.snowquotes
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro03a	Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid counterfeit drugs africa substandard drugs tuberculosis pills low cost drugs high quality generics marketplace sellers patented drugs cost affordability billion dollar industry pharmaceutical regulation [1] [2] global healthimpact counterfeit drugs africa bad drugs substandard drugs generic drugs patented drugs global counterfeit drug trade marketplace drugs pharmaceutical quality healthcare access drug safety medical ethics drug regulation pharmaceutical industry tuberculosis treatment counterfeit drugs africa substandard drugs tuberculosis patented drugs generic drugs drug quality marketplace drugs cost of drugs global counterfeit trade drug safety pharmaceutical regulation drug enforcement bad drugs healthcare affordability reduce bad drugs promote generic drugs counterfeit drug trade substandard drugs African drug market low cost medicine high quality generics pharmaceutical regulation tuberculosis pill quality drug safety awareness bad drugs fake drugs counterfeit drugs substandard drugs Africa tuberculosis patented drugs marketplaces drug quality global counterfeit drug trade drug availability cost of drugs health outcomes disease prevention consumer protection public health supply chain integrity pharmaceutical regulation population health health economics vulnerable populations international health policy pharmaceutical surveillance healthcare access medical ethics drug safety pharmaceutical innovation health systems strengthening healthcare utilization medicinal products healthcare affordability healthcare accessibility healthcare quality healthcare equity healthcare policy reducing counterfeit drugs high quality generics pharmaceutical quality fake medicines drug safety marketplaces counterfeit trade drug deaths tuberculosis treatment drug regulation drug affordability search accuracy expansion terms counterfeit drugs Africa pharmaceutical quality global health drug safety marketplaces tuberculosis treatment drug affordability public health policy drug regulation counterfeit trade drug efficacy medical research drug distribution health economics drug surveillance drug legislation reduce prominence bad fake drugs high quality generic drugs cost patented drugs billion dollar counterfeit drug trade Africa drug deaths substandard drugs tuberculosis pills marketplace drug sellers costly patented drugs low cost high quality drugs search optimization keyword expansion bad drugs fake drugs pharmaceutical quality counterfeit drug trade Africa tuberculosis marketplace drugs patented drugs generic drugs drug quality public health drug safety consumer protection healthcare affordability global health reduce prominence bad fake drugs high quality generic drugs million dollars counterfeit drug trade Africa counterfeit drugs substandard drugs tuberculosis pills poor quality drugs low cost high quality drugs marketplace drug sellers cost patented drugs africa drug deaths
test-culture-mthbah-pro05a	Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. advertising_impact child psychology consumerism materialism social_values emotional_growth family_importance friend_relationships societal_impact marketing_tactics psychological_effects economic_behavior educational_implications advertising impact on children consumerism effects materialism in youth self-interest rise values erosion relationship harm personal development societal consequences marketing ethics childhood psychology economic influence on behavior media influence on values consumer culture impacts psychological effects of advertising commercialism in society advertising_impact_children consumerism_kids materialism_effect advertising_values social_impact_materialism advertising_child Psychology consumer_behavior_child advertising_ethics media_influence_kids values_loss_society advertising_societal_effects advertising impact on children materialism in society loss of values effects of advertising consumer culture child development social consequences of advertising importance of non-material values advertisement influence on behavior promoting excessive consumption Advertisements children consumerism materialism values relationships personal development societal impact self-interest possessions patience hard work moderation non-material family friends advertising impact child psychology consumer behavior materialism societal values relationship effects personal development non-material well-being marketing ethics childhood exposure advertising regulations media influence value erosion consumer awareness advertisements children materialism selfishness values hard work moderation relationships personal development society consumption desires marketing influence ethics Advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hardwork moderation relationships personal development society consumerism marketing impression ethics advertising impact child psychology consumer behavior materialism values erosion relationship quality personal development societal effects consumerism marketing child psychology values erosion social impact materialism advertising ethics childhood innocence psychological effects societal change consumer behavior media influence education reform emotional well-being family bonds friendship delayed gratification work ethic selflessness non-material values economic growth ethical consumption marketing strategies advertising regulation child development mental health societal norms
test-law-lghbacpsba-con02a	It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors code of conduct core duties legal ethics best interests justice system client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct legal ethics best interests of client justice system legal representation confidentiality in law rule 1.04 solicitors client-attorney privilege adversarial system legal ethics solicitors' code of conduct core duties best interests justice system litigation strategy confidentiality professional responsibility client-attorney privilege adversarial system legal ethics solicitors' code of conduct best interests justice system legal representation confidentiality professional duty litigation strategy client-attorney privilege adversarial system Solicitors' Code of Conduct core duties justice system legal ethics client interests attorney responsibilities legal advocacy client-attorney privilege adversarial system legal ethics solicitors' code of conduct best interests justice system legal representation duty of an attorney litigation strategy client-attorney privilege adversarial system best interests solicitors' code of conduct core duties justice system legal representation legal ethics confidentiality litigation strategy client-attorney privilege adversarial system legal ethics solicitors' code of conduct best interests justice system litigation confidentiality professional duty client-attorney privilege adversarial system legal ethics solicitors code of conduct core duties best interests litigation justice system client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors code of conduct core duties legal ethics justice system legal representation best interests litigation confidentiality professional responsibility
test-international-appghblsba-pro02a	The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, historical reasons Lesotho existence post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence South African apartheid regime African National Congress Lesotho's role in anti-apartheid movement South Africa-lesotho relations historical_reasons_lesotho_exist post-apartheid_South_Africa Lesotho_British_protectorate Boers_Orange_Free_State Moshoeshoe_land_concerns 1966_independence separate_colony apartheid_regime Lesotho_political_asylum African_National_Congress_founding Lesotho_struggle_against_apartheid ANC_lesotho;base_research_methods Lesotho_South_Africa_relations Lesotho_importance_post_apartheid changing_relationships_South_Africa_L historical context Lesotho independence British protectorate Boer threat Orange Free State post-apartheid relations African National Congress refugee support guerilla units enclave role [1]Smith 2010 historical reasons Lesotho existence post-apartheid South Africa Boers Orange Free State Led by Moshoeshoe British protectorate Land dispute 1966 independence from Britain African National Congress founding Lesotho's role in anti-apartheid movement close ties present-day South Africa historical reasons Lesotho existence post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State British protectorate 1966 independence African National Congress refugees guerrilla units enclave [1]Smith 2010 historical reasons Lesotho existence post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State British protectorate independence from Britain Kingdom of Lesotho apartheid regime African National Congress Lesotho's role in anti-apartheid movement South Africa- Lesotho relations Lesotho historical reasons British protectorate Boers Orange Free State apartheid South Africa independence colonial history African National Congress political asylum post-apartheid ANC enclave South African refugees Lesotho British protectorate Boers Orange Free State apartheid African National Congress refugees political asylum post-apartheid South Africa separate colony direct rule dominion Lesotho independence SA refugees ANC armed wing guerilla units enclave Smith 2010 Lesotho history South Africa apartheid Boers Orange Free State Moshoeshoe British protectorate 1966 independence ANC (African National Congress) political asylum enclave post-apartheid relations historical context Lesotho British protectorate apartheid Orange Free State Moshoeshoe separate colony independence African National Congress enclave refugees post-apartheid South Africa closer relationship
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro03a	Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, public health smoking enforcement community policing peer pressure policy implementation behavioral change 公共场所禁烟 自我执行 社会规范改变 public health peer pressure enforcement methods social attitudes smoking regulations user compliance peer monitoring simple policies community enforcement behavioral change smoking regulations public health policy enforcement citizen compliance attitude change peer pressure enforcement methods public场所禁烟 社会规范变化 public health enforcement methods peer pressure smoking laws behavioral change social norms community policing regulatory compliance smoking bans policy implementation public opinion legal enforcement environmental tobacco smoke health education civic responsibility public health peer pressure enforcement methods smoking ban self-enforcement public opinion New York Times relevance enforcement public opinion peer pressure simplicity self-regulation ban implementation attitude change smoking regulations public health policy enforcement social norms user behavior legal measures community policing public health enforcement methods peer pressure smoking regulations attitude change self-enforcement public spaces smoking bans social norms community policing no-smoking signs ban smoking public places enforcement methods attitude change peer pressure smoking police public health legislation 公共场所禁烟 执行方法 改变态度 同伴压力 吸烟警察 search optimization keyword expansion public health policies enforcement strategies peer pressure smoking bans community policing attitude change social norms public spaces regulatory compliance behavior modification peer influence legal enforcement health promotion public safety citizen involvement regulatory effectiveness policy implementation social behavior analysis public health peer pressure enforcement methods smoking legislation community policing attitude change self-regulation public place regulations social norms behavior modification
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con01a	Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, free speech challenges orthodox beliefs scientific process special exceptions societal stagnation truth challenges scientific progress imperfect knowledge free speech benefits society progress challenging orthodoxy scientific process imperfect knowledge disagreement necessity restrictions on speech science advancement free speech benefits social progress through debate scientific progress challenging orthodoxy necessity of disagreement restrictions on free speech stagnation of societies importance of dissent in science pure opinion vs factual debate imperfect knowledge advancement public discourse value free speech benefits society progress challenging orthodoxy scientific process opinion disagreement imperfect knowledge exceptional cases free speech challenges orthodox beliefs tangible benefits societal stagnation scientific progress special exceptions disagreement imperfect knowledge free speech benefits society advancement challenging orthodoxy scientific progress disagreeing professionals imperfect knowledge special exceptions restrictions impact science reliance dissent importance free speech orthogonal beliefs scientific progress intellectual freedom dissent 真理挑战 学术自由 批判性思维 知识进步 free speech orthogonal beliefs scientific progress societal stagnation special exceptions knowledge imperfection disagreement challenge establishment intellectual freedom free speech challenges orthodox beliefs tangible benefits societal stagnation special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement imperfect knowledge free speech challenges orthodox beliefs scientific progress dissent stagnation decline special exceptions established truth professional disagreement imperfect knowledge
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro03a	Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies Africa TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements Uganda activists Kofi Annan African Development Bank extractive industries tax havens Barclays inflow/outflow balance reinvestment infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits investment Africa TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements Ugandan activists Kofi Annan United Nations tax havens African Development Bank extractive industries inflow/outflow balance infrastructure education health services foreign companies Africa profit resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements Uganda TNCs Tax havens Kofi Annan African Development Bank African economy investment funding infrastructure education health services African Union United Nations foreign companies profits Africa TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Ugandan activists profit sharing Kofi Annan African Development Bank African Development Report 2007 British Barclays tax havens inflow/outflow balance reinvestment Africa infrastructure education health services unconscionable exploitation International Bar Association The Guardian Foreign companies Africa profit extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements Uganda TNCs African Development Bank Kofi Annan Businesses African resources Barsley tax havens investment infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits Africa investment TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements Uganda activists resource abundant nations Kofi Annan African Development Bank extractive industries funds outflow BARCLAYS tax havens infrastructure reinvestment education health services foreign companies profit distribution resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements activist lawsuits TNCs Uganda Kofi Annan United Nations tax havens infrastructure education health services African Development Bank extractive industries investment inflows outflows resource abundant nations multinational corporations economic exploitation foreign companies profits Africa TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Uganda activists Kofi Annan African Development Bank British businesses tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services foreign companies Africa resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Uganda TNCs Kofi Annan African Development Bank extractive industries Barcals tax havens infrastructure reinvestment education health services foreign companies profits resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements Ugandan activists Kofi Annan United Nations TNCs extractive industries outflow of funds tax havens Barclays investment in Africa infrastructure education health services
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society's identity disconnect between law and society compliance issues plural societies Indian child marriage restraint act enforcement challenges weak states corruption child soldiers conflict zones ICC jurisprudence African countries Asian countries Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute isolated communities internecine conflicts ethnic minorities command responsibility child marriage education international criminal law judicial certainty legal accessibility state sponsorship human rights child protection legal enforcement judicial integrity legal awareness legal void rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society identity legal systems Africa Asia child marriage Indian child marriage restraint act child soldiers international criminal court command responsibility weak states corruption conflict child rights state sovereignty judicial independence governance legal enforcement child protection humanitarian law customary law cultural norms education conflict zones ethnic minorities state capacity judicial transparency international human rights child labor forced recruitment armed conflict legal awareness legal accessibility legal certainty legal education legal engagement legal ignorance legal enforcement rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act Indian society state custodianship cultural values government enforcement education incentives deterrence weak states corruption non-existent states conflict child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility juristic principles certainty accessibility state legitimacy governance underdeveloped states conflict zones Western rule-of-law Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Convention on the Rights of the Child pre-secession South rule of law social norms state intervention anthropology legal systems governance jurisprudence child rights enforcement plural societies ICC international criminal court corruption conflict child soldiers legal compliance judicial systems normativity legal education state sovereignty jurisprudence legal certainty access to justice legal enforcement state capacity legal pluralism legal consciousness legal awareness legal education child marriage command responsibility international law legal globalization legal ethics legal culture legal implementation legal theory legal practice legal philosophy legal history legal institutions legal realism legal posit rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society's identity compliance plural societies child marriage Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act state enforcement education incentives deterrence weak states corruption non-existent states ICC command responsibility juristic principles certainty accessibility legal systems Africa Asia Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute conflict zones child soldiers ethnic minorities international criminal law command structures legal ignorance pre-secession South Sudan Myanmar border enclaves rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies Indian child marriage restraint act child soldiers ICC command responsibility underdeveloped states corruption Western notions Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minority enclaves immediate authority community protection international criminal court legal systems global context rule of law social norms state intervention anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore plural societies child marriage Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act weak states corruption central government child soldiers International Criminal Court Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Western notions African regions central and southern Asia isolation internecine conflicts ethnic minority enclaves command responsibility norm enforcement state sponsorship education engagement immediate source of authority community protection Convention of the Rights of the Child pre-secession South Sudan Myanmar border weak central state access to rule of law failure anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention identity plurality child marriage India Indian child marriage restraint act child soldiers ICC International Criminal Court commander definition corruption underdeveloped states conflict Western notions Convention of the Rights of The Child Rome Statute Africa central and southern Asia Convention of the Rights of The Child Convention on the Rights of the Child pre-secession South Sudan ethnic minority enclave Myanmar weak central state strongest source of law education engagement rule of law social norms anthropologist lawyer Sally Falk-Moore piecemeal intervention state society identity values plurality child marriage restraint act India Indian child marriage restraint act child soldiers ICC international criminal court commander underdeveloped states conflict child labor conscientious objection Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Africa central and southern Asia Western notions corruption occupation isolated communities internecine conflicts ethnic minority enclave armed conflict Convention on the Rights of the Child rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention societal identity compliance plural societies child marriage Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act Indian society state custodianship values government enforcement education incentives deterrence weak states corruption effective central government norm dominance tradition conflict International Criminal Court command responsibility juristic principles certainty accessibility state sovereignty governance child soldiers Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute Convention of the Rights of The Child pre-secession South Sudan ethnic minority encl
test-international-epglghbni-con01a	Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, unification economies Ireland Republic crisis P.I.G.S European Union bailout Northern Ireland integration public spending employment public sector subsidy Germany reunification economic disparity unification economies Ireland crisis P.I.G.S European Union bailout northern ireland public spending integration transport police employment public sector support subsidies Germany Eastern Germany unification economic_integration Ireland P.I.G.S European_Union bailout_package public_spending integration crisis Republic_of_Ireland Northern_Ireland economy employment public_sector subsidies Germany reunification job_loss economic_unification economic_fragility unification economic impact Ireland P.I.G.S European Union bailout public spending integration challenges Northern Ireland economy employment public sector subsidies Germany reunification Unification economic crisis P.I.G.S European Union Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland public spending integration challenges employment public sector subsidies historical comparisons regional disparities unification economic impact Ireland economic crisis PIGS countries European Union bailout Northern Ireland economy public sector employment regional integration challenges German reunification subsidy unification economies Republic of Ireland crisis P.I.G.S European Union bailout Northern Ireland fragile economy public spending integration transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment subsidy German reunification Eastern Germany unification economic_crisis Ireland Northern_Ireland Republic_of_Ireland integration public_spending employment subsidies European_Union P.I.G.S Germany Eastern_Germany economic_disparity crisis_effects unification economies Ireland Republic Northern Ireland crisis PIGS European Union bailout public spending integration transport police weak economy public sector employment subsidies German reunification unification economies Ireland Republic of Ireland crisis P.I.G.S European Union bailout Northern Ireland fragile economy integration public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector jobs subsidies Germany Eastern Germany HM Treasury Fitzpatrick
test-culture-mmciahbans-con02a	Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, banning drugs counterfeit products skin whitening creams regulation issues intellectual property legalization debates cosmetic safety regulatory failures drug prohibition effects counterproductive bans drug legalization skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse regulation issues homemade substances damaging effects lack of regulation banning solutions problem-solving strategies banning drugs skin whitening creams counterfeit products intellectual property regulatory issues illegal substances homemade remedies cosmetic safety drug legalization public health impacts banning drugs counterproductive bans skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse regulation issues homemade substances damaging effects debate legalization drugs beauty industry regulations global cosmetic market banning counterproductive drug prohibition skin whitening creams counterfeit products intellectual property regulation homemade substances harmful effects global issues banning drugs skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property regulation homemade substances pills injections legalisation of drugs counterproductive policies debate legalisation cosmetic safety drug enforcement market dynamics consumer behavior regulatory gaps banning drugs counterproductive bans skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse regulation homemade substances damaging effects debate legalization drugs beauty standards advertising regulations global cosmetic industry banning drugs counterproductive bans skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse regulation of substances homemade remedies unregulated products legalisation of drugs debates on drug prohibition beauty industry regulations fake skincare products banning drugs counterproductive policies skin whitening creams counterfeit products intellectual property regulation issues homemade substances illegal cosmetics global beauty industry regulatory challenges banning drugs counterfeit products regulation failure skin whitening intellectual property homemade substances counterfeit cosmetics regulation issues legalisation debate
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con03a	"Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 parents child best judgment medical advice risk complications circumcision age evidence rights procedure [i] parental rights best interest of child medical advice circumcision complications risk assessment child health biomedical ethics birth age child circumcision post-birth surgery risk factors pediatric surgery parents child best judgment medical advice risk complications circumcision age complications rate parents rights bioethics parents decision making medical advice infant circumcision complication rates child health bioethics parental rights Parents right medical advice best interest child circumcision complications risk frequency age biomedical ethics bioethics parents child circumcision medical advice complications risk procedure judgment evidence birth age rights parents child best judgment medical advice risk complications circumcision procedure age delay complications rate parents rights Benatar medical advice best interest risk assessment complications rate parental rights circumcision child health birth age later age Risk management evidence based decision making parental rights medical ethics infant circumcision complication rates bioethics infant health surgical risks pediatric surgery parental consent medical advice child welfare Parents best judgment medical advice child's best interest circumcision newborn complication rates parental rights bioethics"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con01a	Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. personal freedom individual rights self-determination liberty moral responsibility autonomy vs control harm principle ethical considerations choice theory freedom of action consent paternalism feminist philosophy civil liberties personal freedom individual rights self-determination ethical egoism moral responsibility liberty autonomy debate non-harm principle self-governance personal choice theory personal freedom individual rights moral responsibility self-determination ethical considerations autonomy vs control public health libertarian philosophy harm principle individual liberty consent theory personal freedom self-governance individual liberty freedom of choice rights and responsibilities moral autonomy ethical considerations decision-making power self-determination consent theory individual rights autonomy vs control harm principle personal responsibility moral agency individualism liberal philosophy ethical egoism utilitarianism social contract freedom of action individual sovereignty personal integrity personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination moral responsibility harm principle ethical debate choice liberty consent non-maleficence public health paternalism reproductive rights civil liberties ethical theory personal freedom individual rights self-governance liberty autonomy debate freedom of choice ethical egoism non-harm principle self-determination personal sovereignty moral agency personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination moral responsibility paternalism harm principle ethical debates women's rights choices liberty rights vs responsibilities personal freedom harm principle libertarianism individual rights self-determination moral autonomy bioethics capacity for choice smoking regulations public health policies voluntary consent harm to others autonomy in healthcare personal autonomy individual freedom self-governance moral responsibility paternalism harm principle ethical debates decision-making rights agency freedom of choice autonomy in healthcare consent self-determination ethics of smoking bodily autonomy white privilege gendered autonomy personal freedom individual rights self-governance liberty autonomy debate moral philosophy ethical egoism utilitarianism reproductive rights mental health consent public policy freedom of choice individual liberty ethical decision-making personal responsibility self-determination human rights civil liberties moral autonomy
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con05a	It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, monitoring social media rioters intelligence police access communication tracking plans extremism demonstrations raves evidence efficiency law enforcement social media monitoring police surveillance riot monitoring intelligence gathering public networks private messaging law enforcement social network analysis digital evidence real-time tracking communication interception extremism monitoring protest group monitoring impromptu raves evidence collection crime prevention social media monitoring police tactics internet surveillance riot tracking online communication evidence gathering intelligence services political protests digital forensics law enforcement techniques extremist content public safety monitoring social media rioters police intelligence blackberry messenger extremism protests evidence law enforcement social media monitoring police strategy riot detection intelligence gathering communication tracking evidence collection law enforcement technology public network access surveillance effectiveness social media monitoring police tactics riot tracking communication interception public networks access intelligence gathering evidence collection law enforcement efficiency protest group monitoring real-time surveillance data analysis techniques social media monitoring rioters communication intelligence gathering police surveillance public networks blackberry messenger extremist ideologies demonstration monitoring evidence collection law enforcement efficiency social media monitoring riot monitoring intelligence gathering police surveillance communication tracking evidence collection public networks private messaging law enforcement tactics protest group monitoring intelligence services access monitoring riots social media analysis public access law enforcement intelligence gathering tracking plans intercepting plans monitoring extremism protest group surveillance catching rioters evidence collection social media security law enforcement technology intelligence services social media policy police tactics social media monitoring riot tracking police surveillance intelligence gathering communication interception evidence collection law enforcement strategies extremist ideologies public access private messaging digital forensics real-time analysis community policing data analysis tools
test-environment-assgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal_suffering moral_consistency disabled_suffering experimentation_ethics persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities animal experimentation morality suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities research ethics philosophy ethics painful medical research moral consistency animal_suffering moral_consistency persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities medical_research ethical_dilemmas suffering_comparison experimental_animals disability_rights ethical_consistency animal_suffering moral_consistency disabled_suffering research_ethics persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities medical_research ethical_considerations utility_morality human_animal_suffering_comparisons animals suffering morality medical research persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical consistency animals_suffering moral_consistency persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities ethical_research animal_experimentation disabled_people_research moral_philosophy scientific_ethics animal suffering moral consistency persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities experimental ethics research morality animals_suffering persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities moral_consistency medical_research euthanasia_alternatives virtue_ethics animal rights disabled_rights research_ethics animals_suffering people_suffering persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities moral_consistency medical_research disabled_rights animal_experimentation ethical_research philosophical_concepts animals_suffering moral_consistency persistent_vegetative_state intellectual_disabilities research_ethics animal_experimentalism disabled_rights suffering_criteria moral Philosophy
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con01a	Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . collisions home plate baseball injuries player safety sports injuries catchers runners force in sports sports physics team investments fan impact rule changes athlete popularity medical treatments baseball rules debate player valuation collisions in baseball home plate collisions player injuries in baseball catcher injuries physics of baseball collisions cost of sports injuries fan impact of player injuries baseball rule changes player investments in baseball Oakland Athletics strategy impact of player absence on team performance popularity of baseball players fan disappointment in player injuries baseball collisions injury statistics catcher safety home plate collisions player injuries sports injuries force measurement in collisions athletic injuries financial impact of injuries fan impact of injuries baseball rule changes catcher blocking player valuation in sports Oakland Athletics strategy collider physics baseball player injuries catcher safety sports injuries economics fan impact player valuation collision statistics home plate collisions sports medicine athlete investment rule changes collisions home plate baseball injuries player safety fan impact team investments catcher blocking rule changes force measurements sports medicine athlete popularity search performance relevant expansion phrases collisions in baseball player injuries home plate collisions catcher safety physical forces in sports athlete investments fan impact sports physics baseball rules debate team strategy player valuation sports medicine sports analytics collisions home plate baseball injuries player safety sports physics financial impact team strategy fan experience athlete popularity rule changes collisions home plate baseball injuries athlete safety catcher protection sports medicine player investments fan impact rule changes sports physics collision physics sports statistics collisions baseball injury prevention sports medicine player safety baseball rule changes catcher safety financial impact of injuries fan experience physics of collisions baseball injuries player investments team strategy medical costs collisions baseball injuries home plate player safety athletic injuries sports physics fan impact team investments MLB rules sports medicine concussion risk player popularity sports analytics
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro02a	A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. graduate tax university funding sustainable education salary-dependent contributions student debt tuition fees income-based repayment educational financing Shepard J 2009 long-term financing financial impact educational cost recovery graduate tax university funding sustainable education salary-based tuition student debt alternative funding models higher education financing income contingent loans education policy university cost recovery financial sustainability graduate tax university funding sustainable funding flat rate fare salary-dependent contribution higher education cost recovery income-based repayment university tuition fees student finance education funding model economic sustainability in education long-term financing solutions educational funding reform student loan repayment salary-linked payments financial impact on graduates graduate tax university funding sustainable education salary-based contributions higher education financing alternative funding models long-term repayment financial impact reduction educational cost recovery dynamic funding system sustainable university funding graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contributions student debt university fees financial impact long-term financing Shepard J. 2009 graduate tax university funding sustainable education salary-based contribution higher education financing flat rate fees student loan alternatives long-term repayment education costs recovery income contingent fees graduate tax university funding sustainable financing salary-dependent contributions student debt higher education costs Shepard J. income-based payments long-term financial impact graduate tax university funding sustainable education salary-based contributions long-term payments educational financing Shepard's proposal student loan alternatives tuition fee reform income-linked repayments graduate tax university funding sustainable education salary-dependent contribution traditional funding student debt education costs fee increases economic sustainability long-term repayment salary bracket taxation higher education financing tuition fee reform graduate tax university funding sustainable financing student loans tuition fees salary-based contributions Shepard J. education costs repayment period financial impact
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro03a	Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism publicity neglected causes media influence state propaganda hijackings impact international attention Palestinian cause violent publicity Terrorism media -terrorism propaganda -terrorism publicity -terrorism neglected causes -terrorism international attention -terrorism media resources -terrorism public impact -terrorism Palestinian cause -terrorism 1970s hijackings -terrorism 1980s hijackings Terrorism public awareness neglected causes media influence state propaganda hijackings effect international attention political violence media resources Palestinian conflict public relations international impact terrorism tactics media coverage cause advocacy violent protest media publicity political communication communication strategies terrorism publicity neglected causes media influence state propaganda violence impact hijackings publicity international attention political activism terrorism strategies public awareness cause visibility Terrorism publicity neglected causes media violence international impact Palestinian cause hijackings 1970s 1980s media resources relevant expansion phrases neglected cause publicity international impact terrorist hijackings media resources dramatic effect Palestinian cause violence communication Terrorism media publicity neglected causes international impact hijackings Palestinian cause resource disparity violence communication strategies terrorism publicity neglected causes hijackings media impact international attention propaganda resource disparity political violence historical examples conflict resolution terrorism publicity neglected causes media impact hijackings Palestinian international attention violence communication resources Terrorism media coverage terrorism propaganda neglected causes hijackings impact Palestinian cause publicity state media resources limited violence impact international attention terrorism
test-international-appghblsba-pro01a	Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation Basotho people border crossings Lesotho South Africa trade corruption economic dependence migration World Cup 2010 enclave state border restrictions Annexation Lesotho South Africa border crossing trade dependency corruption immigration economic benefits enclaved state border control migration World Cup 2010 border crossings Lesotho South Africa Basotho trade dependency corruption border restrictions annexation migration economic integration enclaved state regional trade immigration policies transportation infrastructure economic aid border management cross-border trade customs regulations free movement Basotho people goods and services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts trade dependency annexation World Cup criminal activities border restrictions Lesotho-South Africa trade economic benefits governance control Annexation Basotho people South Africa lesotho border crossings trade corruption enclave state cereal imports crossings restrictions trade dependency search performance relevant expansion phrases Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues trade dependency cereal production annexation boosting trade rich countries controlled entity international boundary fence metaphor Annexation Basotho people movement rights South Africa Lesotho border crossings corruption trade dependencies free movement cereals import trade policies enclave state international borders Annexation Basotho people free movement goods and services crossings South Africa enclave state border corruption trade dependency cereal imports border restrictions Lesotho government SADC trade world cup 2010 Annexation Basotho free movement border crossing South Africa Lesotho trade corruption enclave state international boundary crossings World Cup criminal activities trade dependency cereal production border restrictions annexation border issues free movement cross-border trade corruption enclave state dependency on South Africa trade barriers queue management border restrictions lesotho south africa international boundaries
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro01a	Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption European leaders Ukraine democracy decline Ukraine press freedom Russia Belarus mafia state Corruption Perceptions Index Freedom House Viktor_Yanukovych Ukraine_democracy Viktor_Yanukovych_regime Orange_revolution Yulia_Timoshenko SBU_Ukraine Ukraine_corruption press_freedom_Ukraine Country_Report_on_Human_Rights Corruption_Perceptions_Index Transparency_International Freedom_House Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption press freedom rankings Freedom House Corruption Perceptions Index Taras Luzio Karin Deutsch Karlekar transparency European Union mafia state russia belarus political prisoners media attacks Democracy Decline Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption European leaders democratic decline media freedom press freedom ranking Corruption Perceptions Index Taras Luzio Karin Deutsch Karlekar Jennifer Dunham Freedom House Taras Luzio Atlantic Council Ukraine's political situation Russia Belarus Viktor Yanukovych's presidency European Union's response to Ukraine's regime Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption Ukraine press freedom Russia Belarus mafia state democracy decline transparency international corruption perceptions index Elevate search performance Europe Viktor Yanukovych regime democratic decline Orange revolution Yulia Timoshenko political prisoners press freedom SBU corruption Ukraine Russia Belarus virtual mafia state Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption democracy decline press freedom Corruption Perceptions Index mafia state Russia Belarus Freedom House Taras Luzio Karin Deutsch Karlekar Jennifer Dunham Ukraine regime change Ukraine political prisoners Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption democracy decline political prisoners media freedom European leaders Corruption Perceptions Index press freedom rankings Europe Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko SBU Ukraine corruption press freedom Corruption Perceptions Index mafia state political prisoners Democracy decline European leaders Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution SBU KGB Yulia Timoshenko Corruption Perceptions Index press freedom democracy decline virtual mafia state Europe-Ukraine relations
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro02a	Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staffing medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 Savings medical care pharmaceutical costs African states medical infrastructure medical equipment staff generics vs branded drugs European pharmaceutical model South African healthcare generic medication adoption pharmaceutical expenditure medical scheme funding Savings medical care pharmaceutical costs African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 Savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure European medicine model generics pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 Savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 Savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 savings medical care pharmaceutical costs African states medical infrastructure staffing medical equipment generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa health expenditure medical schemes Health24 Savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure Europe generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 Savings medical care optimization pharmaceutical costs African states medical infrastructure staff medical equipment European pharmaceutical model generics South Africa health expenditure Savings pharmaceutical costs medical infrastructure generic drugs healthcare expenditure medical equipment medical staff South Africa Europe health policy medical schemes
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro03a	"Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey EU terrorism geopolitical ally NATO secular democracy Cold War Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 al Qaeda radical Islamists Turkey European Union terrorism geopolitical ally NATO secular democracy Cold War Iraq Afghanistan al Qaeda radical Islamists Turkey EU terrorism geopolitical NATO secular democracy Cold War Iraq Afghanistan al Qaeda radical Islamists secular Muslim democracy key ally for the West eastern flank of NATO strategic partner Cold War ally Soviet containment U.S. warplanes bases September 11 attacks coalition forces in Afghanistan al Qaeda fight radical Islamists accession to EU Turkey EU terrorism geo-political strategic secular democracy NATO Soviet Union Iraq Turkish forces al Qaeda international cooperation Turkey EU membership terrorism prevention geo-political alliance NATO member Cold War ally Kurdish protection anti-terrorism cooperation al Qaeda radical Islamism international security Western partnership Eastern flank strategy Turkish NATO command Iraq war support secular Muslim democracy Turkey EU accession international terrorism geo-political ally NATO Cold War Iraq U.S. warplanes Afghanistan al Qaeda radical Islamists Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political ally NATO strategic partnership secular democracy West cooperation Soviet Union U.S. Afghanistan al Qaeda radical Islamists Turkey European Union terrorism geo-political ally NATO Cold War Iraq U.S. Afghanistan al Qaeda secular democracy Islamist attacks Turkey EU membership secular democracy geostrategic ally NATO member Cold War alliance Iraq war Afghanistan war anti-terrorism radical Islamists Eastern Mediterranean geopolitical significance"
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro01a	Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial equality South Africa radical action rugby union bias quotas black players racial abuse grassroots Peacock James racist biases sports quotas racial representation rugby union South Africa racial abuse discrimination in sports diversity in sports affirmative action sports Peter de Villiers James Peacock BBC Sport racial equality South Africa racial equality South Africa rugby union quotas bias racism grassroots abuse diversity equality policy de Villiers radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union biases quotas discrimination racial abuse non-white players peacock james bbc sport racial terms diversity peter de villiers racial equality South Africa radical action quotas rugby union bias racism grassroots abuse diversity equality radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union biases quotas black players 33% racial abuse grass roots Peacock James Peter de Villiers racism waste of time radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union quotas bias black players 33% grass roots racial abuse peter de villiers racial equality South Africa radical action rugby union quotas bias grass roots racial abuse non-white players peacock james radical action racial equality South Africa quotas rugby union bias diversity grassroots racism abuse peacock james radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union quotas bias grass roots racial abuse peacock James Peter de Villiers
test-science-eassgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. testing methods new drug development animal testing benefits clinical trials sequence volunteer risks chemical research safety drug improvement sources animal testing benefits new drugs development clinical trials process chemical safety testing human risk assessment alternative testing methods testing methods new drug development animal testing benefits clinical trials human risk assessment research ethics new chemical compounds drug safety alternatives to animal testing volunteer risks new drugs animal testing benefits drug testing process human risk assessment chemical testing methods medical research improvements testing drug development animal testing clinical trials human testing chemical safety risk assessment medical research new drugs volunteer risk ethical considerations new drugs animal testing benefits drug testing process human risk in testing chemical testing safety medical research advancements drug development challenges testing new drugs animal testing human testing chemical testing drug safety volunteer risks medical research innovation clinical trials testing efficacy new drugs animal testing benefits drug testing process non-animal tests human testing risks chemical research medical advancements ethical considerations testing new drugs animal testing benefits drug development process human risk in testing chemical testing methods improving drug safety volunteer risks in testing testing outcomes new drugs benefits of animal testing clinical trials volunteers risk assessment chemicals research methods
test-politics-oapghwliva-pro01a	The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 earmarking political pork logrolling party discipline Congress presidential veto accountability interest groups campaign donors voting legislation budget oversight effectiveness integrity transparency evaluation competition national mandate earmarking political pork budget vote legislation party discipline logrolling accountability internal politics federal dollars campaign donors interest groups national mandate presidential authority line-item veto economic impact campaign finance public perception earmarking pork barreling logrolling congressional lobbying federal funding accountability presidential line-item veto campaign finance national mandate intellectual property rights economic development fiscal policy legislative procedures voter influence interest group influence public opinion transparency reform political parties political influence budget process campaign finance reform voting behavior election finance public corruption legislative decision-making political accountability government efficiency public policy legislative integrity power dynamics ethics in government economic incentives political influence on legislation earmarking party discipline logrolling campaign donors presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups congressional voting public transparency legislative process pork barrel congressional influence voter interests government spending political favors election financing legislative priorities political scandals earmarking Congress pork logrolling party discipline political accountability Vested interests Presidential line-item veto powerful interest groups campaign donors effective legislation voting transparency accountability members of Congress legislators bad legislation federal dollars interest evaluation competition national mandate power dynamics transparency representatives interest groups campaign finance public perception economic impact legislative process public opinion voter trust policy influence oversight legislative negotiation public funding lobbying ethics transparency measures earmarking party discipline pork barrel political influence logrolling legislative voting Presidential veto federal funding campaign finance reform legislation earmarking pork budget congressional voting logrolling presidential line-item veto powerful interest groups accountability campaign donors vested interests legislative processes evaluation and competition national mandate representative accountability earmarking political abuse pork barrel logrolling Congressional power party discipline presidential veto accountability campaign finance interventionism Vested interests powerful interest groups national mandate effective legislation transparency representative accountability federal funding interest group influence legislative advocacy earmarking political power legislation voting transparency accountability intervention congressional pork budget funding party interests logrolling membership campaign donors evaluation competition intervention national mandate representatives presidential line-item veto interest.groups Vested.interests earmarking pork barreling logrolling congressional accountability presidential oversight campaign finance vested interests interest groups political parties national mandate line-item veto economic policy fiscal responsibility campaign donors budget transparency republican democrat political corruption power dynamics intellectual property rights legislative processes public opinion representative democracy government ethics bureaucracy citizen engagement policy analysis political science political economy lobbying public administration political behavior legislative decision-making public choice theory political institutions p
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro05a	Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. communities say curriculum creationism schools teach poll evidence evolution religion education abioesis public scientific elites religious beliefs United States stability exclusive prevailing confusion creationism school curriculum public opinion evolution religious beliefs education policy community values scientific elitism classroom teaching social stability polls scientific theories religious education United States science education curriculum decision-making communities say curriculum creationism society views politics religion education scientific elites children beliefs public desire evolution abiogenesis social stability teaching methods poll evidence religious belief animals God exclusive teaching prevailing theories United States public opinion communities say curriculum creationism science elites education poll evidence religion evolution abiogenesis stability beliefs truth teaching states United States religious belief animals grace god scientific elites political views scientific theories social stability religious education public opinion scientific evidence religious beliefs community values scientific knowledge religious teachings religious freedom religious tolerance scientific curriculum religious schools science education religious education public schools religious doctrine religious instruction religious content religious studies religious education religious curriculum Communities say education curriculum Creationism evolution scientific elites poll religious beliefs social stability teaching abortion grace communities say curriculum creationism science education poll evidence evolution religion public views abundance abiogenesis religious beliefs social stability scientific elites teaching scientific theory population acceptance academic freedom public opinion communities say curriculum creationism education poll religion evolution scientific elites public beliefs religious values social stability United States polling evidence abiogenesis science faith animal god grace exclusive prevailing concepts teaching instruction views opinion acceptance confusion creationism curriculum public opinion scientific elites religious beliefs education policy community values scientific theories school boards classroom content evolution abiogenesis social stability science education religious education academic freedom poll results belief systems education debates communities say teach creationism schools curriculum poll evidence evolution abiogenesis religious view public scientific elites education United States social stability God animals exclusive prevailing theories confusion origin species communities say curriculum creationism evolution poll religious beliefs education school boards public opinion scientific elites abigensis social stability teaching methods public desire scientific theory religious belief childhood education scientific acceptance religious acceptance
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro04a	Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 vegetarianism risk factor food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock human animal disease bird flu processed beef milk unpasteurised untreated water internal contamination human health nutrition prevention causes meat poultry dairy products undercooked bacteria infection sanitation control public health safety meat preservatives food integrity vegetarianism food_poisoning risk_factors meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed_feed livestock human_health disease_transmission food_processing safety public_health nutrition health_risks vegetarianism food_poisoning_risks meat_evidence eggs_danger campylobacter_bacteria salmonella_source e_coli_beef zoonosis_diseases animal_brains_feed bse_cattle cjd_humans vegetarianism benefits food safety tips meat-related illnesses egg contamination bacteria sources campylobacter prevention salmonella risk factors e-coli transmission zoonotic diseases bse cjd causes processed animal feed risks vegetarianism food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock human health animal brains raw meat poultry dairy products undercooked beef untreated water unpasteurised milk close contact animals to humans transmission vegetarianism food safety meat eggs Campylobacter salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock animal brains human health foodborne illnesses vegetarianism food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock human health animal brains vegetarianism risk reduction food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock human health animal to human transmission unpasteurised milk untreated water undercooked beef intimate animal contact processed food beef safety dairy products bird flu vegetarianism food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock human health animal brains vegetarianism food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD processed feed livestock human health animal brains
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 university_exchange idea_imposition academic_culture intellectual_clashes confucian_socratic state_academia_relationship western_asian_institutions critical_thinking academic_lingua_franca open_mindedness educational_ethic university_exchanges intellectual traditions confucian_socratic academic_clashes Western_institutions_Asia academic_ethic university_mission open_mindedness international_academia educational_approaches cultural_integration academic_lingua_franca critical_thinking university_state_relationship universities international交流 思想交流 学术自由 亚洲大学 欧洲大学 儒家思想 苏格拉底思想 文化交流 教育体制 学术开放性 文化差异 高等教育 跨文化教育 教育平等 学术态度 学术伦理 教育政策 语言障碍 学术创新 Universities idea exchange cultural clashes academic traditions intellectual integration Confucianism Socrates state-academia relationship Western education Asian education critical thinking academic ethics lingua franca search efficiency expand query universities idea exchange intellectual traditions economic interaction Confucian Socratic academia state arrogance critical thinking academic lingua franca universities intellectual traditions academic exchange idea imposition Confucian Socratic Asia Europe economic interaction intellectual clash intellectual openness academic ethics Western institutions student approach critical thinking linguistic barriers analytic teaching universities intellectual traditions confucian socratic academic exchange openness economic interaction intellectual clash Western education Asian education academic state relationship critical thinking linguistic approach academic ethics universities internationalization intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academic exchange Western institutions Asia economic interaction clashes integration state relations openness new ideas arrogance critical thinking academic ethics linguistic barriers philosophical praxis Universities intellectual exchange idea imposition academic traditions Confucian Socratic Asia Europe economic interaction intellectual clash academic state relations university ethics academic openness Western institutions Asian students critical thinking lingua franca international education university response universities intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academic exchange openness economic interaction Asian-Western integration student approaches critical thinking academic ethics university state relationship arrogance
test-law-lghbacpsba-con01a	It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. principle equality legal rights courtroom attorney privilege civil matters criminal commercial fairness just freedom disclosure legal representation courtroom procedures judicial fairness attorney-client privilege equality in justice criminal proceedings civil rights commercial law fair trial right to counsel confidentiality principle equality fairness jurisprudence legal representation client attorney privilege criminal matters civil matters commercial matters right to defence judicial system legal ethics courtroom justice law enforcement confidentiality legal representation client attorney privilege equal access to justice confidentiality in law courtroom fairness defense rights civil litigation criminal proceedings commercial disputes legal ethics human rights legal system integrity legal representation courtroom fairness judicial系统 privilege equality civil matters criminal matters commercial matters defence权利 保密原则 legal representation client attorney privilege defense rights courtroom fairness confidentiality in law entitlement to counsel equal access to justice criminal proceedings civil matters commercial disputes judicial integrity ethical legal practice human rights in court principle equality fairness just system courtroom client attorney privilege legal representation defense criminal matters civil matters commercial matters entitled to defense legal system legal representation client attorney privilege criminal matters civil matters commercial matters fair trial just system confidentiality courtroom equality legal representation courtroom procedure client attorney privilege fair trial equal access to justice criminal proceedings civil litigation commercial disputes confidentiality rights legal representation courtroom proceedings attorney-client privilege fair trial judicial system equality before law civil litigation criminal justice commercial law privacy rights
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro04a	Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. creationism evolution abiogenesis intelligent design scientific theory origin of life laboratory experiments mutation natural selection species diversity religious belief scientific observation Darwinism scientific hypothesis intelligent agency [1] Wells Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False” Discovery Institute. creationism evolution abiogenesis intelligent design scientific theory lab experiments mutation natural selection species diversity rational explanation scientific observation religious belief Darwinism Discovery Institute creationism scientific theory evolution abiogenesis laboratory experiments origin of life natural selection intelligent design scientific observation religious belief scientific hypothesis biodiversity scientific explanation mutation scientific evidence scientific validity scientific argument scientific theory comparison creationism scientific theory evolution abiogenesis equal time classroom scientific hypothesis coherent theory origin of life naturalist theories laboratory experiments abiogenesis experiments evolution experiments new life formation organism development limited bounds intelligent agency religious belief scientific observation designer description Discovery Institute creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory lab experiments intelligent design rational explanation species diversity religious belief scientific observation mutable evidence limited bounds Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory intelligent design origins of life laboratory evidence species diversity mutation natural selection rational explanation religious belief scientific observation creationism scientific theory evolution abiogenesis lab experiments intelligent design rational explanation species diversity limited bounds religious belief naturalist theories mutation selection scientific observation designer identification creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory intelligent design lab experiments origin of life diversity of life mutation natural selection religious belief scientific observation creationism scientific theory evolution abiogenesis classroom instruction intelligent design scientific evidence laboratory experiments speciation natural selection biodiversity religious beliefs scientific observation creationism evolution abiogenesis intelligent design scientific theory origin of life mutations natural selection lab experiments species diversity religious belief scientific observation
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro02a	Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, public health tobacco control social norms smoking cessation policy impact epidemiology global north health behavior Africa public places smoking bans norm change smoking rates reduction behavioral economics health policy health behaviors health communication health education health outcomes public health tobacco control social norms smoking cessation epidemiology global north policy impact Africa health behavior environmental tobacco smoke public place restrictions health policy smoking prevention public health measures smoking ban effects health statistics smoking cessation public health policy tobacco control social norms epidemiology quitting smoking health behavior public场所禁烟 毒品流行 社会习俗变化 健康影响研究 禁烟效果分析 戒烟统计数据 public places smoking ban africa smoking rates change social norms reducing smoking obstacles government policies smoking global north smoking trends tobacco epidemic prevention smoking cessation statistics reduce smoking ban public places Africa tobacco epidemic smoking norms England smoking rates public health effectiveness ban quit smoking social change public places smoking ban africa tobacco epidemic smoking rates reduction social norms change enclosed spaces smoking Global North smoking trends public health tobacco control social norms epidemiology global north policy impact quitting smoking health behavior social environment smoking cessation norm change health statistics reduce smoking public places ban social norms tobacco epidemic Africa smoking rates Global North health policy effectiveness quitting smoking public health health statistics health behaviors smoking prevention culture change health policy impact smoking regulation health promotion health education health outcomes tobacco control health impact assessment health intervention health communication health disparities health inequities health services research health systems health economics health policy analysis health policy evaluation health policy implementation health policy development health policy formulation health policy design health policy planning health policy smoking bans africa tobacco control public health normalization of smoking England smoking cessation public place smoking health policy economic impact of smoking ban prevention strategies tobacco epidemic social norms change quitting smoking benefits health statistics reduce smoking public places social norms tobacco epidemic England Global North quitting smoking Daily Mail
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro04a	Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ patent laws universal pricing pharmaceutical costs developing countries Africa drug affordability generics exploitation healthcare policies patent laws developing countries pharmaceutical pricing Africa generic drugs drug affordability intellectual property healthcare disparities drug pricing policies patent laws patented drugs Africa developed countries pharmaceutical prices exploitation generic drugs drug pricing inequality healthcare costs patent laws pharmaceutical pricing developing countries drug affordability global health disparities generic drugs international law healthcare costs economic exploitation medication access intellectual property rights African nations market prices developed world pharmaceutical industry drug pricing policies patent laws pharmaceutical costs global healthcare developing countries intellectual property drug pricing generics Africa market prices developed nations unfairness exploitation patent laws pharmaceutical pricing global inequality drug affordability generic drugs developing countries Africa developed world exploitation fair trade patent laws universal pricing pharmaceutical costs developing countries Africa drug affordability generic drugs developed nations price disparity patent laws universal pricing pharmaceutical costs developing countries African nations drug affordability exploitative relationships generic drugs market prices patent laws pharmaceutical pricing global health disparity drug affordability developing countries generic drugs intellectual property international law economic inequality patent laws pharmaceutical pricing developing countries Africa drug affordability generic drugs market price disparities economic exploitation
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro01a	Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, individual freedom arranged marriage forced marriage covert pressure stigmatisation family pressure legal regulation state intervention human rights child abuse cultural practices domestic violence legal mandate legal protection societal norms individual freedom arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure legal intervention stigma child rights parental control domestic violence human rights legal mandate regulation coercion minority communities cultural practices consent legal protections civil liberties minority rights individual freedom arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure stigmatisation legal intervention regulatory measures human rights consent abuse coercion guardianship domestic violence cultural practices minority rights social control autonomy legal protection civil liberties human dignity moral obligations Individual Freedom Covert Family Pressure Unhappy Unions Restricted Liberty Stigmatisation Forced Marriages Legal Mandate State Regulation Reluctant Consent Psychological Intimidation Family Shame Compulsion Legal Challenges Social Norms Arranged Marriages Family Honor Human Rights Social Stigma Legal Protections Family Dynamics Personal Choice Legal Intervention Social Control Cultural Practices Individual Freedom Marriages Family Pressure Unhappiness Restricted Liberty Rebelling Arranged Marriages Forced Marriages Stigmatisation Family Shame State Regulation Legal Mandate Challenging Practice Discouraging Relatives Shafilea Ahmed Murder individual freedom marrige pressure covert family pressure arranged marriages forced marriages stigmatisation legal regulation relatives compulsion legal mandate police enforcement Shafilea Ahmed murder individual freedom arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure stigmatization legal regulation human rights coercion domestic abuse legal mandate social control child protection guardianship consent domestic violence cultural practices minority rights civil liberties parental authority domestic relations legal intervention human trafficking domestic shaming Individual Freedom Marriage Pressure Covert Family Pressure Unhappy Marriages Restricted Liberty Arranged Marriages Forced Marriages Stigmatisation Family Shame Legal Regulation State Intervention Shannon Ahmed Case individual freedom arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure legal intervention stigmatisation human rights marital consent cultural practices state regulation domestic violence social consequences child protection legal mandate Individual Freedom Marriages Covert Pressure Unhappiness Restricted Liberty Rebellion Arranged Marriages Forced Marriages Stigmatisation Family Pressure Legal Regulation State Intervention Shafilea Ahmed Family Shame Criminal Charges
test-culture-mthbah-pro04a	Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. advertisements consumer psychology self-esteem media influence body image eating disorders advertising techniques psychological impact youth culture health issues model portrayal beauty standards media representation marketing ethics public health mental health consumer behavior social media psychological manipulation advertising psychology consumer behavior psychological advertising media influence self-esteem body image eating disorders advertising ethics youth culture media portrayal mental health advertising impact marketing strategies social media influence beauty standards advertising regulation public health advertising and self-esteem media literacy advertising critique advertisements consumer psychology self-esteem media influence body image eating disorders self-harm youth culture media literacy advertising ethics beauty standards health issues psychological impact marketing strategies social media gender roles mental health public awareness advertising impact psychological effects consumer behavior self-esteem issues media influence body image marketing tactics societal norms mental health beauty standards advert analysis eating disorders advertising ethics fashion industry media portrayal public perception youth culture psychological manipulation advertising criticism social media impact consumer psychology marketing strategies advertising regulation advertisements consumer psychology self-esteem body image media influence eating disorders self-harm marketing strategies beauty standards health issues psychological effects young people media portrayal advertising psychology consumer behavior media influence self-esteem body image eating disorders marketing strategies perception manipulation advertising ethics psychological impact media representation youth culture advertising effects psychological advertising media studies advertising critique societal norms marketing psychology psychological warfare advertising techniques emotional manipulation marketing ethics advertisements consumer psychology self-esteem body image media influence eating disorders self-harm perception advertising effects youth culture mental health media representation beauty standards fashion industry advertising psychology consumer behavior media influence self-esteem issues body image distortion unhealthy lifestyles eating disorders self-harm advertising ethics diverse body representations advertising psychology consumer behavior media influence self-esteem body image eating disorders health effects marketing tactics psychological manipulation societal norms beauty standards youth mental health advertising ethics model representation psychological impact advertising regulations public health mental well-being advertising psychology consumer behavior media influence self-esteem body image eating disorders advertisement effects psychological manipulation societal standards mental health marketing strategies advertising ethics youth culture media representation psychological impact advertising criticism
test-international-appghblsba-pro03a	Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa GDP international aid social system economic assistance human development report HIV infection rate Lesotho poverty Lesotho HIV Lesotho corruption SA annexation South Africa aid Lesotho GDP Basotho citizenship poverty alleviation HIV infection rates international development assistance Lesotho poverty Lesotho economy Lesotho HIV Lesotho corruption South Africa aid annex Lesotho Lesotho annexation SA governance Lesotho GDP international development African politics humanitarian aid regional integration Lesotho poverty Lesotho HIV Lesotho economy Lesotho corruption Lesotho annexation South Africa aid Lesotho women health Lesotho GDP comparison Lesotho social system Lesotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa economic aid social system GDP political integration population health poverty alleviation international development United Nations Lesotho aid poverty in Lesotho HIV prevalence Lesotho corruption in Lesotho annexation South Africa GDP Lesotho GDP South Africa Basotho citizenship social system improvement Lesotho economic assistance Lesotho Lesotho poverty HIV annexation South Africa GDP corruption international aid social system citizenship voting rights Lesotho poverty Lesotho HIV Lesotho economy Lesotho social issues Lesotho annexation South Africa Lesotho Basotho citizenship poverty alleviation HIV prevalence economic aid social reform governance corruption GDP per capita comparison territorial control Lesotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa GDP development aid citizenship voting rights Lesotho poverty Lesotho HIV Lesotho economy Lesotho corruption annexation Lesotho South Africa Lesotho Basotho citizenship GDP Lesotho GDP South Africa
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro01a	The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights enforcement deterrence atrocities special courts tribunals humanitarian law international criminal law domestic criminal law civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court force for good international justice human rights protection war criminals permanent system deterrence conflict prevention international law enforcement atrocities special courts tribunals domestic criminal law civilization anarchy International Criminal Court ICC war criminals human rights special courts tribunals enforcement deterrence conflict international criminal law domestic sphere civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights enforcement deterrent atrocities special courts tribunals permanent system civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court enforcement deterrence human rights war criminals international criminal law domestic sphere atrocities special courts tribunals military accountability civilized society anarchy ICC International Criminal Court human rights war criminals enforcement deterrence domestic criminal law civilization anarchy international justice atrocities human rights protection special courts tribunals military oversight global legal framework ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights deterrence enforcement atrocities special courts tribunals humanitarian law civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court force for good deterrence human rights protection enforcement international criminal law political efficacy durable system war criminals atrocities militaries anarchy civilization International Criminal Court ICC war criminals human rights protection permanent court enforcement of international law deterrence atrocities special courts tribunals civilizing effect domestic criminal law conflict prevention impunity human rights violations global justice legal system legal reform international justice peacekeeping accountability humanitarian law war crimes prosecution international law legal framework conflict resolution international relations global governance International Criminal Court human rights war crimes enforcement deterrence atrocities special courts tribunals humanitarian law domestic criminal law civilization anarchy
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro04a	Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 natural resources conflict Africa diamonds rebel funding Sierra Leone blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war forced labor RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars conflict escalation Pandergast Kharlamov natural resources conflict Africa diamonds civil war Sierra Leone blood diamonds RUF mineral wealth Congo forced slavery resource wars Global Research commodity price natural resources conflict Africa diamonds civil war Sierra Leone blood diamonds RUF mineral wealth Congo resource wars forced labor rebel funding commodity price resource curse Pandergast Kharlamov Global Research natural resources conflict africa diamonds funding rebellions government resource funding blood diamonds Sierra Leone forced slavery RUF civil war Sierra Leone mineral wealth Congo resource wars Africa economic impact resources natural resources conflict Africa diamonds civil war Sierra Leone blood diamonds RUF mineral wealth Congo forced slavery resource wars resource conflict Africa natural resources mineral wealth diamonds forced labor blood diamonds Revolutionary United Front congo mineral funding civil war resource wars natural resources conflict Africa diamonds civil war Sierra Leone blood diamonds forced labor RUF Revolutionary United Front Congo mineral wealth resource wars forced slavery commodity price rebel funding Pandergast Kharlamov Global Research natural resources conflict Africa diamonds rebellion funding civil war Sierra Leone blood diamonds forced slavery Revolutionary United Front Congo mineral wealth resource wars natural resources conflict Africa diamonds Sierra Leone blood diamonds civil war Revolutionary United Front Congo mineral wealth resource wars forced slavery rebel funding commodity price resource curse natural resources conflict Africa diamonds civil war Sierra Leone blood diamonds forced slavery Revolutionary United Front Congo mineral wealth resource wars
test-culture-mmciahbans-con03a	Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. skin tone discrimination colorism whiteness beauty standards education race class prejudice skin lightening product bans skin tone discrimination bans whiteness products education race class prejudice colourism public view skin tone discrimination bans whiteners education prejudices class race divisive issues colourism skin tone discrimination colorism whiteness social perceptions education class issues race issues product bans societal prejudices skin tone discrimination banning products class issues race issues prejudices education colourism whiteners social perception public view skin tone discrimination colorism whiteners ban public view government intervention education prejudices skin color discrimination race issues class issues social perception equality fairness diversity activism skincare industry consumer rights ethical concerns banning skin lightening products colorism skin tone discrimination government regulation social prejudice education on skin color race and class skin whitening bans public perception racial inequalities skin tone visibility cultural beauty standards skin tone discrimination bans public view class issues race issues divisive skin color whitening products education prejudices colourism skin tone discrimination bans whitening products education race class prejudice divisiveness perception colourism skin tone discrimination colorism whiteness skin lightening products social perception education race class government intervention beauty standards prejudices
test-international-bldimehbn-con01a	The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, journalism reporting newsworthiness cultural sensibilities international news media bias al jazeera arabic media gay rights middle east journalism ethics news impact journalism reporting cultural sensibilities controversial events newsworthiness international impact consumer perspective impartiality Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East media representation journalistic ethics cultural sensitivity media impact news organizations Arab world Israeli guests global media journalism reporting cultural sensibilities controversial events newsworthiness international impact consumer perception impartiality media ethics al jazeera arabic channels middle east gay rights censorship media representation global media journalist role cultural sensibilities controversial events newsworthiness impact on consumers impartial reporting military actions political actions financial actions terrorist actions Al Jazeera reputation Arab world gay rights Middle East journalism reporting cultural sensibilities controversial events newsworthiness consumer impact impartiality media bias Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East news organization role journalistic responsibility journalism reporting cultural sensibilities controversial events newsworthiness impact on consumers impartiality military actions political actions financial actions terrorist actions Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East news organizations journalistic responsibility viewer interest strong feelings international stage news standards journalism reporting cultural sensibilities controversial events newsworthiness impact on consumers impartiality Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East international news media impact journalism reporting cultural sensibilities newsworthiness international impact controversy media ethics Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East impartiality news organization journalistic responsibility viewer impact guest appearances media representation journalism news reporting cultural sensibilities international news controversial topics newsworthiness impact of news consumer perception impartial reporting Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East media Arab media journalistic ethics conflict reporting journalism newsworthiness cultural sensibilities controversial events media bias journalistic integrity Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East impartial reporting international impact
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 cultural relativism child soldiers conflict intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western values childhood constructs military induction conflict environments vulnerability protection democratic norms human rights warfare impacts child recruitment social development community survival ethical dilemmas legal enforcement global ethics cultural relativism child soldiers international legislation intercultural justice political context governance protection of children violence in conflict armed conflict child recruitment social constructs military induction survival strategies community vulnerability conflict environments legal protections human rights western cultural norms democratic norms child development humanitarian law peacekeeping cultural diversity ethical considerations military ethics conflict resolution international relations humanitarian crises global justice legal frameworks moral philosophy sociological theories psychological impacts human security non-western cultures comparative law ethical relativism human rights violations conflict transformation cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation child protection violence historical traditions methods of living societal change military induction conflict environments safety provision community vulnerability conflict resolution child recruitment western constructs cultural constructs liberalism democracy legal enforcement child welfare human rights conflict zones war impacts child development social norms legal protections humanitarian law armed conflict child psychology cultural differences international law ethical considerations conflict resolution strategies child education social structures cultural adaptation human rights abuses conflict Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice political context governance western values violence against children military recruitment conflict zones child protection laws societal adaptation traditional practices human rights legal enforcement community resilience historical context international legislation humanitarian law child development ethical considerations conflict resolution vulnerability cultural constructs Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation violence against children western constructs military recruitment conflict zones survival strategies child protection laws democratic norms human rights cultural constructs vulnerability protection independence child development war impacts traditional practices legal enforcement community safety global ethics moral absolutism humanitarian law social change child welfare ethical dilemmas moral relativism humanitarian crisis conflict management ethical responsibility cultural diversity human rights violations peacekeeping humanitarian aid ethical standards legal standards moral cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation protection of children violence military recruitment conflict vulnerability community survival cultural construct western values liberalism democratic norms human rights humanitarian law military organizations child protection armed conflict child welfare cultural practices social change legal enforcement humanitarian issues cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation protection of children violence western cultural constructs military recruitment conflict environments community safety democracy legal enforcement vulnerability humanitarian law Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice political implications governance issues international legislation supranational laws western cultural constructs historical traditions survival methods conflict environments military induction child protection vulnerability safety conflict zones democratic norms legal enforcement human rights child development warfare impacts cultural diversity ethical considerations cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western cultural constructs vulnerability conflict environments military induction protection needs democratic norms child recruitment South Sudan war impacts cultural diversity human rights enforcement legal challenges ethical considerations historical context social development child protection laws community resilience conflict resolution humanitarian law traditional practices legal globalization child welfare state responsibility moral disputes cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice political implications governance western construct conflict environments vulnerability armed conflict protection traditional cultures societal adaptation international law supranational legislation child recruitment survival strategies human rights enforcement legal constructs community resilience
test-international-epglghbni-con02a	The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, Northern_Ireland_unification support_for_unification Good_Friday_agreement Catholic_population_protestant_population policy_maintaining_union devolution direct_rule survey_results Northern_Ireland_life_and_times Moriarty_2011 NIO_1998 Northern_Ireland_unification support_for_unification Good_Friday_agreement Northern_Ireland_survey devolution direct_rule Catholic_views_on_unification Protestant_views_on_unification Northern_Ireland_unification Good_Friday_agreement Catholic_protestant_division Northern_Ireland_survey devolution direct_rule united_Ireland political_unity NIO Moriarty Northern Ireland unification Good Friday agreement majority opinion survey results devolution direct rule Protestant population Catholic population united Ireland NIO Moriarty Northern Ireland unification Good Friday agreement survey majority opinion Protestant Catholic devolution direct rule Northern Ireland inhabitants unification Good Friday agreement self-determination survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Protestants Catholics devolution direct rule united Ireland Northern_Ireland_unification support_for_unification Good_Friday_agreement Catholic_support Protestant_support Northern_Ireland_Life_and_Times_survey devolution direct_rule international_relations Ireland_NI_politics population_opinion Northern_Ireland_unification Good_Friday_agreement Northern_Ireland_Life_and_Times_survey devolution direct_rule Catholic_protestant_division NIO_1998 Moriarty_2011 Northern_Ireland_unification Good_Friday_agreement Catholic_views Northern_Ireland_survey devolution direct_rule population_support North_South_relations Northern_Ireland_unification Good_Friday_Agreement survey_results Catholic_population Protestant_population direct_rule devolution Northern_Ireland_life_and_times Moriarty_2011 NIO_1998
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con02a	Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . baseball violence home plate collisions sports safety contact sports beanballs sport rules baseball rules collision rules fanGraphs direct hits player safety football hockey MMA sport premises violence in sports sport ethics sport regulations sport safety measures baseball violence home plate collisions beanballs safety in baseball contact sports commentator views baseball rules sport violence baseball collisions violence in sports safety in baseball home plate collisions contact sports sports rules sport safety baseball player safety violent plays in sports sports commentators sports rules enforcement baseball rule changes player safety in baseball beanballs in baseball collisions baseball violence contact sports safety rules beanballs home plate collisions sports safety commentator opinions violence in sports baseball rules collisions baseball violence safety contact sport home plate collisions sports rules sport safety player safety beanballs commentator baseball rules violent sports hockey football MMA sports ethics sports commentary baseball collisions violence in sports safety in baseball contact sports baseball rules home plate collisions sports safety player safety in baseball collisions in baseball violence promotion in sports baseball violence collisions baseball violence sports safety contact sports commentator pitches home plate careers beanballs rules FanGraphs violence in sports sport safety player safety sport rules baseball rules collisions baseball violence sports safety commentator football hockey MMA beanballs pitching player safety career endangerment FanGraphs different sports game rules baseball history collisions baseball violence safety contact sports home plate beanballs player safety sports rules commentator opinion football hockey MMA sports premises baseball violence home plate collisions safety in sports contact sports sports rules commentator views sports safety beanballs player protection sports ethics
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro03a	A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. graduate tax higher education funding student loans social equity educational opportunities post-graduate contributions university finance fair education system higher earning potential unemployment rates job security student financial aid education costs societal burden merit-based funding income-based taxation education benefits debt-free education fiscal responsibility educational inequality graduate tax higher education funding student debt social equity tuition costs post-graduation contributions educational opportunity income disparity university finance merit-based funding education privilege career outcomes economic benefits of education taxation policy student financial aid higher education access lifelong learning educational investment social mobility graduate tax higher education funding student debt social equity educational cost recovery university access economic benefits of education tuition fees student financial support public vs private funding meritocracy in education lifelong learning educational opportunity social mobility higher education financing student contribution scheme graduate tax higher education funding equity in education student debt social mobility tuition costs post-graduation contributions fairer education system university finance economic benefits of higher education education funding reform graduate contribution scheme graduate tax higher education funding equity in education student debt social mobility university access education cost sharing postgraduate taxation economic benefits of education fair education system university financing graduate tax higher education funding equity in education student debt social mobility tuition costs postgraduate contributions fairer education system economic benefits of education university funding models lifelong earning potential social responsibility educational opportunities income disparity graduate contribution schemes university access criteria debt-free education education financing higher education financing tuition fees debate student finance reform graduate tax advantages education and employment student loan repayment education and society education funding fairness graduate tax higher education funding student debt social equity tuition fees postgraduate contribution educational financing economic disparity merit-based funding student financial support university access income redistribution education affordability educational benefits career outcomes higher education value student contribution plans fair education system education financing models student finance systems higher education economics graduate contribution schemes graduate tax higher education funding equitable access social equity student debt postgraduate contribution educational financing socioeconomic fairness university tuition fair funding model educational opportunity cost economic benefits of graduation university finance reform postgraduate taxation student financial burden merit-based funding graduate tax fair access higher education funding equitable education university finance student debt social mobility education cost postgraduate taxation education privilege university opportunities graduate tax higher education funding social equity student debt tuition fees postgraduate contributions educational opportunities economic benefits of graduation university financing merit-based funding education costs income-based taxation higher education policy student financial aid educational accessibility economic advantages of graduation social mobility through education
test-environment-assgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing drug development chemical research computer simulations tissue experimentation surgical skin ethics alternatives scientific advancements animal testing drug development chemical simulations tissue experiments surgical skin ethical considerations scientific advancements animal testing drug development chemical research computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical concerns alternatives to animal testing medical advancements animal testing alternatives chemical simulation drug development tissue experimentation surgical waste utilization ethical research scientific progress animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments ethical concerns alternative methods scientific advancement animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments surgical leftovers ethical concerns scientific advancements animal testing drug development chemical simulations tissue experiments surgical skin ethical alternatives animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical considerations scientific advancements alternative methods chemical testing surgical waste利用 optimize search results expand search terms animal testing alternatives drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation ethical research scientific advancement non-animal testing chemical simulation surgical waste利用 animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments ethical considerations alternatives to animal testing scientific advancements future of research
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro04a	Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. terrorism relative definition perspective justification broad narrow Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil war dictionary occupy settlements children occupation World War II gray areas legitimacy terrorism relative definition point of view justified Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictators civil wars narrow definition innocent civilians political end grey areas World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism definition relative terrorism broad definition terrorism narrow definition terrorism geneva conventions human rights states terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars occupied territories justified terrorism gray areasterrorism World War II american revolution relative terrorism definition of terrorism point of view atrocity innocent civilians justified terrorism Geneva Conventions human rights states terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters dictators civil wars narrow definition innocent civilians political end freedom fighters resistance groups civilians as targets soldiers as targets grey areas civilians in war civilians as agents American Revolution Terrorism definition relative Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars narrow definition innocent civilians legitimate grievance grey areas World War II independence movements terrorism relative definition of terrorism point of view justification of terrorism Geneva Conventions human rights states as terrorists resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars narrower definition of terrorism innocent civilians occupation World War II American Revolution grey areas in terrorism terrorism definition relativism Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars narrower definition innocent civilians justification grey areas World War II American Revolution Terrorism definitions Geneva Conventions innocent civilians political ends resistance groups civil wars freedom fighters occupation conscription settlers teachers doctors World War II American Revolution terrorism relative definition perspective atrocity Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictators civil wars broad definition narrow definition innocent civilians political ends conscientious objectors civilian settlers occupying forces armed civilians civil servants grey areas World War II American Revolution relative terrorism definition Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups civil wars narrow definition innocent civilians freedom fighters occupation World War II American Revolution civil servants armed forces justifiable acts
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con01a	This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, enforcement smoking bans public places police resources citizen enforcement smoking popularity enforcement difficulties smoking laws city regulations public health policies enforcement difficulties smoking bans police resources popularity of smoking enforcement challenges international smoking bans public health policies law enforcement priorities enforcement failures cost of enforcement public place smoking enforcement smoking bans popularity public places police officers cameras violation compliance law enforcement city policies smoking regulations parks enforcement difficulties population behavior government response public health legal enforcement monitoring systems violations reported lawbreaking regulatory compliance smoking laws difficulty enforcing smoking ban popularity of smoking public places smoking ban enforcement challenges police officers smoking enforcement security cameras smoking enforcement Yakima smoking ban enforcement Atlantic City smoking ban Germany smoking ban enforcement NYPD smoking ban enforcement citizen enforcement of smoking ban enforcement smoking bans public places police officers surveillance violations enforcement difficulties city policies smoking popularity urban health public health regulations enforcement issues smoking bans popularity of smoking public places police resources security cameras enforcement challenges citizen enforcement international smoking bans police workload nyc smoking ban yakima smoking ban atlantic city smoking ban berlin smoking ban enforcement smoking bans public health law enforcement citizen enforcement surveillance smoking popularity city policies police resources public places health regulations enforcement challenges enforcement difficulties public smoking bans police resources smoking enforcement city regulations enforcement challenges popularity of smoking banning smoking policing public health smoking restrictions policing responsibilities enforcement failure public place smoking search optimization enforcement difficulties public smoking bans law enforcement resources smoking ban compliance city policies smoking in public places enforcement challenges municipal regulations citizen enforcement smoking ban violations police workload public health policies enforcement strategies smoking bans effectiveness urban management community policing smoking in parks beach smoking local government actions enforcement difficulties public places smoking bans enforcement resources police workload public compliance citizen enforcement smoking ban enforcement failure to enforce smoking bans government inefficiency law enforcement priorities
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con03a	We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? death inevitability suicide euthanasia endoflife dignity choice suffering preparation terminalillness rights ethics end-of-life-care euthanasia suicide life-prolonging-treatments death-with-dignity terminal-illness palliative-care assisted-suicide quality-of-death suffering reproductive-rights medical-ethics suicide euthanasia pain management end-of-life-care death rights personal autonomy terminal illness living will quality of death cultural perspectives on death suffering suicide rights end-of-life-options death with dignity euthanasia assisted suicide quality of death pain management dying with dignity advance directives end-of-life-care 自愿死亡 尊严死 suicide euthanasia death life inevitability pain preparation luck choice end of life pain management suicide ethics euthanasia death preparation dying with dignity human rights end stage care patient autonomy palliative care quality of death endurance mortality euthanasia suicide terminal illness suffering palliative care autonomy end-of-life physician-assisted-death death inevitability suicide choice euthanasia suffering preparation quality_of_death end_of_life dignity autonomy death inevitability suicide euthanasia end-of-life quality-of-death physician-assisted-suicide dignity choice terminal-care suffering preparation consent ethics suicide euthanasia end-of-life-care death-with-dignity terminal-illness voluntary-assisted-suicide pain-management human-rights end-stage-disease
test-science-eassgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal testing drug testing ethics of testing pharmaceutical testing medical research penicillin history drug development costs alternative testing methods animal rights public health impacts regulatory requirements clinical trials safety testing vaccine testing cancer research genetic modification toxicity testing regulatory compliance bioethics pharmaceutical industry public health policy drug approval process animal testing ethics drug testing methods alternative testing methods benefits of animal testing consequences of reducing animal testing history of drug testing role of animals in medical research economic impact of animal testing public health benefits of animal testing ethical considerations in medical research drug approval process safety of drugs animal rights in pharmaceutical industry penicillin development future of drug testing limitations of non-animal testing animal testing ethics drug safety alternative testing methods medical research benefits drug development costs public health impact animal rights scientific advancements clinical trials regulatory standards ethical pharmaceutical practices long-term efficacy historical drug success patient survival rates animal testing benefits drug safety testing alternative testing methods ethics of animal testing long-term effects testing medical research necessity pharmaceutical development process public health impact cost-effectiveness analysis scientific advancements animal welfare concerns drug approval regulations medical breakthroughs history ethical drug testing animal testing drug testing medical research drug development ethical considerations alternative testing methods public health pharmaceutical industry penicillin history mortality rates scientific advancement animal testing benefits ethical concerns animal testing drug safety testing animals alternatives to animal testing cost of drug development animal testing regulations public health impacts animal testing historical success animal testing drug testing methods animals animal testing drug testing medical research drug development penicillin drug costs drug safety ethical concerns alternative testing methods regulatory standards clinical trials animal testing drug testing medical research drug development penicillin drug costs drug approval ethical considerations alternative testing methods animal rights pharmaceutical industry public health regulatory standards scientific advancement animal testing ethics drug testing methods alternatives to animal testing penicillin history pharmaceutical costs medical research impact drug development process ethical drug testing benefits of animal testing consequences of reduced animal testing animal rights in research long-term drug safety public health vs animal welfare animal testing benefits ethical concerns animal testing drug testing alternatives animal rights in testing historical impact animal testing animal testing regulations costs of drug testing drug efficacy testing long-term effects testing penicillin development history consequences of reduced drug testing
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro04a	Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic &amp; monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic &amp; monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic &amp; monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic &amp; monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic &amp; monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit candidate country Copenhagen European Council economic reforms political reforms enlargement hypocrisy criteria application democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy competitive pressure obligations of membership political union economic union monetary union central and eastern european states suspicious neighbor accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country membership criteria Copenhagen European Council 1993 stability democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy competitive pressure European Commission enlargement accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen European Council 1993 democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy reforms promises EU enlargement potential conflicts hypocrisy political union economic union monetary union candidate countries central and eastern europe accession criteria Turkey EU enlargement Turkey EU membership Turkey EU candidacy Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen European Council 1993 membership criteria democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy competitive pressure European Union political reforms central and eastern european states enlargement hypocrisy Turkey EU promise suspicious neighbour economic reforms monetary union accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit candidacy Copenhagen European Council democracy human rights minorities economic reforms political reforms market economy criteria application hypocrisy potential friend potential enemy accession criteria Turkey EU enlargement Turkey EU membership Turkey EU accession Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country Copenhagen European Council 1993 stability of institutions democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy competitive pressure EU obligations political union economic union monetary union EU reforms central and eastern Europe hypocrisy Turkey EU promise accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit candidate country stability democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy competitive pressure political union economic union monetary union reforms Enlargement EU promise hypocrisy friendship negotiations central and eastern Europe accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country Copenhagen European Council 1993 stability democracy rule of law human rights market economy reforms EU enlargement Enlargement criteria hypocrisy potential alliance suspicious neighbor accession criteria Turkey EU Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country Copenhagen European Council 1993 democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy reforms enlargement promises hypocrisy EU membership central and eastern European states partnership accession criteria Turkey EU membership Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country Copenhagen European Council 1993 democracy rule of law human rights minorities functioning market economy reforms EU enlargement central and eastern european states European Commission
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro02a	Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, racially diverse south african rugby England rugby France rugby top level players grassroots rugby youth participation rugby quotas discrimination in sports rugby union diversity black players rugby development Rainbow Nation sporting inclusivity racial diversity south african rugby grassroots development youth participation top level players quotas talent pool black players rugby union Rainbow Nation commentators england france generation participation coaches referees rugby fraternity Blackwell James Sporting Mad 2013 raciotherapy rugby diversification grasstopsrugby youthengagement southafricanrugbydiversity quotasineffectiveness broadparticipation equalityinrugby blackrugbyplayers diversityinitiative RainbowNation broaden participation racial diversity south african rugby England rugby french rugby grassroots development talent pool quota system youth engagement rugby community race in sports discrimination in sports inequality in sports sport as social tool diversity in sports professional rugby black players rugby union development rugby quotas Rainbow Nation sporting inclusion racially diverse rugby talent pool England rugby players France rugby players grassroots rugby South African rugby quotas Rainbow Nation black players rugby proportionate representation commentary on rugby diversity youth rugby participation rugby coaching referees rugby general rugby involvement rugby quota benefits Diversity in sports black representation in sports sport inclusivity South African sports policy relevance ranking expansion phrases search optimization South African rugby racial diversity talent pool grassroots development quotas future generations youth participation sports inclusivity coaching opportunities referee involvement rugby community James Blackwell Sporting Mad South African rugby racial diversity broadening participation top-level players grassroots development quotas talent pool youth engagement rugby union Rainbow Nation Sporting Mad James Blackwell Broadening participation racial diversity South African rugby top level players grassroots development quotas youth engagement rugby union Rainbow Nation England France Blackwell James Sporting Mad Broadening participation racial diversity south african rugby top level players grassroots development targets quotas youth engagement rugby union sport acceptance Rainbow Nation England France James Blackwell Sporting Mad broadening participation racial diversity south african rugby top level players grassroots development targets quotas youth engagement rugby union sport acceptance rugby fraternity ethnic representation England rugby France rugby James Blackwell Sporting Mad
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro03a	Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 vegetarianism health benefits high fibre dairy products cholesterol risk of cancer red meat heart disease meat consumption chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer chestnut protein iron source Vegan diet vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet fibre vitamins minerals cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein iron study research chronic degenerative diseases vegetarianism health benefits diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein iron studies chronic diseases vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol meat cancer risk red meat heart disease vegetarian protein sources iron in vegetables vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat dietary cholesterol cancer risk heart disease red meat consumption obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron content vegetarianism health benefits dietary fiber vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol cancer risk heart disease vegan diet red meat chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron vegetarian proteins plant-based diet vegetarianism health benefits vegetarian diet vegan diet cancer risk heart disease fibre vitamins minerals cholesterol red meat obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein iron studies time magazine vegetarianism healthier benefits fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat death obesity hypertension diabetes protein iron vegetarian sources chronic diseases vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol cancer risk heart disease red meat death risk obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron chronic diseases vegetarian diet health benefits cancer risk heart disease cholesterol vegan diet red meat chronic diseases protein sources iron dietary fiber vitamins minerals